Chapter 4.2 · Report

Immigration

In the American National Election Studies, the share wanting fewer immigrants was 3.3 points higher among Republicans than Democrats in 1992 and 28.3 points higher in 2024.

Author: Vishal Singh
Affiliation: NYU Stern
Published: 3 October 2026

Every estimate of the chapter with its interval and every figure as a table, generated from the chapter's data files. Table n of this report is figure n of the chapter. The same report as Markdown: report.md.

Identification

Title

Immigration

Chapter

4.2 (Part IV, Issues move on different schedules; Coalitions and political differences)

Question

How have immigration attitudes moved, and how sharply do they divide the parties?

Dek

In the American National Election Studies, the share wanting fewer immigrants was 3.3 points higher among Republicans than Democrats in 1992 and 28.3 points higher in 2024.

Grain

individuals

Status

draft

Published

3 October 2026

Updated

not revised

Data sources

ANES Cumulative Data File. Cumulative Data File 1948-2024, immigration level item (VCF0879, VCF0879a) in 11 studies from 1992 to 2024 and thermometers (VCF0233, VCF0217); mode weights for 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024; years: 1948-2024 (33 study years; even years only after 2004; no 2006, 2010 or 2014 study); weights: weight (VCF0009z); weight_ftf and weight_web for the mode split
ANES 2024 Time Series. 2024 Time Series, ten immigration items (V241386, V241387, V241390, V241393, V242227 to V242229, V242232, V242235, V242236); years: 2024 (pre-election and post-election interviews); weights: V240107b (post-election); V240101b and V240102b for the mode views
General Social Survey. Raw file 1994-2024: letin1a (2004-2024), the earlier forms letin and letin1, and the immigration module items immjobs, immcrime and immameco; interview mode from the raw file; years: 1972-2024 (35 study years); weights: weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)
Cooperative Election Study. Cumulative CES, nine immigration policy items 2007-2021; years: 2006-2024 (every year; self-reported turnout is available in the 10 even years); weights: weight (single-wave weight)
Nationscape. Weekly waves July 2019 to February 2021, four immigration policy items; years: 2019-07-18 to 2021-04-15 (85 weekly waves); weights: weight

Canonical URL

https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration

Markdown

https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration/report.md

BibTeX

@misc{singh2026immigration,
  author = {Singh, Vishal},
  title = {Immigration},
  year = {2026},
  url = {https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration},
  note = {In The Public Mind. Published 3 October 2026.}
}

Principal estimates

The facts the dek and the opening prose cite, in order of appearance. Every fact is in the table of all estimates below.

Estimand	Population	Period	Value	Interval	n	Weights	Source	Fact id
weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992	3.3	95% CI −1.2 to 7.9	1,898	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File	a_gap_1992
weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	28.3	95% CI 24.3 to 32.4	4,560	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File	a_gap_2024
weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	57.6%	95% CI 54.6% to 60.6%	2,170	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File	a_dec_r_2024
weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	29.2%	95% CI 26.6% to 31.9%	2,390	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File	a_dec_d_2024
weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992	50.1%	95% CI 46.7% to 53.5%	818	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File	a_dec_r_1992
weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992	46.8%	95% CI 43.8% to 49.8%	1,080	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File	a_dec_d_1992
weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2004	10.3	95% CI 1.8 to 18.8	735	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey	g_gap_2004
weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2024	47.5	95% CI 42.5 to 52.5	2,301	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey	g_gap_2024
count of respondents with a usable answer (increased, same or decreased)	ANES respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants	1992-2024	32,751			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File	n_anes_item
count of study years with the item	ANES studies that asked the question	1992-2024	11			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File	n_anes_waves
count of respondents with a usable answer to letin1a	GSS respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants nowadays	2004-2024	21,070			none (count)	General Social Survey	n_gss_item
count of survey years with the item	GSS survey years that asked letin1a	2004-2024	11			none (count)	General Social Survey	n_gss_waves
count of item-years with a Republican minus Democratic gap	CES immigration policy items	2007-2021	57			none (count)	Cooperative Election Study	n_ces_itemyears

Findings

In the American National Election Studies (ANES), 57.6% of Republicans and 29.2% of Democrats said in 2024 that the number of immigrants allowed to come to the United States should be decreased, a gap of 28.3 (95% CI 24.3 to 32.4) points. In 1992 the two shares were 50.1% and 46.8%, a gap of 3.3 (95% CI −1.2 to 7.9) points that is too small to distinguish from zero. The General Social Survey (GSS) words its question differently and shows the same widening, from 10.3 (95% CI 1.8 to 18.8) points in 2004 to 47.5 (95% CI 42.5 to 52.5) in 2024.

Each question is scored for its restrictive answer: wanting fewer immigrants, favoring a restrictive policy or saying that immigrants have a bad effect. A gap is the Republican share minus the Democratic share of that answer, in points, so a positive gap means that Republicans were more likely to give it. Party includes leaners, and independents are the respondents who lean toward neither party. Nationscape asks only the three-category party question, so its Democrats and Republicans exclude leaners and its independents include them. Every interval is a 95% confidence interval. Democratic, independent and Republican shares are reported separately, because a gap can widen when either party moves.Shares use the survey weights and cover respondents who answered the item: 32,751 in 11 ANES studies from 1992 to 2024 and 21,070 in 11 GSS surveys from 2004 to 2024 for the questions on the number of immigrants. Answers of don't know are left out. Intervals use the Kish effective sample size [1] and treat the weighted sample as if respondents had been drawn one by one, which ignores the stages of the sample design. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, so their intervals rest on a model and say nothing about who chose to join.

Each survey asks in its own words (Table 1), so a level in one survey is not comparable with a level in another and no line in this chapter joins two surveys. The Cooperative Election Study (CES), Nationscape and the 2024 ANES ask about specific policies, and on each of them Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats in every year it was asked, including all 57 item-years of the CES. Hainmueller and Hopkins review research on attitudes toward immigration and report that they are only weakly related to a person's own economic circumstances and are shaped more by concern about cultural effects on the nation than by concern about economic effects [2]. Abrajano and Hajnal argue that fears about immigration moved white Americans from the Democratic to the Republican Party [3]. This chapter describes the party divide in the answers themselves and does not test either account.

Table 1. Each survey asks about immigration in its own words and on its own scale

The ANES gap opened between 2008 and 2016

Table 2 plots the gap in each survey year. In the ANES the interval includes zero in 6 of the 7 studies from 1992 to 2008. The exception is 2000, at 8.0 (95% CI 2.4 to 13.6) points. The gap was 15.1 (95% CI 11.2 to 18.9) points in 2012, and every ANES interval from that year on lies above zero. It reached 34.3 (95% CI 30.4 to 38.3) points in 2016 and was 30.6 (95% CI 27.7 to 33.4) in 2020 and 28.3 (95% CI 24.3 to 32.4) in 2024. The change from 2020 to 2024 is −2.2 (95% CI −7.2 to 2.7) points, an interval that includes zero and excludes a change as large as the rise of 19.3 (95% CI 13.8 to 24.8) points from 2012 to 2016.

These estimates use the cumulative file weight. With the post-election weight, which the file has for 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2016, 2020 and 2024 but not for the other studies with this question, the 2020 gap is 29.3 (95% CI 26.4 to 32.3) and the 2024 gap is 28.9 (95% CI 25.0 to 32.9), and the change between them is −0.4 (95% CI −5.4 to 4.6) points. The all-respondent gaps also combine interview modes. Among in-person respondents the gap was 5.6 (95% CI −0.3 to 11.5) points in 2008, 31.2 (95% CI 23.8 to 38.6) in 2016 and 20.3 (95% CI 11.5 to 29.1) in 2024, so the opening and the high 2024 level appear in person too, and the mode section compares them.

The date of the opening depends on the test, as Chapter 4.7, Sort dates by attitude shows for other attitudes. That chapter calls a party gap large when it passes 0.25 standard deviations (SD) of the answers and dates the passage by the first study from which the gap stays above the mark. Applied to the five-category version of this question, which runs from increased a lot to decreased a lot, the point estimate passes the mark in 2012 and the lower end of the interval passes it in 2016. The lower end in 2012 is 0.248 SD, just under the mark, and it is 0.2500 SD when the answers are standardized among party identifiers only, so the lower-bound date turns on how the answers are standardized. The 2012 gap is 0.237 (95% CI 0.102 to 0.372) SD among in-person respondents, under the mark, and 0.372 (95% CI 0.280 to 0.464) among web respondents, so the 2012 point date rests on web respondents. The intervals ignore the stages of the sample design and may be wider. The ANES fields a study only in election years, so the data cannot place the opening more closely than the span from 2008 to 2016.

The GSS asked about the number of immigrants nowadays in 11 surveys from 2004 to 2024, with none in 2020. Its gap was 10.3 (95% CI 1.8 to 18.8) points in 2004 and 12.8 (95% CI 4.8 to 20.7) in 2012. It rose to 34.4 (95% CI 28.5 to 40.2) in 2016 and reached 41.6 (95% CI 35.9 to 47.2) in 2022 and 47.5 (95% CI 42.5 to 52.5) in 2024. The GSS interval lies above zero in every survey, and the ANES interval does not until 2012. Before 2004 the GSS asked earlier forms of the question in 1994, 1996 and 2000, drawn as open points. The gaps there were 6.5 (95% CI 0.3 to 12.6), 6.5 (95% CI −0.3 to 13.4) and 3.3 (95% CI −3.5 to 10.1) points, small again. The GSS asked both the form used in 1996 and the form used from 2004 in 2004, 2014 and 2024, and the two gaps differ by at most 7.2 points in those years. In 2004 the two forms went to different respondents, and the difference between their gaps is 1.3 (95% CI −10.1 to 12.7) points. In 2014 and 2024, 65% and 99% of the respondents who answered the earlier form also answered the later one.

Table 2. Republicans and Democrats grew apart on wanting fewer immigrants in both surveys

The Democratic share fell in every view, and the Republican path depends on the survey and the interview mode. Table 3 shows the shares behind the gaps in three views. The all-interview ANES line combines modes. Web respondents were none of the 2008 respondents with a party and 70% of the 2016 respondents, so a change in an all-respondent share partly reflects who was interviewed. The in-person view is the like-for-like series. Among in-person respondents the Democratic share fell from 42.3% in 2008 to 23.0% in 2016, a change of −19.3 (95% CI −25.2 to −13.4) points. Among the same in-person respondents the Republican share rose from 47.9% to 54.2%, a change of 6.3 (95% CI −1.0 to 13.7) points, an interval that includes zero. For all respondents the two changes are −13.9 (95% CI −18.4 to −9.5) and 14.8 (95% CI 9.3 to 20.3) points. From 1992 to 2024 the in-person Democratic share changed by −22.7 (95% CI −29.0 to −16.3) points and the in-person Republican share by −5.7 (95% CI −13.3 to 2.0), an interval that includes zero, against −17.6 (95% CI −21.6 to −13.6) and 7.5 (95% CI 2.9 to 12.1) for all respondents.

The 2020 study has no mode split. Both party shares were lower in 2020 than in any other study, at 14.0% and 44.6%, and both rose from 2020 to 2024, by 15.2 (95% CI 12.1 to 18.3) and 13.0 (95% CI 9.2 to 16.8) points. Wanting more immigrants moved on the Democratic side as well. The share of Democrats who said the number should be increased was 10.2% in 1992, 46.5% in 2020 and 24.4% in 2024, against 11.3% of Republicans in 2020. Among all respondents the share wanting fewer immigrants was 48.7% in 1992, 28.4% in 2020 and 42.9% in 2024.

The GSS shows the Democratic fall in one mode for most of its series. The Democratic share was 51.2% in 2008 and 26.9% in 2016, a change of −24.3 (95% CI −30.2 to −18.3) points, and it changed by a further −9.1 (95% CI −13.9 to −4.3) points to 2022. The Republican share changed by 2.4 (95% CI −4.7 to 9.6) points from 2008 to 2016, an interval that includes zero and allows a rise of up to 9.6 points. It changed by −1.9 (95% CI −8.5 to 4.6) points from 2016 to 2022, with a change of −8.9 (95% CI −16.3 to −1.6) points from 2016 to 2018. From 2022 to 2024 both shares rose, the Republican share by 17.0 (95% CI 11.2 to 22.9) points to 76.4% and the Democratic share by 11.1 (95% CI 6.4 to 15.9) points to 28.9%. In the GSS, then, the gap opened on the Democratic side through 2022, and the 2024 rise came from both parties.

The two surveys agree on the Democratic fall and, within mode, on the lack of a reliable Republican change from 2008 to 2016. The ANES all-respondent change in the Republican share differs from the GSS change by 12.4 (95% CI 3.3 to 21.4) points, and the in-person ANES change differs from it by 3.9 (95% CI −6.4 to 14.2) points, an interval that includes zero. They disagree after 2016. The in-person ANES Republican share changed by −9.8 (95% CI −18.6 to −0.9) points to 2024 and the GSS Republican share by 15.1 (95% CI 9.4 to 20.8) points. The Republican level in 2024 is 57.6% among all ANES respondents and 44.4% in person, against 76.4% in the GSS and 78.0% in person. The questions differ, so the comparison across surveys is one of direction and timing.

Independent estimates sit between the party estimates in all 3 ANES studies from 2016 to 2024 and in 9 of the 10 GSS surveys that have a reliable independent estimate. Before 2016 the ANES independent estimate is above both party estimates in 5 of the 7 studies with an independent estimate, as in 2008, when it was 50.1% against 47.9% for Republicans and 42.3% for Democrats. No independent minus Republican interval in those studies excludes zero; in 2008 the difference is 2.2 (95% CI −7.2 to 11.6) points.

Table 3. The Democratic share wanting fewer immigrants fell in every view, and the Republican path differs by survey and interview mode

The opening holds within each interview mode

The ANES interviewed mainly in person through 2008, then added a web sample next to the in-person sample in 2012, 2016 and 2024, with separate weights for each. The 2020 study had no in-person interviews and no weights by mode [4]. The GSS interviewed mainly in person through 2018, mostly on the web in 2021 (88% of respondents who answered the question, counted without weights) and in both modes in 2022 and 2024. Interview mode can change answers, and Table 4 compares the modes.

The ANES gap rose between 2012 and 2016 by 21.4 (95% CI 11.4 to 31.4) points among in-person respondents and by 18.0 (95% CI 11.4 to 24.6) among web respondents, so the opening does not depend on mode. The web gap is larger than the in-person gap in every year by the estimates, by 8.2 (95% CI 0.0 to 16.4), 4.8 (95% CI −3.9 to 13.5) and 14.2 (95% CI 3.4 to 25.0) points in 2012, 2016 and 2024. The 2016 interval includes zero and allows a difference of up to 13.5 points, and the 2012 interval begins at zero. The 2024 all-respondent gap of 28.3 points lies between the in-person gap of 20.3 and the web gap of 34.5. The difference comes from Republicans, of whom 44.4% wanted fewer immigrants when interviewed in person and 63.8% when interviewed on the web, a difference of 19.3 (95% CI 11.1 to 27.5) points.

The GSS Republican rise to 2024 does not depend on mode. Among in-person respondents the Republican share rose from 54.8% in 2022 to 78.0% in 2024, by 23.3 (95% CI 14.2 to 32.3) points, and among web respondents it rose by 10.2 (95% CI 2.3 to 18.1) points. In 2024 the Republican shares in the two modes differ by −0.4 (95% CI −7.7 to 6.9) points, an interval that excludes a difference as large as the ANES difference. The GSS web gap is higher than the in-person gap by the estimates in both years, by 13.5 (95% CI 2.0 to 25.0) points in 2022 and 7.6 (95% CI −3.2 to 18.4) in 2024, an interval that includes zero.

The 2020 ANES cannot be split by mode, and the earlier mode differences do not account for its fall. Both party shares fell from 2016 to 2020, by −14.3 (95% CI −17.4 to −11.2) points among Democrats and −18.1 (95% CI −21.8 to −14.3) among Republicans, and the gap changed by −3.8 (95% CI −8.6 to 1.1) points, an interval that includes zero and reaches −8.6 points. In the other years web respondents gave the restrictive answer more often than in-person respondents, by 9.3, 12.1 and 19.3 points among Republicans and by 1.1, 7.3 and 5.1 among Democrats. The 2020 study had no in-person interviews, so a mode effect of that sign predicts a rise, and the shares fell. The 2020 modes (web, video and telephone) differ from the modes of the other years, so the data cannot say what a 2020 mode effect would be, and the chapter reports the 2020 fall without interpreting it.

Table 4. The ANES gap opened within each interview mode, and ANES web respondents were more restrictive than in-person respondents

Warmth toward illegal immigrants split by party more than warmth toward Hispanics

The ANES asks respondents to rate groups on a feeling thermometer that runs from cold to warm. The rating of illegal immigrants is in 9 studies from 1988, before the question on the number of immigrants begins. Democrats rated the group 39.7 in 1988 and 56.8 in 2024, a change of 17.1 (95% CI 14.8 to 19.3) points. Republicans rated it 32.0 and 26.9, a change of −5.2 (95% CI −7.4 to −2.9) points. Among in-person respondents the change is −3.6 (95% CI −7.2 to 0.0) points, an interval that includes zero, and the Republican series is not steady, at 35.0 in 2004 and 33.7 in 2020. The warmth gap, Democrats minus Republicans, was 7.7 (95% CI 5.3 to 10.1) points in 1988 and 29.9 (95% CI 27.8 to 32.0) in 2024, a widening of 22.2 (95% CI 19.0 to 25.4) points. Warmth runs opposite to a restrictive answer, so this series is signed the other way, and a positive value means that Democrats were warmer.

Ratings of Hispanics changed less (Table 5). The warmth gap was 5.4 (95% CI 3.3 to 7.5) points in 1988 and 7.3 (95% CI 5.4 to 9.2) in 2024, above zero in both years, a widening of 1.9 (95% CI −0.9 to 4.7) points. Both parties rated Hispanics warmer in 2024 than in 1988, Democrats by 14.2 (95% CI 12.2 to 16.1) points and Republicans by 12.2 (95% CI 10.2 to 14.2). The item for illegal immigrants is labelled illegal aliens in the cumulative file and illegal immigrants in the 2020 and 2024 studies, so a change of label could have moved ratings between studies.

Table 5. The party gap in warmth toward illegal immigrants widened more than the gap toward Hispanics

The GSS items show the gap opening after 2004

The GSS asked 4 immigration questions in 1996, 2004, 2014 and 2024: whether the number of immigrants should be reduced, and whether immigrants take jobs away from people born in America, increase crime rates and are good for America's economy. The jobs and crime questions were repeated in 2022. Table 6 shows the shares by party. In 1996 the gap on every item was within sampling error of zero. In 2004 the intervals for jobs and the economy still include zero, while those for reducing the number (11.6 (95% CI 4.0 to 19.3) points) and for crime (6.5 (95% CI 0.1 to 12.9)) lie above it. By 2014 every interval was above zero, and in 2024 the gaps were 48.8 (95% CI 41.5 to 56.1) points on reducing the number, 35.1 (95% CI 29.3 to 40.8) on jobs, 43.0 (95% CI 37.2 to 48.9) on crime and 22.3 (95% CI 16.2 to 28.4) on the economy.

The parties moved differently on different items. On jobs the Democratic share agreeing fell from 49.3% in 1996 to 11.5% in 2024 while the Republican share was 46.1% and 46.5%. On crime the Democratic share fell from 37.4% to 11.8% and the Republican share rose from 32.6% to 54.9%.

Table 6. Democratic and Republican answers were close on four GSS items in 1996 and far apart in 2024

Republicans were more restrictive on every CES item in every year

The CES asked 9 immigration policy questions between 2007 and 2021, and no question was asked in every year (Table 7). The gap has the same sign in all 57 item-years, with the Republican share of the restrictive answer higher and an interval above zero. The independent estimate lies between the party estimates in all of them. The independent share is above the Democratic share with an interval above zero in 56 item-years and the Republican share is above the independent share with an interval above zero in 57.

The CES changed format in 2018. Through 2017 the items were part of a check-all-that-apply list, in which a respondent who skips an item cannot be told from one who opposes it, and from 2018 the guide to the cumulative policy file words them as support or oppose for each item [5]. The figure breaks between 2017 and 2019, and this section compares levels and gaps only within a format. The wording of several items also changes by year, as the wording table shows. Within the check-all format the gap on more border patrols rose from 28.9 (95% CI 26.1 to 31.8) points in 2007 to 46.2 (95% CI 44.1 to 48.3) in 2017. The gap on legal status for long-term residents (counting opposition) rose from 27.2 (95% CI 24.4 to 29.9) to 44.0 (95% CI 41.9 to 46.2) over the same years. Under the later format the border patrol gap was 45.5 (95% CI 43.8 to 47.1) points in 2019 and 45.2 (95% CI 43.8 to 46.6) in 2021, and the legal status gap was 43.4 (95% CI 41.6 to 45.2) and 48.0 (95% CI 46.5 to 49.6).

The Democratic share moved more than the Republican share on the border patrol item in the check-all years. Democrats supporting more border patrols fell from 39.8% in 2007 to 26.1% in 2017, a change of −13.7 (95% CI −16.1 to −11.3) points, while the Republican share changed by 3.5 (95% CI 0.9 to 6.1) points. In every year it was asked the wall question has the largest gap of the items asked that year, at 70.7 (95% CI 69.8 to 71.6) points in 2018 and 69.5 (95% CI 68.6 to 70.4) in 2020, which share a wording and a format. The 2017 and 2021 questions are worded differently, as the wording table shows, and are not compared with those years. In 2021 15.4% of Democrats and 85.6% of Republicans were in favor.

Table 7. Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats on every CES item in every year, with independents between them

Nationscape shows large gaps that narrowed in 2020

Nationscape interviewed adults every week from July 2019 [6] and asked four of the immigration policy questions in 77 weeks through December 2020. It asks respondents whether they agree or disagree with each policy. Pooled over those weeks, the share agreeing with building a wall on the southern border was 15.8% among Democrats, 38.3% among independents and 81.2% among Republicans, a gap of 65.4 (95% CI 64.9 to 65.8) points. The gap on deporting all undocumented immigrants was 47.3 (95% CI 46.8 to 47.9) points, on disagreeing with a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants 37.1 (95% CI 36.6 to 37.7) and on disagreeing with a path for those brought here as children 22.0 (95% CI 21.5 to 22.5). The last item has the smallest gap, with 9.4% of Democrats and 31.4% of Republicans disagreeing.

The weekly wall gap stayed between 57.4 and 74.3 points in every week (Table 8). It changed by −6.5 (95% CI −7.6 to −5.3) points between late 2019 and late 2020, and the gap on deportation by −6.1 (95% CI −7.5 to −4.7). Over the same periods the Democratic share agreeing with the wall item rose from 14.2% to 17.3% and the Republican share fell from 82.8% to 79.4%. Four weeks of January and February 2021 are drawn as open points and left out of every pooled estimate. In the week of 18 January 2021 the Democratic share agreeing with the wall item was 39.3% against 17.3% in late 2020, and the Republican share disagreeing with a path to citizenship for all was 44.2% against 52.5%. The file does not say why. Because Nationscape's Democrats and Republicans exclude leaners, its gaps are not comparable with the CES gaps.

Table 8. Nationscape respondents divided by party on every immigration item in every week of 2019 and 2020

The size of the 2024 ANES gap depends on the item

The 2024 ANES time series asked 10 immigration questions, and Table 9 compares them. Every item has a positive gap in all three views (all respondents, in-person and web). The gap runs from 19.7 (95% CI 16.8 to 22.7) points on whether children brought illegally should be sent back to 60.9 (95% CI 57.6 to 64.3) on the border wall. Among all respondents the largest gaps are on the wall, on whether illegal immigration increases crime (54.2 (95% CI 50.8 to 57.6)) and on whether immigration is likely to take jobs (39.9 (95% CI 36.3 to 43.6)). The smallest are on children brought illegally, on opposing a path to citizenship (23.1 (95% CI 19.8 to 26.3)) and on saying immigrants are bad for the economy (24.6 (95% CI 21.5 to 27.8)), although the interval for ending birthright citizenship (25.9 (95% CI 22.3 to 29.6)) overlaps those of the last two. A gap in points is limited by how many people give the answer, and 4.9% of Democrats and 24.6% of Republicans said children brought illegally should be sent back.

The question on the number of immigrants, the one asked since 1992, gives a gap of 28.9 (95% CI 25.0 to 32.9) points among all respondents when weighted with the post-election weight, 19.4 (95% CI 10.4 to 28.4) in person and 33.9 (95% CI 27.7 to 40.2) on the web. On the other items the largest difference between the in-person and web gaps is 11.0 (95% CI 4.1 to 17.8) points. The items asked before the election are weighted here with the post-election weight, and with the pre-election weight their gaps differ from these by at most 0.3 points. Independent estimates sit between the party estimates on every item.

Table 9. Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats on every 2024 ANES immigration item, most on the border wall

What these data cannot show

Each survey interviews a new sample, so a change in a party's share can come from people changing their view, changing their party or being replaced by new adults, and these data cannot separate them. Party identification is itself an answer, and people may change it because of their views on immigration or change their views because of their party. Abrajano and Hajnal [3] argue for the first order, and these data can neither support nor reject it. The party lines also combine people of every origin, so changes in who belongs to each party are not separated from changes in what they say. Chapter 3.3, Hispanic, Black and Asian voters (planned) is planned to follow group differences in the vote.

Levels cannot be compared across surveys. The ANES and the GSS differ by 18.8 (95% CI 14.2 to 23.4) points in the Republican share wanting fewer immigrants in 2024, and by 33.6 (95% CI 24.7 to 42.4) points among in-person respondents in each, and the chapter does not say which is closer to the truth. The ANES question has five answers that the chapter collapses to decreased against the rest, the GSS question has five answers collapsed the same way, and the CES, Nationscape and 2024 ANES policy items measure different things on different scales. The mode checks are limited to the years that have mode weights or a mode variable. The 2020 ANES levels and the 2021 GSS, which was mostly web, cannot be split, and the cumulative file has no post-election mode weights, so the in-person and web ANES estimates use the full-sample mode weights. The CES changes format and wording across years, so changes that cross 2018 are not read, and the Nationscape file has no leaner question for most weeks.

The chapter has no measure of behavior, of elite positions or of the size of the foreign-born population. It does not ask whether the American gap is unusual. The European Social Survey has immigration questions in many countries but no party vote in the file used for this book, and a comparison on left-right placement would need an American question that matches theirs. Planned, Immigration and local context (planned) is planned to take up the local foreign-born share. No result here shows that immigration attitudes changed party loyalty or that party loyalty changed attitudes.

Tables

Table 1. Each survey asks about immigration in its own words and on its own scale

Question wording or file label, answers offered, years used and the restrictive answer counted, by survey and item

Survey	Item	Question wording or file label	Answers	Years used	Restrictive answer counted
ANES cumulative file	Number of immigrants (VCF0879, VCF0879a)	Do you think the number of immigrants from foreign countries who are permitted to come to the United States to live should be increased a lot, increased a little, left the same as it is now, decreased a little, or decreased a lot?	Five answers; the 2000 study is coded to three (increased, same, decreased)	1992, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020, 2024	Decreased, a little or a lot
ANES cumulative file	Feeling thermometer, illegal immigrants (therm_illegal_aliens, from VCF0233)	Rating of illegal aliens (cumulative file label) or illegal immigrants (2020 and 2024 studies); the cleaned file recodes the cumulative code 97, which stands for 97 to 100 degrees, to 100	0 (cold) to 100 (warm)	1988, 1992, 1994, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020, 2024	Mean rating
ANES cumulative file	Feeling thermometer, Hispanics (therm_hispanics, from VCF0217)	Rating of Hispanics (file label: Chicanos or Hispanics); the cleaned file recodes the code 97 to 100 as above	0 (cold) to 100 (warm)	1988, 1992, 1994, 1996, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020, 2024	Mean rating
GSS	Number of immigrants, form used from 2004 (letin1a)	Number of immigrants nowadays should be: increased a lot, increased a little, remain the same as it is, reduced a little, reduced a lot (file label and answers; the stem is not checked)	Five answers	2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024	Reduced, a little or a lot
GSS	Number of immigrants, earlier forms (letin, letin1)	letin: increase or decrease immigrants to the US (left the same as it is now); letin1: Do you think the number of immigrants to America nowadays should be increased a lot, increased a little, remain the same as it is, reduced a little, or reduced a lot? (the ARDA documentation of the GSS item)	Five answers	letin 1994 and 2000; letin1 1996, 2004, 2014, 2024	Decreased or reduced, a little or a lot
GSS	Immigrants take jobs away (immjobs, file label)	Immigrants take jobs away from people born in America (file label: immigrants take jobs away)	Agree strongly, agree, neither agree nor disagree, disagree, disagree strongly	1996, 2004, 2014, 2022, 2024	Agree or agree strongly
GSS	Immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime, file label)	Immigrants increase crime rates (file label)	Agree strongly, agree, neither agree nor disagree, disagree, disagree strongly	1996, 2004, 2014, 2022, 2024	Agree or agree strongly
GSS	Immigrants good for America (immameco, file label)	Immigrants are good for America's economy (file label: immigrants good for america)	Agree strongly, agree, neither agree nor disagree, disagree, disagree strongly	1996, 2004, 2014, 2024	Disagree or disagree strongly
CES	Stem, 2007 to 2017	What do you think the U.S. government should do about immigration? Select all that apply. (The 2007 stem names Congress and the President; the 2014 stem says the government.)	Check each item that applies	2007 to 2017	Item checked (support) or not checked (oppose)
CES	Stem, 2018	What do you think the U.S. government should do about immigration? Do you support or oppose each of the following? (The guide lists no stem for 2019 to 2021.)	Support or oppose each item	2018 to 2021	Support or oppose each item
CES	More border patrols (immig_border)	Increase the number of border patrols on the U.S.-Mexican border (2011: increase border presence; 2014: increase Border Patrols along the US-Mexico border)	Support, oppose	2007, 2010 to 2017, 2019 to 2021	Support
CES	Legal status for long-term residents (immig_legalize)	Grant legal status to all illegal immigrants who have held jobs and paid taxes for at least 3 years, and not been convicted of any felony crimes (2011: amnesty for long term residents)	Support, oppose	2007, 2010 to 2017, 2019 to 2021	Oppose
CES	Fines for employers (immig_employer)	Fine U.S. businesses that hire illegal immigrants (2010: fine businesses)	Support, oppose	2007, 2010, 2012 to 2017	Support
CES	Police questioning (immig_police)	Allow police to question anyone they think may be in the country illegally (2011: police question those reasonably suspected of being illegal)	Support, oppose	2010 to 2015, 2017	Support
CES	Identify and deport (immig_deport)	Identify and deport illegal immigrants	Support, oppose	2014 to 2017	Support
CES	Bar services (immig_services)	Prohibit illegal immigrants from using emergency hospital care and public schools	Support, oppose	2012, 2013	Support
CES	Reduce legal immigration (immig_reduce)	2018: reduce legal immigration by eliminating the visa lottery and ending family-based migration; 2019: reduce legal immigration by 50 percent; 2020: reduce legal immigration by 50 percent over the next 10 years by eliminating the visa lottery and ending family-based migration	Support, oppose	2018 to 2020	Support
CES	Police must report (immig_report)	2017: require local police departments to report to the federal government anyone they identify as an illegal immigrant; 2018 to 2021: withhold federal funds from any local police department that does not report to the federal government anyone they identify as an illegal immigrant	Support, oppose	2017 to 2021	Support
CES	Border wall (immig_wall)	2017 and 2021: build a wall between the U.S. and Mexico; 2018 and 2020: increase spending on border security by 25 billion dollars, including building a wall between the U.S. and Mexico	Support, oppose	2017, 2018, 2020, 2021	Support
Nationscape	Stem	We'd like to know whether you agree or disagree with each of the following policies:	Agree, disagree, not sure	July 2019 to February 2021	Agree, or disagree for the path to citizenship items
Nationscape	Border wall (wall)	Build a wall on the southern US border	Agree, disagree, not sure	Every week, July 2019 to December 2020	Agree
Nationscape	Deportation (deportation)	Deport all undocumented immigrants	Agree, disagree, not sure	Every week, July 2019 to December 2020	Agree
Nationscape	Path to citizenship for all (path_to_citizenship)	Create a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants	Agree, disagree, not sure	Every week, July 2019 to December 2020	Disagree
Nationscape	Path for those brought as children (dreamers)	Create a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants brought here as children	Agree, disagree, not sure	Every week, July 2019 to December 2020	Disagree
ANES 2024	Border wall (V241393)	Favor or oppose building a wall on border with Mexico (file label)	Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose	2024	Favor
ANES 2024	Birthright citizenship (V241387)	Favor or oppose ending birthright citizenship (file label)	Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose	2024	Favor ending it
ANES 2024	Children brought illegally (V241390)	Should children brought illegally be sent back or allowed to stay (file label)	Should be sent back; should be allowed to live and work in the US	2024	Should be sent back
ANES 2024	Policy toward unauthorized immigrants (V241386)	US government policy toward unauthorized immigrants (file label)	Make felons and send them back; guest worker program; remain and qualify for citizenship if requirements are met; remain and qualify for citizenship without penalties	2024	Make felons and send them back
ANES 2024	Path to citizenship (V242232)	Favor or oppose providing path to citizenship (file label)	Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose	2024	Oppose
ANES 2024	Immigration levels (V242227)	What should immigration levels be (file label)	Increased a lot, increased a little, left the same as it is now, decreased a little, decreased a lot	2024	Decreased, a little or a lot
ANES 2024	Illegal immigration and crime (V242229)	Effect of illegal immigration on crime rate (file label)	Increase, decrease, have no effect	2024	Increase
ANES 2024	Immigration and jobs (V242228)	How likely immigration will take away jobs (file label)	Extremely likely, very likely, somewhat likely, not at all likely	2024	Extremely or very likely
ANES 2024	Immigrants and the economy (V242235)	Are immigrants generally good or bad for America's economy (file label)	Seven answers from extremely good to extremely bad	2024	Slightly, moderately or extremely bad
ANES 2024	Adapting to customs (V242236)	How important is it for immigrants to adapt to customs and traditions of the US (file label)	Five answers from not at all important to extremely important	2024	Very or extremely important

Note: The ANES wording is as documented for the 2000, 2004 and 2008 studies; small wording differences in other studies are noted in the ANES cumulative file documentation and are not tested here.

Note: CES wording is quoted from the guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences file; the file's own item labels are shorter. Nationscape wording is from the week 1 codebook. ANES 2024 rows give the file label because the full question text was not checked.

Note: Each item's restrictive answer is the one counted in every figure. The CES wording changes by year for the border patrol, legal status, police questioning, fines, reduce, report and wall items as shown.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File and 2024 Time Series, General Social Survey, CES cumulative policy preferences guide and Nationscape codebook; question wording only, no weights apply

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/wording.json

Table 2. Republicans and Democrats grew apart on wanting fewer immigrants in both surveys

Republican minus Democratic share wanting the number of immigrants decreased (ANES) or reduced (GSS), party identifiers including leaners, 1992 to 2024; 95% intervals

Survey	Year	Earlier GSS form	Gap (points)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
ANES	1992	no	3.3	−1.2	7.9	1,898
ANES	1994	no	1.9	−3.3	7.1	1,545
ANES	1996	no	4.9	−1.0	10.8	1,367
ANES	1998	no	1.0	−5.5	7.5	1,094
ANES	2000	no	8.0	2.4	13.6	1,515
ANES	2004	no	4.2	−2.8	11.3	933
ANES	2008	no	5.6	−0.3	11.5	1,799
ANES	2012	no	15.1	11.2	18.9	4,664
ANES	2016	no	34.3	30.4	38.3	3,140
ANES	2020	no	30.6	27.7	33.4	6,486
ANES	2024	no	28.3	24.3	32.4	4,560
ANES in person	2008	no	5.6	−0.3	11.5	1,799
ANES in person	2012	no	9.8	3.1	16.5	1,632
ANES in person	2016	no	31.2	23.8	38.6	930
ANES in person	2020	no	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
ANES in person	2024	no	20.3	11.5	29.1	849
GSS	2004	no	10.3	1.8	18.8	735
GSS	2006	no	16.3	10.4	22.2	1,550
GSS	2008	no	7.7	0.4	14.9	1,074
GSS	2010	no	18.6	11.4	25.8	1,119
GSS	2012	no	12.8	4.8	20.7	994
GSS	2014	no	21.9	15.5	28.4	1,261
GSS	2016	no	34.4	28.5	40.2	1,479
GSS	2018	no	32.3	25.4	39.2	1,175
GSS	2021	no	39.7	34.9	44.4	2,038
GSS	2022	no	41.6	35.9	47.2	2,511
GSS	2024	no	47.5	42.5	52.5	2,301
GSS earlier forms	1994	yes	6.5	0.3	12.6	1,174
GSS earlier forms	1996	yes	6.5	−0.3	13.4	958
GSS earlier forms	2000	yes	3.3	−3.5	10.1	1,027

Note: The in-person ANES line uses the mode weights of 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024 and has no 2020 point because the 2020 study had no in-person interviews; all-respondent ANES estimates from 2012 combine in-person and web samples.

Note: Open GSS points before 2004 use two earlier GSS variables with the same five answers: letin in 1994 and 2000 and letin1 in 1996. The GSS asked both letin1 and letin1a in 2004, 2014 and 2024; the text compares the two forms in those years.

Note: GSS interviews were mostly in person through 2018, mostly on the web in 2021, and in both modes in 2022 and 2024. A party cell needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100; a gap needs both parties to clear that floor.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1992-2024, and General Social Survey, 1994-2024; weighted (weight, VCF0009z; weight_use)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/gap_by_year.json

Table 3. The Democratic share wanting fewer immigrants fell in every view, and the Republican path differs by survey and interview mode

Share wanting the number of immigrants decreased (ANES) or reduced (GSS), by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; all respondents dashed; 95% intervals

Survey and answer	Group	Year	Earlier GSS form	Share (%)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	1992	no	48.7	46.6	50.8	2,168
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	1994	no	66.4	64.0	68.9	1,730
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	1996	no	58.9	56.1	61.7	1,499
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	1998	no	50.7	47.7	53.7	1,245
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	2000	no	47.0	44.4	49.6	1,742
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	2004	no	47.7	44.4	51.0	1,047
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	2008	no	45.3	42.6	47.9	2,061
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	2012	no	44.4	42.6	46.2	5,390
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	2016	no	43.8	41.8	45.7	3,621
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	2020	no	28.4	27.0	29.8	7,350
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	All respondents	2024	no	42.9	40.9	45.0	4,898
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	1992	no	46.8	43.8	49.8	1,080
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	1994	no	65.3	61.7	68.9	813
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	1996	no	56.7	52.8	60.6	785
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	1998	no	49.8	45.6	54.0	639
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	2000	no	42.9	39.2	46.7	857
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	2004	no	44.4	39.5	49.3	494
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	2008	no	42.3	38.7	45.9	1,203
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	2012	no	36.5	34.1	39.0	2,837
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	2016	no	28.3	25.7	31.0	1,664
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	2020	no	14.0	12.4	15.6	3,443
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Democrats	2024	no	29.2	26.6	31.9	2,390
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	1992	no	52.4	46.3	58.5	261
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	1994	no	68.2	60.6	75.9	175
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	1996	no	60.6	51.0	70.1	129
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	1998	no	53.8	44.7	62.8	140
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	2000	no	52.4	44.8	59.9	215
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	2008	no	50.1	41.9	58.2	227
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	2012	no	51.0	46.1	55.8	708
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	2016	no	42.1	36.7	47.4	465
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	2020	no	26.5	22.4	30.6	844
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Independents	2024	no	45.2	37.2	53.3	318
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	1992	no	50.1	46.7	53.5	818
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	1994	no	67.2	63.4	70.9	732
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	1996	no	61.6	57.2	66.0	582
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	1998	no	50.8	45.8	55.8	455
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	2000	no	50.9	46.8	55.1	658
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	2004	no	48.7	43.6	53.7	439
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	2008	no	47.9	43.2	52.5	596
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	2012	no	51.6	48.7	54.5	1,827
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	2016	no	62.7	59.7	65.6	1,476
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	2020	no	44.6	42.3	46.9	3,043
ANES: decreased (all interviews)	Republicans	2024	no	57.6	54.6	60.6	2,170
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	1992	no	48.7	46.6	50.8	2,168
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	1994	no	66.4	64.0	68.9	1,730
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	1996	no	58.9	56.1	61.7	1,499
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	1998	no	50.7	47.7	53.7	1,245
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	2000	no	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	2004	no	47.7	44.4	51.0	1,047
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	2008	no	45.3	42.6	47.9	2,061
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	2012	no	41.0	37.9	44.1	1,842
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	2016	no	38.1	34.4	41.8	1,042
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	2020	no	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
ANES: decreased (in person)	All respondents	2024	no	33.9	29.6	38.3	904
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	1992	no	46.8	43.8	49.8	1,080
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	1994	no	65.3	61.7	68.9	813
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	1996	no	56.7	52.8	60.6	785
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	1998	no	49.8	45.6	54.0	639
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	2000	no	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	2004	no	44.4	39.5	49.3	494
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	2008	no	42.3	38.7	45.9	1,203
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	2012	no	35.8	31.7	39.9	1,123
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	2016	no	23.0	18.3	27.7	475
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	2020	no	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
ANES: decreased (in person)	Democrats	2024	no	24.1	18.5	29.8	460
ANES: decreased (in person)	Independents	1992	no	52.4	46.3	58.5	261
ANES: decreased (in person)	Independents	1994	no	68.2	60.6	75.9	175
ANES: decreased (in person)	Independents	1996	no	60.6	51.0	70.1	129
ANES: decreased (in person)	Independents	1998	no	53.8	44.7	62.8	140
ANES: decreased (in person)	Independents	2000	no	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
ANES: decreased (in person)	Independents	2008	no	50.1	41.9	58.2	227
ANES: decreased (in person)	Independents	2012	no	47.6	38.0	57.2	194
ANES: decreased (in person)	Independents	2020	no	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	1992	no	50.1	46.7	53.5	818
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	1994	no	67.2	63.4	70.9	732
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	1996	no	61.6	57.2	66.0	582
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	1998	no	50.8	45.8	55.8	455
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	2000	no	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	2004	no	48.7	43.6	53.7	439
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	2008	no	47.9	43.2	52.5	596
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	2012	no	45.6	40.3	51.0	509
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	2016	no	54.2	48.5	59.9	455
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	2020	no	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
ANES: decreased (in person)	Republicans	2024	no	44.4	37.6	51.3	389
GSS: reduced	All respondents	1994	yes	64.2	61.4	67.1	1,397
GSS: reduced	All respondents	1996	yes	64.1	60.9	67.2	1,141
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2000	yes	43.2	40.2	46.2	1,318
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2004	no	51.5	47.6	55.4	890
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2006	no	52.6	49.9	55.3	1,945
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2008	no	52.7	49.4	56.0	1,294
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2010	no	48.3	45.0	51.5	1,393
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2012	no	46.1	42.7	49.6	1,262
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2014	no	44.5	41.7	47.4	1,624
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2016	no	41.1	38.4	43.9	1,845
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2018	no	34.2	31.1	37.3	1,520
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2021	no	31.5	29.3	33.7	2,670
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2022	no	35.9	33.3	38.4	3,440
GSS: reduced	All respondents	2024	no	49.7	47.2	52.1	3,187
GSS: reduced	Democrats	1994	yes	62.8	58.6	67.0	656
GSS: reduced	Democrats	1996	yes	60.4	55.7	65.1	531
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2000	yes	41.9	37.4	46.4	581
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2004	no	47.4	41.4	53.3	389
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2006	no	46.3	42.3	50.3	895
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2008	no	51.2	46.5	55.9	641
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2010	no	41.8	37.0	46.7	658
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2012	no	40.8	36.1	45.6	607
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2014	no	35.3	31.2	39.4	746
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2016	no	26.9	23.2	30.5	862
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2018	no	20.0	16.2	23.9	662
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2021	no	15.1	12.6	17.7	1,220
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2022	no	17.8	14.7	20.9	1,408
GSS: reduced	Democrats	2024	no	28.9	25.3	32.5	1,212
GSS: reduced	Independents	1994	yes	59.9	52.1	67.8	183
GSS: reduced	Independents	1996	yes	65.1	56.4	73.8	160
GSS: reduced	Independents	2000	yes	42.5	35.5	49.5	263
GSS: reduced	Independents	2006	no	48.4	42.0	54.7	358
GSS: reduced	Independents	2008	no	43.9	35.6	52.2	194
GSS: reduced	Independents	2010	no	43.9	36.0	51.7	231
GSS: reduced	Independents	2012	no	47.3	38.9	55.6	231
GSS: reduced	Independents	2014	no	42.7	36.3	49.1	311
GSS: reduced	Independents	2016	no	38.9	32.0	45.9	307
GSS: reduced	Independents	2018	no	30.5	23.6	37.4	276
GSS: reduced	Independents	2021	no	32.3	27.5	37.1	546
GSS: reduced	Independents	2022	no	30.2	25.2	35.2	797
GSS: reduced	Independents	2024	no	41.3	36.4	46.2	778
GSS: reduced	Republicans	1994	yes	69.3	64.8	73.8	518
GSS: reduced	Republicans	1996	yes	66.9	62.0	71.9	427
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2000	yes	45.2	40.2	50.3	446
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2004	no	57.7	51.6	63.8	346
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2006	no	62.6	58.2	66.9	655
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2008	no	58.8	53.3	64.4	433
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2010	no	60.4	55.0	65.8	461
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2012	no	53.6	47.2	60.0	387
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2014	no	57.2	52.2	62.2	515
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2016	no	61.3	56.7	65.8	617
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2018	no	52.3	46.5	58.1	513
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2021	no	54.8	50.7	58.9	818
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2022	no	59.3	54.6	64.0	1,103
GSS: reduced	Republicans	2024	no	76.4	72.9	79.8	1,089

Views: ANES, all interviews (instrument = ANES: decreased (all interviews)); ANES, in person (instrument = ANES: decreased (in person)); GSS (instrument = GSS: reduced).

Note: Shaded band: the ANES mode change from 2016 to 2020 in the ANES views, and the GSS move from in-person to web interviews between 2018 and 2021 in the GSS view. The in-person ANES view has no 2000 point (a study that mixed in-person and telephone interviews) and no 2020 point (no in-person interviews).

Note: An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100, so some independent points are missing.

Note: The ANES asks five answers (three in 2000) and the chapter counts decreased, a little or a lot, against increased or left the same; the GSS counts reduced a little and reduced a lot against the other three answers.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1992-2024, and General Social Survey, 1994-2024; weighted (weight, VCF0009z; weight_use)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/share_by_party.json

Table 4. The ANES gap opened within each interview mode, and ANES web respondents were more restrictive than in-person respondents

Changes in the Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode, and web minus in-person differences in the gap and in the Republican share; leaners included; 95% intervals

Panel	Comparison	Estimate (points)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
Change in the gap within one mode	ANES in person, 2012 to 2016	21.4	11.4	31.4	2,562
Change in the gap within one mode	ANES web, 2012 to 2016	18.0	11.4	24.6	5,242
Change in the gap within one mode	GSS in person, 2022 to 2024	6.6	−5.5	18.6	1,909
Change in the gap within one mode	GSS web, 2022 to 2024	0.7	−9.6	10.9	2,389
Web minus in-person gap, same year	ANES 2012	8.2	0.0	16.4	4,664
Web minus in-person gap, same year	ANES 2016	4.8	−3.9	13.5	3,140
Web minus in-person gap, same year	ANES 2024	14.2	3.4	25.0	2,432
Web minus in-person gap, same year	GSS 2022	13.5	2.0	25.0	2,266
Web minus in-person gap, same year	GSS 2024	7.6	−3.2	18.4	2,032
Web minus in-person Republican share, same year	ANES 2012	9.3	3.0	15.7	1,827
Web minus in-person Republican share, same year	ANES 2016	12.1	5.5	18.7	1,476
Web minus in-person Republican share, same year	ANES 2024	19.3	11.1	27.5	1,125
Web minus in-person Republican share, same year	GSS 2022	12.6	3.0	22.2	996
Web minus in-person Republican share, same year	GSS 2024	−0.4	−7.7	6.9	972

Note: The 2020 ANES study has no separate weights by mode, so it has no row. The 2024 ANES mode groups are the fresh in-person and fresh web samples; the panel and paper respondents are in neither.

Note: The GSS rows compare 2022 or 2024 in-person with web respondents; the 2021 survey was mostly web and has no in-person comparison.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 2012, 2016 and 2024, and General Social Survey, 2022 and 2024; weighted (weight_ftf and weight_web, the ANES weights for each mode; weight_use)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/mode_check.json

Table 5. The party gap in warmth toward illegal immigrants widened more than the gap toward Hispanics

Mean ANES feeling thermometer rating from 0 (cold) to 100 (warm), by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; all respondents dashed; 95% intervals

Group rated	Party	Year	Mean rating	Lower	Upper	Respondents
Hispanics	All respondents	1988	57.0	56.0	58.0	1,629
Hispanics	All respondents	1992	61.0	60.2	61.9	2,127
Hispanics	All respondents	1994	61.1	59.9	62.3	1,674
Hispanics	All respondents	1996	63.8	62.7	64.8	1,465
Hispanics	All respondents	2000	63.8	62.6	65.1	1,438
Hispanics	All respondents	2002	63.0	61.6	64.4	1,255
Hispanics	All respondents	2004	67.7	66.4	69.0	1,037
Hispanics	All respondents	2008	65.2	64.1	66.4	2,050
Hispanics	All respondents	2012	63.5	62.7	64.3	5,449
Hispanics	All respondents	2016	68.1	67.2	68.9	3,572
Hispanics	All respondents	2020	71.8	71.2	72.5	7,109
Hispanics	All respondents	2024	69.9	68.9	70.8	4,684
Hispanics	Democrats	1988	59.7	58.2	61.2	763
Hispanics	Democrats	1992	63.1	62.0	64.3	1,041
Hispanics	Democrats	1994	63.1	61.3	64.9	783
Hispanics	Democrats	1996	65.5	64.0	67.0	765
Hispanics	Democrats	2000	65.1	63.3	66.9	701
Hispanics	Democrats	2002	63.8	61.9	65.8	582
Hispanics	Democrats	2004	68.0	66.0	70.0	489
Hispanics	Democrats	2008	67.7	66.1	69.2	1,193
Hispanics	Democrats	2012	67.1	65.9	68.2	2,859
Hispanics	Democrats	2016	72.3	71.1	73.6	1,638
Hispanics	Democrats	2020	75.6	74.6	76.5	3,326
Hispanics	Democrats	2024	73.9	72.6	75.2	2,312
Hispanics	Independents	1988	55.8	52.6	59.0	173
Hispanics	Independents	1992	59.4	57.1	61.7	256
Hispanics	Independents	1994	56.2	52.5	59.9	171
Hispanics	Independents	2000	61.3	57.5	65.1	166
Hispanics	Independents	2008	61.2	57.4	65.0	228
Hispanics	Independents	2012	59.3	57.1	61.6	723
Hispanics	Independents	2016	63.8	61.4	66.2	460
Hispanics	Independents	2020	68.5	66.4	70.6	818
Hispanics	Independents	2024	61.7	57.7	65.6	303
Hispanics	Republicans	1988	54.4	52.9	55.8	684
Hispanics	Republicans	1992	59.0	57.7	60.3	820
Hispanics	Republicans	1994	60.2	58.5	61.9	710
Hispanics	Republicans	1996	61.7	60.0	63.3	570
Hispanics	Republicans	2000	62.8	61.0	64.6	560
Hispanics	Republicans	2002	63.8	61.8	65.8	570
Hispanics	Republicans	2004	68.8	67.0	70.6	436
Hispanics	Republicans	2008	63.3	61.4	65.1	596
Hispanics	Republicans	2012	60.7	59.4	62.0	1,847
Hispanics	Republicans	2016	64.7	63.4	66.0	1,463
Hispanics	Republicans	2020	68.7	67.7	69.6	2,944
Hispanics	Republicans	2024	66.6	65.2	67.9	2,050
Illegal immigrants	All respondents	1988	35.7	34.5	36.9	1,658
Illegal immigrants	All respondents	1992	36.1	35.2	37.1	2,165
Illegal immigrants	All respondents	1994	32.3	30.9	33.7	1,746
Illegal immigrants	All respondents	2004	40.5	38.9	42.1	1,039
Illegal immigrants	All respondents	2008	39.3	37.9	40.7	2,048
Illegal immigrants	All respondents	2012	38.0	37.1	38.9	5,458
Illegal immigrants	All respondents	2016	41.9	40.8	43.0	3,580
Illegal immigrants	All respondents	2020	48.2	47.3	49.0	7,092
Illegal immigrants	All respondents	2024	42.6	41.4	43.8	4,686
Illegal immigrants	Democrats	1988	39.7	37.9	41.5	776
Illegal immigrants	Democrats	1992	38.3	36.9	39.7	1,066
Illegal immigrants	Democrats	1994	37.5	35.4	39.5	816
Illegal immigrants	Democrats	2004	45.5	43.2	47.8	491
Illegal immigrants	Democrats	2008	45.5	43.7	47.4	1,191
Illegal immigrants	Democrats	2012	46.1	44.8	47.4	2,864
Illegal immigrants	Democrats	2016	52.4	50.9	53.9	1,641
Illegal immigrants	Democrats	2020	61.0	60.0	62.1	3,336
Illegal immigrants	Democrats	2024	56.8	55.4	58.2	2,303
Illegal immigrants	Independents	1988	32.3	28.4	36.1	176
Illegal immigrants	Independents	1992	37.5	34.6	40.5	260
Illegal immigrants	Independents	1994	30.5	26.2	34.8	182
Illegal immigrants	Independents	2008	38.1	33.8	42.5	229
Illegal immigrants	Independents	2012	37.2	34.5	39.8	725
Illegal immigrants	Independents	2016	41.5	38.6	44.4	461
Illegal immigrants	Independents	2020	48.7	46.2	51.1	820
Illegal immigrants	Independents	2024	43.4	39.1	47.8	297
Illegal immigrants	Republicans	1988	32.0	30.4	33.6	697
Illegal immigrants	Republicans	1992	32.9	31.4	34.5	830
Illegal immigrants	Republicans	1994	27.2	25.2	29.1	736
Illegal immigrants	Republicans	2004	35.0	32.6	37.4	435
Illegal immigrants	Republicans	2008	31.4	29.1	33.6	596
Illegal immigrants	Republicans	2012	28.8	27.4	30.1	1,849
Illegal immigrants	Republicans	2016	29.6	28.1	31.1	1,467
Illegal immigrants	Republicans	2020	33.7	32.5	34.9	2,914
Illegal immigrants	Republicans	2024	26.9	25.3	28.4	2,067

Views: Illegal immigrants (series = Illegal immigrants); Hispanics (series = Hispanics).

Note: The cumulative file labels the illegal immigrants item illegal aliens; the 2020 and 2024 studies label it illegal immigrants. The Hispanics ratings are available in more studies than the illegal immigrants ratings.

Note: The series are the cleaned-file variables therm_illegal_aliens and therm_hispanics, which recode the cumulative file code 97, which stands for 97 to 100 degrees, to 100.

Note: An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1988-2024; weighted (weight, VCF0009z)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/thermometers.json

Table 6. Democratic and Republican answers were close on four GSS items in 1996 and far apart in 2024

Share giving the restrictive answer to four GSS immigration items, by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; 95% intervals

Interviews	Item	Group	Year	Share (%)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Democrats	1996	60.4	55.7	65.1	531
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Democrats	2004	47.4	41.9	52.8	466
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Democrats	2014	37.2	32.4	42.1	513
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Democrats	2024	26.2	21.1	31.3	568
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Independents	1996	65.1	56.4	73.8	160
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Independents	2004	57.1	48.5	65.8	180
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Independents	2014	36.0	28.2	43.7	202
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Independents	2024	43.5	36.0	51.0	336
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Republicans	1996	66.9	62.0	71.9	427
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Republicans	2004	59.0	53.6	64.4	437
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Republicans	2014	51.9	45.8	58.0	349
All interviews	Reduce the number of immigrants	Republicans	2024	75.0	69.7	80.2	507
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	1996	49.3	44.9	53.8	610
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	2004	39.8	34.7	44.9	514
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	2014	31.7	27.3	36.2	569
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	2022	15.9	12.3	19.4	963
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	2024	11.5	8.4	14.6	833
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Independents	1996	52.6	44.2	61.0	185
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Independents	2004	51.5	43.2	59.8	199
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Independents	2014	33.0	26.1	40.0	240
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Independents	2022	18.6	13.3	23.8	548
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Independents	2024	20.0	15.2	24.8	548
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	1996	46.1	41.0	51.1	460
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	2004	40.3	35.2	45.5	474
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	2014	41.1	35.4	46.8	385
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	2022	35.3	29.4	41.2	701
All interviews	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	2024	46.5	41.7	51.4	745
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	1996	37.4	33.0	41.8	596
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	2004	21.9	17.6	26.2	511
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	2014	16.9	13.4	20.5	574
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	2022	7.0	4.5	9.5	964
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	2024	11.8	8.7	15.0	828
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Independents	1996	34.5	26.5	42.5	186
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Independents	2004	34.3	26.3	42.2	195
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Independents	2014	23.0	16.7	29.4	233
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Independents	2022	16.1	11.1	21.0	548
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Independents	2024	21.6	16.6	26.5	541
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	1996	32.6	27.9	37.4	457
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	2004	28.4	23.6	33.2	465
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	2014	23.7	18.7	28.7	375
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	2022	37.2	31.2	43.2	696
All interviews	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	2024	54.9	50.0	59.8	735
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Democrats	1996	33.1	28.8	37.3	594
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Democrats	2004	22.0	17.7	26.4	507
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Democrats	2014	17.1	13.5	20.6	568
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Democrats	2024	6.4	3.7	9.2	604
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Independents	1996	33.8	25.9	41.8	185
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Independents	2004	27.9	20.4	35.4	195
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Independents	2014	12.6	7.6	17.6	231
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Independents	2024	12.8	8.2	17.4	366
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Republicans	1996	33.5	28.7	38.4	446
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Republicans	2004	21.0	16.7	25.3	469
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Republicans	2014	25.8	20.7	30.9	382
All interviews	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Republicans	2024	28.8	23.4	34.2	521
In person	Reduce the number of immigrants	Democrats	1996	60.4	55.7	65.1	531
In person	Reduce the number of immigrants	Democrats	2004	47.8	41.8	53.9	373
In person	Reduce the number of immigrants	Democrats	2014	36.0	30.9	41.2	442
In person	Reduce the number of immigrants	Independents	1996	65.1	56.4	73.8	160
In person	Reduce the number of immigrants	Independents	2004	57.3	48.1	66.5	149
In person	Reduce the number of immigrants	Independents	2014	39.1	30.3	47.9	165
In person	Reduce the number of immigrants	Republicans	1996	66.9	62.0	71.9	427
In person	Reduce the number of immigrants	Republicans	2004	60.5	54.6	66.3	351
In person	Reduce the number of immigrants	Republicans	2014	52.5	46.0	59.1	301
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	1996	49.3	44.9	53.8	610
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	2004	39.4	33.8	45.0	416
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	2014	31.3	26.6	36.0	493
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	2022	18.1	12.6	23.7	432
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Democrats	2024	15.5	9.6	21.4	286
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Independents	1996	52.6	44.2	61.0	185
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Independents	2004	51.2	42.3	60.0	163
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Independents	2014	34.1	26.4	41.9	200
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	1996	46.1	41.0	51.1	460
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	2004	39.4	33.8	45.0	385
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	2014	38.6	32.5	44.6	334
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	2022	36.8	27.8	45.7	324
In person	Immigrants take jobs away	Republicans	2024	48.7	40.2	57.3	256
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	1996	37.4	33.0	41.8	596
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	2004	22.6	17.8	27.4	416
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	2014	16.6	12.8	20.3	497
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	2022	6.9	3.2	10.5	433
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Democrats	2024	18.3	12.0	24.7	281
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Independents	1996	34.5	26.5	42.5	186
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Independents	2004	34.1	25.6	42.6	160
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Independents	2014	23.7	16.7	30.7	196
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	1996	32.6	27.9	37.4	457
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	2004	28.2	23.0	33.4	379
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	2014	23.3	18.0	28.6	325
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	2022	40.0	30.9	49.1	320
In person	Immigrants increase crime rates	Republicans	2024	53.5	44.9	62.1	251
In person	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Democrats	1996	33.1	28.8	37.3	594
In person	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Democrats	2004	21.0	16.3	25.7	409
In person	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Democrats	2014	16.9	13.0	20.7	492
In person	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Independents	1996	33.8	25.9	41.8	185
In person	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Independents	2004	28.0	20.0	36.0	160
In person	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Independents	2014	13.2	7.6	18.9	193
In person	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Republicans	1996	33.5	28.7	38.4	446
In person	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Republicans	2004	22.6	17.8	27.4	381
In person	Immigrants are not good for the economy	Republicans	2014	26.4	20.9	31.8	331

Views: All interviews (view = All interviews); In person (view = In person).

Note: Restrictive answers: reduce the number (letin1, reduced a little or a lot), agree or agree strongly that immigrants take jobs away and that they increase crime rates, and disagree or disagree strongly that immigrants are good for America's economy.

Note: The jobs and crime items were also asked in 2022. In the in-person view a party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100, so some points are missing.

Source: General Social Survey, 1994-2024; weighted (weight_use)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/gss_items.json

Table 7. Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats on every CES item in every year, with independents between them

Share giving the restrictive answer to nine CES immigration policy items, by party identification including leaners, 2007 to 2021; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

Item	Group	Year	Share (%)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2007	39.8	37.8	41.8	4,372
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2010	46.3	45.3	47.3	24,407
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2011	42.1	40.6	43.6	9,349
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2012	41.0	40.0	41.9	25,295
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2013	38.6	37.1	40.2	7,527
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2014	43.7	42.7	44.6	25,737
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2015	39.0	37.3	40.6	6,681
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2016	35.5	34.7	36.3	31,139
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2017	26.1	24.7	27.5	8,585
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2018	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2019	47.3	45.8	48.8	8,237
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2020	37.5	36.7	38.3	29,329
Support more border patrols	Democrats	2021	47.6	46.4	48.8	12,445
Support more border patrols	Independents	2007	57.7	53.0	62.4	837
Support more border patrols	Independents	2010	58.0	56.0	59.9	5,978
Support more border patrols	Independents	2011	51.7	48.7	54.8	2,782
Support more border patrols	Independents	2012	55.7	54.0	57.5	6,205
Support more border patrols	Independents	2013	55.8	53.3	58.4	2,946
Support more border patrols	Independents	2014	58.4	56.7	60.1	8,683
Support more border patrols	Independents	2015	51.0	48.0	53.9	2,202
Support more border patrols	Independents	2016	51.8	50.5	53.2	10,493
Support more border patrols	Independents	2017	45.0	42.4	47.6	3,193
Support more border patrols	Independents	2018	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support more border patrols	Independents	2019	66.3	63.6	69.0	2,640
Support more border patrols	Independents	2020	63.2	61.6	64.8	8,853
Support more border patrols	Independents	2021	66.7	64.8	68.6	4,352
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2007	68.8	66.7	70.8	3,773
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2010	78.4	77.5	79.2	23,454
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2011	71.7	70.2	73.1	7,346
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2012	76.0	75.1	76.8	20,552
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2013	75.5	73.9	77.1	5,307
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2014	78.0	77.2	78.9	19,039
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2015	76.4	74.9	78.0	4,878
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2016	74.7	73.9	75.5	20,847
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2017	72.3	70.7	73.9	5,775
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2018	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2019	92.8	92.0	93.6	6,435
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2020	90.5	90.0	91.1	20,403
Support more border patrols	Republicans	2021	92.8	92.1	93.5	8,139
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2007	52.1	50.1	54.2	4,372
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2010	42.1	41.1	43.1	24,407
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2011	39.6	38.1	41.0	9,349
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2012	35.4	34.5	36.3	25,295
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2013	36.6	35.1	38.2	7,527
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2014	33.1	32.3	34.0	25,737
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2015	31.9	30.3	33.5	6,681
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2016	27.9	27.2	28.6	31,139
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2017	24.6	23.3	25.9	8,585
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2018	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2019	15.3	14.3	16.4	8,260
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2020	11.5	11.0	12.1	29,339
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Democrats	2021	12.6	11.8	13.4	12,445
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2007	71.2	66.8	75.5	837
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2010	63.6	61.8	65.5	5,978
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2011	61.2	58.3	64.1	2,782
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2012	57.7	55.9	59.4	6,205
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2013	59.8	57.3	62.4	2,946
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2014	60.4	58.8	62.1	8,683
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2015	58.1	55.2	61.1	2,202
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2016	51.8	50.4	53.2	10,493
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2017	53.1	50.5	55.8	3,193
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2018	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2019	38.8	36.1	41.5	2,647
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2020	32.0	30.5	33.6	8,853
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Independents	2021	37.7	35.7	39.6	4,352
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2007	79.3	77.5	81.0	3,773
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2010	79.4	78.6	80.2	23,454
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2011	72.5	71.1	74.0	7,346
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2012	74.1	73.2	75.0	20,552
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2013	72.8	71.1	74.4	5,307
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2014	72.6	71.7	73.6	19,039
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2015	70.9	69.2	72.6	4,878
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2016	65.3	64.4	66.1	20,847
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2017	68.6	66.9	70.3	5,775
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2018	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2019	58.8	57.3	60.2	6,437
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2020	54.2	53.3	55.1	20,385
Oppose legal status for long-term residents	Republicans	2021	60.7	59.3	62.0	8,139
Support fines for employers	Democrats	2007	55.4	53.4	57.5	4,372
Support fines for employers	Democrats	2010	63.2	58.4	68.0	921
Support fines for employers	Democrats	2011	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support fines for employers	Democrats	2012	51.6	50.6	52.5	25,295
Support fines for employers	Democrats	2013	51.1	49.5	52.7	7,527
Support fines for employers	Democrats	2014	52.3	51.4	53.3	25,737
Support fines for employers	Democrats	2015	49.3	47.6	51.0	6,681
Support fines for employers	Democrats	2016	51.1	49.3	52.9	6,113
Support fines for employers	Democrats	2017	39.4	37.9	40.9	8,585
Support fines for employers	Independents	2007	70.1	65.8	74.5	837
Support fines for employers	Independents	2010	63.6	54.7	72.4	263
Support fines for employers	Independents	2011	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support fines for employers	Independents	2012	64.4	62.7	66.1	6,205
Support fines for employers	Independents	2013	63.1	60.6	65.6	2,946
Support fines for employers	Independents	2014	62.0	60.4	63.7	8,683
Support fines for employers	Independents	2015	56.0	53.1	58.9	2,202
Support fines for employers	Independents	2016	70.0	67.2	72.8	2,195
Support fines for employers	Independents	2017	53.7	51.1	56.3	3,193
Support fines for employers	Republicans	2007	75.7	73.9	77.6	3,773
Support fines for employers	Republicans	2010	82.1	78.3	86.0	1,018
Support fines for employers	Republicans	2011	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support fines for employers	Republicans	2012	76.6	75.7	77.5	20,552
Support fines for employers	Republicans	2013	76.7	75.1	78.3	5,307
Support fines for employers	Republicans	2014	74.3	73.4	75.2	19,039
Support fines for employers	Republicans	2015	74.5	72.9	76.1	4,878
Support fines for employers	Republicans	2016	80.3	78.9	81.8	4,762
Support fines for employers	Republicans	2017	72.7	71.1	74.3	5,775
Support police questioning	Democrats	2010	24.1	23.3	25.0	24,407
Support police questioning	Democrats	2011	24.8	23.5	26.2	9,349
Support police questioning	Democrats	2012	19.7	18.9	20.4	25,295
Support police questioning	Democrats	2013	20.0	18.7	21.4	7,527
Support police questioning	Democrats	2014	20.8	20.0	21.6	25,737
Support police questioning	Democrats	2015	19.9	18.6	21.3	6,681
Support police questioning	Democrats	2016	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support police questioning	Democrats	2017	11.7	10.7	12.7	8,585
Support police questioning	Independents	2010	46.4	44.4	48.3	5,978
Support police questioning	Independents	2011	38.4	35.4	41.3	2,782
Support police questioning	Independents	2012	40.5	38.8	42.3	6,205
Support police questioning	Independents	2013	37.1	34.5	39.6	2,946
Support police questioning	Independents	2014	37.5	35.9	39.2	8,683
Support police questioning	Independents	2015	34.6	31.8	37.4	2,202
Support police questioning	Independents	2016	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support police questioning	Independents	2017	31.2	28.7	33.6	3,193
Support police questioning	Republicans	2010	69.9	69.0	70.8	23,454
Support police questioning	Republicans	2011	63.5	62.0	65.1	7,346
Support police questioning	Republicans	2012	63.1	62.1	64.1	20,552
Support police questioning	Republicans	2013	59.2	57.3	61.0	5,307
Support police questioning	Republicans	2014	56.5	55.4	57.5	19,039
Support police questioning	Republicans	2015	56.1	54.3	57.9	4,878
Support police questioning	Republicans	2016	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support police questioning	Republicans	2017	54.8	53.0	56.6	5,775
Support identifying and deporting	Democrats	2014	37.3	36.4	38.2	25,737
Support identifying and deporting	Democrats	2015	30.8	29.3	32.4	6,681
Support identifying and deporting	Democrats	2016	23.5	22.9	24.2	31,139
Support identifying and deporting	Democrats	2017	18.4	17.2	19.6	8,585
Support identifying and deporting	Independents	2014	60.4	58.7	62.1	8,683
Support identifying and deporting	Independents	2015	55.9	53.0	58.9	2,202
Support identifying and deporting	Independents	2016	47.8	46.4	49.2	10,493
Support identifying and deporting	Independents	2017	42.3	39.7	44.9	3,193
Support identifying and deporting	Republicans	2014	78.0	77.2	78.9	19,039
Support identifying and deporting	Republicans	2015	74.2	72.6	75.8	4,878
Support identifying and deporting	Republicans	2016	66.6	65.7	67.4	20,847
Support identifying and deporting	Republicans	2017	67.0	65.2	68.7	5,775
Support barring services	Democrats	2012	18.0	17.2	18.7	25,295
Support barring services	Democrats	2013	18.4	17.2	19.7	7,527
Support barring services	Independents	2012	36.5	34.8	38.2	6,205
Support barring services	Independents	2013	35.6	33.1	38.1	2,946
Support barring services	Republicans	2012	47.2	46.2	48.2	20,552
Support barring services	Republicans	2013	45.6	43.7	47.4	5,307
Support reducing legal immigration	Democrats	2018	21.4	20.7	22.2	26,987
Support reducing legal immigration	Democrats	2019	20.0	18.8	21.1	8,226
Support reducing legal immigration	Democrats	2020	20.2	19.6	20.9	29,328
Support reducing legal immigration	Independents	2018	42.2	40.4	43.9	8,338
Support reducing legal immigration	Independents	2019	41.7	38.9	44.4	2,638
Support reducing legal immigration	Independents	2020	41.4	39.7	43.0	8,851
Support reducing legal immigration	Republicans	2018	72.0	71.2	72.9	21,228
Support reducing legal immigration	Republicans	2019	61.7	60.2	63.1	6,425
Support reducing legal immigration	Republicans	2020	66.3	65.4	67.2	20,380
Support police reporting	Democrats	2017	18.2	17.0	19.4	8,585
Support police reporting	Democrats	2018	20.3	19.6	21.1	27,589
Support police reporting	Democrats	2019	17.9	16.7	19.0	8,248
Support police reporting	Democrats	2020	23.0	22.3	23.8	29,335
Support police reporting	Democrats	2021	26.8	25.8	27.9	12,445
Support police reporting	Independents	2017	43.7	41.1	46.3	3,193
Support police reporting	Independents	2018	48.1	46.4	49.9	8,518
Support police reporting	Independents	2019	45.6	42.8	48.4	2,647
Support police reporting	Independents	2020	48.3	46.6	50.0	8,855
Support police reporting	Independents	2021	51.5	49.5	53.5	4,352
Support police reporting	Republicans	2017	70.7	69.0	72.3	5,775
Support police reporting	Republicans	2018	82.6	81.9	83.3	21,702
Support police reporting	Republicans	2019	81.9	80.7	83.1	6,445
Support police reporting	Republicans	2020	75.5	74.7	76.3	20,397
Support police reporting	Republicans	2021	71.7	70.5	72.9	8,139
Support the border wall	Democrats	2017	5.9	5.2	6.7	8,585
Support the border wall	Democrats	2018	11.9	11.3	12.4	27,478
Support the border wall	Democrats	2019	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support the border wall	Democrats	2020	13.1	12.6	13.7	29,337
Support the border wall	Democrats	2021	15.4	14.5	16.2	12,445
Support the border wall	Independents	2017	31.0	28.6	33.4	3,193
Support the border wall	Independents	2018	39.2	37.5	40.9	8,468
Support the border wall	Independents	2019	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support the border wall	Independents	2020	40.8	39.1	42.4	8,848
Support the border wall	Independents	2021	44.9	42.9	46.9	4,352
Support the border wall	Republicans	2017	62.9	61.2	64.7	5,775
Support the border wall	Republicans	2018	82.6	81.9	83.3	21,625
Support the border wall	Republicans	2019	n/a	n/a	n/a	n/a
Support the border wall	Republicans	2020	82.6	81.9	83.3	20,399
Support the border wall	Republicans	2021	85.6	84.7	86.6	8,139

Note: Panel titles name the restrictive answer. Through 2017 the items were check-all-that-apply, and an unchecked item cannot be told from an explicit oppose; from 2018 respondents supported or opposed each item. Several items change wording by year, as the wording table shows.

Note: The 2018 wave has only the reduce legal immigration, police reporting and wall items. A line breaks where an item was not asked.

Note: Each party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. The CES is an opt-in panel, so the intervals rest on a model.

Source: Cooperative Election Study cumulative policy preferences, 2007-2021; weighted (single-wave weight), opt-in panel

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/ces_items.json

Table 8. Nationscape respondents divided by party on every immigration item in every week of 2019 and 2020

Weekly share giving the restrictive answer to four Nationscape immigration items, by party identification without leaners, July 2019 to early 2021; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

Item	Group	Week of	Left out of pooled estimates	Share (%)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-07-15	no	12.9	9.9	15.9	1,516
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-07-22	no	14.6	11.7	17.5	1,959
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-07-29	no	14.9	12.1	17.7	2,053
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-08-05	no	14.0	11.1	16.9	1,739
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-08-12	no	10.4	7.8	13.0	1,744
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-08-19	no	13.2	10.8	15.7	2,402
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-08-26	no	13.9	11.1	16.7	1,764
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-02	no	13.9	11.2	16.6	1,882
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-09	no	14.1	11.1	17.0	1,775
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-16	no	14.0	11.1	16.9	1,913
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-23	no	16.0	12.9	19.1	1,784
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-30	no	14.6	12.2	16.9	2,857
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-10-07	no	14.8	11.5	18.0	1,518
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-10-14	no	17.1	13.4	20.9	1,219
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-10-21	no	16.6	13.6	19.6	2,037
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-10-28	no	14.5	11.7	17.3	2,134
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-11-04	no	11.6	9.0	14.1	1,710
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-11-11	no	12.9	10.5	15.2	2,245
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-11-18	no	19.2	14.9	23.6	1,010
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-11-25	no	15.1	12.4	17.7	2,256
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-02	no	11.0	8.2	13.8	1,363
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-09	no	15.6	13.2	18.1	2,349
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-16	no	14.0	11.5	16.5	1,996
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-23	no	15.1	12.4	17.8	1,670
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-30	no	12.7	10.7	14.7	2,778
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-01-06	no	18.9	15.5	22.3	1,376
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-01-13	no	13.4	10.8	15.9	1,903
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-01-20	no	12.7	10.3	15.1	2,061
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-01-27	no	15.1	12.0	18.1	1,509
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-02-03	no	15.6	12.7	18.5	1,834
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-02-10	no	16.7	13.7	19.7	1,668
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-02-17	no	15.6	13.0	18.2	2,062
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-02-24	no	13.4	10.7	16.1	1,584
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-02	no	18.6	15.7	21.5	1,971
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-09	no	13.7	11.1	16.4	1,781
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-16	no	16.8	14.2	19.5	1,979
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-23	no	18.2	15.4	21.0	1,814
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-30	no	19.6	17.5	21.7	3,180
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-04-06	no	15.7	13.9	17.4	3,967
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-04-13	no	18.1	15.2	21.0	1,598
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-04-20	no	15.1	12.4	17.8	1,592
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-04-27	no	13.5	10.8	16.1	1,533
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-05-04	no	16.8	14.3	19.3	2,216
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-05-11	no	18.0	15.0	21.0	1,482
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-05-18	no	16.1	13.8	18.3	2,421
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-05-25	no	20.7	17.6	23.8	1,522
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-01	no	13.6	11.2	16.1	1,759
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-08	no	14.1	11.7	16.6	1,903
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-15	no	13.8	11.5	16.2	1,931
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-22	no	14.5	12.1	16.9	1,991
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-29	no	15.1	12.4	17.7	1,709
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-07-06	no	15.2	12.3	18.2	1,429
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-07-13	no	18.2	16.2	20.2	3,579
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-07-20	no	14.9	12.9	16.8	3,104
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-07-27	no	16.0	13.7	18.3	2,312
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-03	no	13.3	10.7	16.0	1,504
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-10	no	13.4	10.8	16.0	1,602
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-17	no	13.5	11.0	16.0	1,997
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-24	no	14.2	11.3	17.1	1,595
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-31	no	18.3	15.2	21.4	1,628
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-09-07	no	16.9	14.0	19.9	1,696
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-09-14	no	19.2	16.4	22.1	2,088
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-09-21	no	16.6	13.4	19.8	1,571
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-09-28	no	17.5	14.1	20.9	1,424
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-10-05	no	16.6	13.7	19.5	1,891
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-10-12	no	16.8	13.9	19.8	1,804
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-10-19	no	18.7	15.4	22.0	1,611
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-10-26	no	18.7	15.9	21.6	2,019
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-02	no	15.0	12.3	17.7	1,758
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-09	no	21.0	18.1	24.0	1,886
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-16	no	19.2	16.0	22.3	1,698
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-23	no	19.0	16.3	21.7	2,147
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-30	no	20.8	18.1	23.6	2,303
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-12-07	no	17.9	14.6	21.2	1,398
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-12-14	no	19.1	16.5	21.6	2,365
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-12-21	no	18.0	15.4	20.5	2,102
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2020-12-28	no	16.8	13.4	20.2	1,166
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2021-01-11	yes	26.7	22.7	30.6	1,405
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2021-01-18	yes	39.3	35.6	43.1	1,522
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2021-01-25	yes	19.7	16.1	23.2	1,150
Build a wall (agree)	Democrats	2021-02-01	yes	21.4	15.9	26.9	530
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-07-15	no	39.5	34.4	44.5	1,148
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-07-22	no	39.1	34.5	43.7	1,476
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-07-29	no	34.8	30.6	39.0	1,527
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-08-05	no	39.0	34.6	43.5	1,372
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-08-12	no	37.0	32.3	41.6	1,342
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-08-19	no	40.0	36.2	43.8	1,876
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-08-26	no	42.6	38.0	47.1	1,277
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-09-02	no	42.3	38.0	46.6	1,404
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-09-09	no	39.6	35.0	44.1	1,273
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-09-16	no	39.6	35.0	44.2	1,445
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-09-23	no	40.5	36.0	45.0	1,418
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-09-30	no	39.2	35.6	42.9	2,104
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-10-07	no	38.8	33.9	43.7	1,089
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-10-14	no	41.1	35.8	46.3	916
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-10-21	no	39.1	34.9	43.4	1,628
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-10-28	no	35.3	31.2	39.4	1,772
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-11-04	no	40.6	36.3	45.0	1,354
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-11-11	no	38.2	34.3	42.1	1,716
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-11-18	no	37.1	31.5	42.8	861
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-11-25	no	32.2	28.4	36.1	1,879
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-12-02	no	43.1	38.2	47.9	1,152
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-12-09	no	39.0	35.3	42.7	1,863
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-12-16	no	36.8	32.9	40.8	1,589
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-12-23	no	35.9	31.7	40.1	1,250
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2019-12-30	no	38.1	34.9	41.3	2,298
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-01-06	no	36.9	32.2	41.6	1,011
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-01-13	no	37.0	33.0	41.1	1,490
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-01-20	no	39.9	35.9	44.0	1,450
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-01-27	no	36.7	32.0	41.3	1,101
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-02-03	no	38.0	33.7	42.2	1,506
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-02-10	no	39.3	34.7	43.9	1,235
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-02-17	no	36.7	32.7	40.7	1,470
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-02-24	no	42.5	37.8	47.2	1,071
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-03-02	no	35.1	30.9	39.2	1,416
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-03-09	no	39.2	34.9	43.5	1,349
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-03-16	no	39.5	35.3	43.7	1,338
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-03-23	no	41.8	37.4	46.1	1,272
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-03-30	no	41.5	38.3	44.7	2,046
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-04-06	no	37.5	34.7	40.2	2,717
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-04-13	no	40.6	36.3	44.9	1,168
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-04-20	no	37.7	33.4	42.0	1,123
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-04-27	no	39.4	35.2	43.7	1,177
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-05-04	no	39.4	35.4	43.4	1,363
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-05-11	no	36.8	32.2	41.4	981
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-05-18	no	36.0	32.5	39.5	1,663
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-05-25	no	39.2	34.7	43.8	1,028
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-06-01	no	37.1	33.1	41.1	1,297
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-06-08	no	37.5	33.7	41.3	1,462
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-06-15	no	35.8	31.9	39.8	1,329
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-06-22	no	38.3	34.5	42.0	1,512
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-06-29	no	35.5	31.5	39.5	1,321
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-07-06	no	38.2	33.5	42.9	1,062
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-07-13	no	37.7	34.6	40.9	2,372
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-07-20	no	38.3	35.2	41.5	2,194
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-07-27	no	39.1	35.4	42.8	1,569
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-08-03	no	38.3	33.8	42.9	990
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-08-10	no	36.0	31.6	40.4	1,107
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-08-17	no	39.8	35.8	43.8	1,488
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-08-24	no	37.6	32.8	42.4	1,037
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-08-31	no	38.3	33.8	42.8	1,160
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-09-07	no	35.9	31.5	40.3	1,185
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-09-14	no	38.3	34.0	42.5	1,418
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-09-21	no	36.3	31.4	41.2	1,089
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-09-28	no	38.5	33.6	43.4	1,053
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-10-05	no	37.7	33.4	42.1	1,332
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-10-12	no	38.8	34.2	43.3	1,295
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-10-19	no	34.7	29.8	39.5	1,109
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-10-26	no	40.2	36.0	44.4	1,451
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-11-02	no	38.2	33.9	42.5	1,254
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-11-09	no	37.7	33.6	41.8	1,314
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-11-16	no	33.6	28.7	38.5	1,031
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-11-23	no	39.9	35.7	44.1	1,400
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-11-30	no	37.7	33.7	41.8	1,529
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-12-07	no	39.5	34.0	45.0	818
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-12-14	no	38.6	34.5	42.6	1,432
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-12-21	no	42.0	38.0	45.9	1,375
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2020-12-28	no	33.9	28.5	39.2	674
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2021-01-11	yes	45.2	39.6	50.9	837
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2021-01-18	yes	45.6	40.9	50.4	994
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2021-01-25	yes	40.1	34.9	45.3	797
Build a wall (agree)	Independents	2021-02-01	yes	36.3	29.1	43.5	381
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-07-15	no	85.5	82.2	88.8	1,297
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-07-22	no	85.1	82.0	88.2	1,581
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-07-29	no	83.2	80.0	86.3	1,593
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-08-05	no	84.1	81.0	87.2	1,460
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-08-12	no	84.7	81.4	87.9	1,386
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-08-19	no	84.8	82.2	87.5	1,900
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-08-26	no	83.9	80.7	87.0	1,406
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-02	no	82.7	79.6	85.9	1,512
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-09	no	81.5	78.1	84.9	1,466
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-16	no	86.0	82.8	89.1	1,528
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-23	no	83.6	80.3	86.8	1,546
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-30	no	80.8	77.9	83.7	2,290
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-10-07	no	82.5	78.8	86.1	1,225
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-10-14	no	82.9	79.1	86.6	1,110
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-10-21	no	82.4	79.1	85.6	1,696
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-10-28	no	80.4	77.2	83.7	1,801
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-11-04	no	81.3	78.1	84.6	1,545
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-11-11	no	83.8	81.1	86.5	1,942
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-11-18	no	84.4	80.6	88.1	1,025
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-11-25	no	80.3	77.3	83.3	2,044
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-02	no	80.6	77.0	84.2	1,330
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-09	no	86.2	83.6	88.7	2,038
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-16	no	81.7	78.8	84.7	1,755
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-23	no	78.6	75.2	81.9	1,370
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-30	no	81.7	79.4	84.0	2,482
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-01-06	no	85.0	81.9	88.1	1,243
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-01-13	no	79.6	76.4	82.8	1,612
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-01-20	no	85.0	82.4	87.7	1,731
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-01-27	no	81.7	78.3	85.1	1,248
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-02-03	no	81.3	78.1	84.5	1,669
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-02-10	no	79.6	76.3	82.9	1,638
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-02-17	no	84.2	81.5	86.9	1,741
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-02-24	no	82.9	79.9	85.9	1,468
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-02	no	82.2	79.0	85.4	1,561
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-09	no	83.2	80.2	86.1	1,599
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-16	no	82.4	79.4	85.4	1,609
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-23	no	80.5	77.6	83.3	1,702
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-30	no	83.7	81.6	85.7	2,759
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-04-06	no	81.3	79.4	83.3	3,446
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-04-13	no	82.8	79.9	85.7	1,462
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-04-20	no	80.1	77.0	83.3	1,360
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-04-27	no	80.4	77.4	83.4	1,477
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-05-04	no	80.5	77.8	83.1	1,879
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-05-11	no	79.7	76.5	82.9	1,364
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-05-18	no	77.9	75.3	80.5	2,189
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-05-25	no	83.2	80.4	86.0	1,386
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-01	no	78.4	75.3	81.4	1,521
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-08	no	79.7	76.9	82.5	1,776
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-15	no	80.8	78.1	83.6	1,634
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-22	no	80.5	77.8	83.3	1,734
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-29	no	79.3	76.2	82.3	1,586
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-07-06	no	82.0	78.7	85.3	1,280
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-07-13	no	77.6	75.3	80.0	2,934
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-07-20	no	79.1	76.9	81.4	2,977
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-07-27	no	78.6	75.9	81.2	2,090
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-03	no	78.8	75.6	82.1	1,311
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-10	no	78.0	74.8	81.2	1,436
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-17	no	82.0	79.3	84.7	1,938
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-24	no	77.7	74.1	81.4	1,334
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-31	no	78.1	74.9	81.3	1,647
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-09-07	no	77.6	74.2	81.0	1,443
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-09-14	no	79.3	76.3	82.3	1,802
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-09-21	no	79.8	76.3	83.3	1,417
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-09-28	no	76.4	72.7	80.1	1,418
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-10-05	no	81.2	78.1	84.3	1,764
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-10-12	no	76.6	73.2	80.1	1,629
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-10-19	no	78.9	75.3	82.5	1,447
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-10-26	no	80.6	77.7	83.5	2,059
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-02	no	79.4	76.2	82.6	1,578
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-09	no	81.2	78.2	84.3	1,563
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-16	no	82.0	78.7	85.4	1,299
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-23	no	81.6	78.7	84.5	1,800
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-30	no	78.3	75.2	81.3	1,888
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-12-07	no	78.0	73.8	82.2	973
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-12-14	no	81.6	78.8	84.3	1,845
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-12-21	no	81.5	78.8	84.2	1,735
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2020-12-28	no	79.4	75.3	83.6	810
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2021-01-11	yes	78.7	74.6	82.8	1,075
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2021-01-18	yes	68.0	64.0	71.9	1,189
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2021-01-25	yes	79.0	75.2	82.7	1,017
Build a wall (agree)	Republicans	2021-02-01	yes	78.1	72.0	84.1	418
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-07-15	no	23.0	19.2	26.9	1,456
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-07-22	no	19.6	16.3	22.9	1,922
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-07-29	no	23.5	20.1	26.9	1,948
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-08-05	no	18.4	15.1	21.8	1,653
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-08-12	no	22.3	18.7	25.9	1,661
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-08-19	no	18.2	15.3	21.0	2,300
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-08-26	no	21.3	18.0	24.7	1,715
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-02	no	18.4	15.3	21.5	1,783
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-09	no	18.5	15.1	22.0	1,675
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-16	no	20.5	17.1	23.9	1,861
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-23	no	21.4	17.8	24.9	1,714
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-09-30	no	22.4	19.5	25.2	2,765
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-10-07	no	21.4	17.6	25.2	1,464
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-10-14	no	25.5	21.1	29.9	1,189
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-10-21	no	23.5	20.0	27.1	1,917
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-10-28	no	22.5	19.1	25.9	2,044
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-11-04	no	20.4	17.1	23.7	1,679
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-11-11	no	19.6	16.7	22.5	2,153
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-11-18	no	27.1	22.2	32.0	972
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-11-25	no	23.4	20.1	26.6	2,164
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-02	no	19.8	16.2	23.5	1,309
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-09	no	22.6	19.7	25.6	2,247
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-16	no	21.5	18.4	24.6	1,901
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-23	no	25.3	22.0	28.7	1,624
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2019-12-30	no	21.2	18.7	23.8	2,628
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-01-06	no	25.1	21.3	28.9	1,336
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-01-13	no	17.8	14.9	20.8	1,845
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-01-20	no	20.7	17.7	23.7	1,935
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-01-27	no	23.7	20.0	27.4	1,453
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-02-03	no	22.6	19.2	26.0	1,807
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-02-10	no	25.1	21.6	28.7	1,620
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-02-17	no	21.3	18.3	24.3	1,989
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-02-24	no	21.4	18.0	24.8	1,464
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-02	no	24.7	21.5	28.0	1,882
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-09	no	17.3	14.3	20.3	1,691
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-16	no	25.0	21.8	28.2	1,898
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-23	no	24.4	21.2	27.7	1,720
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-03-30	no	27.3	24.9	29.7	3,079
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-04-06	no	25.7	23.6	27.9	3,769
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-04-13	no	25.7	22.3	29.0	1,543
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-04-20	no	23.7	20.5	27.0	1,549
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-04-27	no	20.8	17.6	24.0	1,465
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-05-04	no	21.4	18.6	24.2	2,111
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-05-11	no	24.6	21.1	28.1	1,426
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-05-18	no	26.8	24.1	29.6	2,325
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-05-25	no	27.5	24.0	30.9	1,476
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-01	no	20.6	17.6	23.6	1,664
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-08	no	22.3	19.3	25.3	1,838
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-15	no	18.3	15.6	21.0	1,837
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-22	no	21.6	18.7	24.5	1,946
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-06-29	no	20.8	17.7	23.9	1,645
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-07-06	no	20.3	17.0	23.7	1,382
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-07-13	no	23.8	21.5	26.1	3,482
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-07-20	no	21.9	19.5	24.2	2,948
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-07-27	no	19.6	17.1	22.2	2,210
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-03	no	19.9	16.7	23.0	1,485
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-10	no	21.6	18.3	24.8	1,552
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-17	no	19.9	16.9	22.9	1,920
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-24	no	20.2	16.8	23.5	1,539
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-08-31	no	22.4	19.0	25.8	1,559
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-09-07	no	22.1	18.8	25.5	1,616
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-09-14	no	26.0	22.7	29.2	2,038
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-09-21	no	24.8	21.0	28.7	1,500
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-09-28	no	21.5	17.8	25.2	1,374
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-10-05	no	26.8	23.2	30.3	1,810
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-10-12	no	24.0	20.7	27.4	1,757
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-10-19	no	23.2	19.5	26.9	1,564
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-10-26	no	25.5	22.3	28.7	2,007
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-02	no	20.8	17.7	24.0	1,665
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-09	no	25.0	21.8	28.3	1,810
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-16	no	26.6	23.0	30.2	1,607
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-23	no	25.3	22.2	28.3	2,086
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-11-30	no	24.8	21.7	27.8	2,167
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-12-07	no	27.8	23.9	31.7	1,340
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-12-14	no	26.5	23.5	29.4	2,256
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-12-21	no	25.3	22.3	28.2	1,982
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2020-12-28	no	24.5	20.5	28.5	1,111
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2021-01-11	yes	29.7	25.5	33.8	1,343
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2021-01-18	yes	47.8	44.0	51.6	1,561
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2021-01-25	yes	25.7	21.8	29.7	1,104
Deport all (agree)	Democrats	2021-02-01	yes	24.7	18.7	30.6	496
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-07-15	no	46.6	41.3	51.9	1,111
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-07-22	no	42.3	37.5	47.1	1,395
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-07-29	no	36.3	31.9	40.7	1,401
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-08-05	no	38.9	34.3	43.5	1,274
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-08-12	no	37.7	32.9	42.4	1,280
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-08-19	no	38.1	34.3	41.9	1,821
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-08-26	no	39.8	35.1	44.5	1,200
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-09-02	no	44.4	39.8	48.9	1,299
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-09-09	no	35.6	31.0	40.2	1,218
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-09-16	no	40.5	35.7	45.2	1,343
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-09-23	no	39.6	34.9	44.2	1,337
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-09-30	no	38.6	34.9	42.4	1,995
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-10-07	no	45.1	39.9	50.3	1,025
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-10-14	no	40.5	35.0	45.9	831
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-10-21	no	40.2	35.7	44.7	1,521
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-10-28	no	37.6	33.4	41.9	1,677
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-11-04	no	42.5	37.9	47.1	1,247
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-11-11	no	37.0	32.9	41.0	1,617
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-11-18	no	37.7	31.9	43.5	807
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-11-25	no	35.6	31.5	39.7	1,761
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-12-02	no	43.1	38.1	48.1	1,105
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-12-09	no	43.2	39.3	47.1	1,757
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-12-16	no	36.9	32.8	40.9	1,537
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-12-23	no	35.5	31.2	39.8	1,184
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2019-12-30	no	39.7	36.4	43.0	2,126
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-01-06	no	38.1	33.3	43.0	963
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-01-13	no	38.2	34.0	42.5	1,352
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-01-20	no	39.8	35.6	44.0	1,372
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-01-27	no	38.6	33.8	43.5	1,037
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-02-03	no	40.4	36.0	44.8	1,432
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-02-10	no	41.7	37.0	46.5	1,198
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-02-17	no	38.1	33.9	42.2	1,389
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-02-24	no	44.3	39.4	49.1	1,023
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-03-02	no	41.2	36.7	45.7	1,317
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-03-09	no	40.9	36.5	45.4	1,264
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-03-16	no	40.5	36.1	44.8	1,276
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-03-23	no	44.8	40.3	49.3	1,186
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-03-30	no	43.8	40.5	47.1	1,916
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-04-06	no	42.3	39.4	45.2	2,560
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-04-13	no	46.5	42.0	51.0	1,092
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-04-20	no	38.3	33.9	42.8	1,063
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-04-27	no	42.7	38.3	47.1	1,126
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-05-04	no	38.8	34.7	43.0	1,252
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-05-11	no	40.9	36.1	45.6	964
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-05-18	no	39.9	36.2	43.6	1,557
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-05-25	no	42.9	38.1	47.7	954
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-06-01	no	38.9	34.8	43.1	1,205
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-06-08	no	39.1	35.2	43.1	1,378
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-06-15	no	38.3	34.2	42.5	1,221
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-06-22	no	38.2	34.3	42.0	1,429
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-06-29	no	34.0	29.9	38.0	1,277
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-07-06	no	39.0	34.1	43.9	992
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-07-13	no	39.0	35.7	42.3	2,218
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-07-20	no	40.0	36.8	43.3	2,103
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-07-27	no	37.8	33.9	41.6	1,478
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-08-03	no	35.9	31.4	40.5	960
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-08-10	no	36.8	32.2	41.3	1,013
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-08-17	no	37.9	33.8	42.0	1,407
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-08-24	no	35.7	31.0	40.4	1,002
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-08-31	no	36.3	31.7	41.0	1,092
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-09-07	no	36.1	31.6	40.6	1,139
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-09-14	no	36.8	32.5	41.1	1,364
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-09-21	no	39.3	34.1	44.5	1,012
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-09-28	no	34.4	29.5	39.4	996
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-10-05	no	37.7	33.2	42.3	1,223
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-10-12	no	34.2	29.6	38.8	1,200
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-10-19	no	34.7	29.8	39.7	1,042
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-10-26	no	39.0	34.6	43.4	1,361
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-11-02	no	37.2	32.7	41.7	1,137
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-11-09	no	35.9	31.6	40.1	1,223
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-11-16	no	26.7	22.2	31.2	1,012
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-11-23	no	39.6	35.3	43.9	1,329
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-11-30	no	38.2	34.0	42.4	1,421
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-12-07	no	36.1	30.5	41.7	776
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-12-14	no	37.3	33.1	41.5	1,304
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-12-21	no	40.9	36.8	45.0	1,277
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2020-12-28	no	35.0	29.3	40.6	617
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2021-01-11	yes	43.4	37.6	49.2	790
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2021-01-18	yes	56.5	51.8	61.2	989
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2021-01-25	yes	37.4	31.9	42.9	711
Deport all (agree)	Independents	2021-02-01	yes	39.2	31.4	47.0	341
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-07-15	no	76.8	72.6	80.9	1,189
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-07-22	no	75.2	71.3	79.2	1,466
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-07-29	no	74.7	70.9	78.5	1,493
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-08-05	no	71.7	67.7	75.7	1,345
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-08-12	no	69.9	65.6	74.3	1,275
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-08-19	no	72.5	69.0	76.0	1,768
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-08-26	no	72.4	68.4	76.3	1,308
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-02	no	72.7	68.9	76.6	1,389
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-09	no	70.5	66.3	74.7	1,334
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-16	no	75.5	71.4	79.5	1,402
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-23	no	70.2	66.0	74.4	1,447
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-09-30	no	68.6	65.0	72.1	2,088
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-10-07	no	74.8	70.4	79.2	1,124
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-10-14	no	74.5	69.9	79.0	1,029
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-10-21	no	72.0	68.0	76.0	1,569
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-10-28	no	71.0	67.1	74.9	1,658
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-11-04	no	67.7	63.7	71.7	1,449
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-11-11	no	70.7	67.2	74.2	1,803
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-11-18	no	70.3	65.4	75.2	967
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-11-25	no	68.8	65.2	72.4	1,924
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-02	no	69.3	64.8	73.7	1,203
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-09	no	72.0	68.5	75.4	1,897
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-16	no	74.1	70.6	77.6	1,639
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-23	no	68.8	64.9	72.7	1,278
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2019-12-30	no	71.1	68.3	74.0	2,275
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-01-06	no	70.7	66.6	74.9	1,151
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-01-13	no	68.3	64.5	72.2	1,488
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-01-20	no	73.3	69.9	76.7	1,606
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-01-27	no	70.0	65.8	74.1	1,178
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-02-03	no	71.5	67.7	75.3	1,550
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-02-10	no	72.1	68.2	75.9	1,517
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-02-17	no	72.4	69.0	75.9	1,619
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-02-24	no	73.0	69.3	76.7	1,349
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-02	no	72.5	68.7	76.4	1,461
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-09	no	73.2	69.6	76.9	1,476
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-16	no	71.2	67.5	74.8	1,504
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-23	no	72.2	68.8	75.5	1,604
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-03-30	no	73.1	70.6	75.7	2,577
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-04-06	no	74.2	71.9	76.5	3,170
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-04-13	no	75.7	72.4	79.1	1,347
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-04-20	no	70.6	67.0	74.2	1,297
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-04-27	no	72.4	68.9	75.9	1,367
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-05-04	no	71.9	68.7	75.1	1,735
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-05-11	no	66.2	62.3	70.1	1,252
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-05-18	no	69.1	66.1	72.1	2,046
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-05-25	no	69.3	65.7	72.9	1,291
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-01	no	66.3	62.7	70.0	1,420
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-08	no	70.9	67.7	74.1	1,635
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-15	no	68.2	64.8	71.5	1,545
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-22	no	67.9	64.5	71.2	1,568
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-06-29	no	67.6	64.0	71.2	1,458
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-07-06	no	67.0	62.7	71.2	1,158
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-07-13	no	65.5	62.7	68.3	2,754
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-07-20	no	67.9	65.2	70.5	2,757
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-07-27	no	66.2	63.0	69.4	1,928
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-03	no	64.4	60.5	68.4	1,213
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-10	no	64.7	60.8	68.5	1,315
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-17	no	71.5	68.2	74.8	1,791
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-24	no	65.4	61.1	69.7	1,231
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-08-31	no	67.5	63.7	71.3	1,510
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-09-07	no	66.0	62.0	70.0	1,327
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-09-14	no	69.8	66.3	73.3	1,693
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-09-21	no	67.8	63.5	72.0	1,291
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-09-28	no	69.5	65.4	73.6	1,328
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-10-05	no	68.9	65.1	72.7	1,612
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-10-12	no	65.4	61.3	69.4	1,484
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-10-19	no	62.3	57.8	66.7	1,320
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-10-26	no	68.3	64.7	71.8	1,909
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-02	no	65.5	61.6	69.4	1,471
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-09	no	67.6	63.8	71.5	1,419
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-16	no	68.0	63.8	72.3	1,191
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-23	no	70.1	66.5	73.6	1,649
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-11-30	no	69.5	65.9	73.0	1,758
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-12-07	no	64.4	59.3	69.5	899
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-12-14	no	70.3	66.9	73.8	1,643
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-12-21	no	70.2	66.8	73.6	1,603
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2020-12-28	no	71.2	66.3	76.1	726
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2021-01-11	yes	68.4	63.5	73.4	985
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2021-01-18	yes	76.7	73.1	80.3	1,156
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2021-01-25	yes	70.8	66.3	75.2	914
Deport all (agree)	Republicans	2021-02-01	yes	71.5	64.6	78.4	389
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-07-15	no	16.9	13.4	20.4	1,434
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-07-22	no	15.8	12.7	18.8	1,897
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-07-29	no	19.6	16.4	22.8	1,978
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-08-05	no	16.5	13.3	19.7	1,646
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-08-12	no	18.6	15.2	22.1	1,654
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-08-19	no	14.4	11.8	17.0	2,302
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-08-26	no	19.1	15.9	22.4	1,707
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-09-02	no	16.5	13.5	19.4	1,803
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-09-09	no	17.1	13.8	20.4	1,689
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-09-16	no	18.0	14.8	21.3	1,857
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-09-23	no	18.9	15.6	22.3	1,742
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-09-30	no	19.4	16.7	22.1	2,729
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-10-07	no	18.2	14.7	21.8	1,494
Path for all (disagree)	Democrats	2019-10-14	no	19.8	15.8	23.9	1,200

The first 500 of 972 rows; every row is in figures/nationscape.json.

Views: Build a wall (agree) (item = Build a wall (agree)); Deport all (agree) (item = Deport all (agree)); Path for all (disagree) (item = Path for all (disagree)); Path for those brought as children (disagree) (item = Path for those brought as children (disagree)).

Note: Party is the three-category party question (Democrat, Republican, independent), so Democrats and Republicans exclude leaners and independents include them. A week is drawn when it has at least 500 respondents on the item and at least 100 respondents with an effective sample of at least 100 in each of the two parties.

Note: Open points are weeks after 28 December 2020. In the week of 18 January 2021 the Democratic and Republican shares move toward an even split on three of the four items, and the file does not say why.

Source: Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape, July 2019 to February 2021; weighted (weight), opt-in panel

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/nationscape.json

Table 9. Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats on every 2024 ANES immigration item, most on the border wall

Share giving the restrictive answer to the 2024 ANES immigration items, by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; rows ordered by the all-respondent gap; 95% intervals

Respondents	Item	Group	Share (%)	Lower	Upper	Respondents counted
All respondents	Favor a border wall	Democrats	15.6	13.4	17.7	2,332
All respondents	Favor a border wall	Independents	28.0	20.6	35.4	302
All respondents	Favor a border wall	Republicans	76.5	73.9	79.1	2,094
All respondents	Illegal immigration increases crime	Democrats	34.8	32.0	37.6	2,312
All respondents	Illegal immigration increases crime	Independents	62.7	54.7	70.7	301
All respondents	Illegal immigration increases crime	Republicans	89.0	87.1	90.9	2,079
All respondents	Immigration likely takes jobs	Democrats	12.6	10.7	14.6	2,323
All respondents	Immigration likely takes jobs	Independents	36.5	28.5	44.5	300
All respondents	Immigration likely takes jobs	Republicans	52.6	49.5	55.6	2,079
All respondents	Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back	Democrats	8.0	6.4	9.6	2,327
All respondents	Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back	Independents	20.4	13.7	27.1	300
All respondents	Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back	Republicans	41.7	38.6	44.7	2,084
All respondents	Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important	Democrats	37.6	34.8	40.5	2,325
All respondents	Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important	Independents	50.3	42.0	58.5	301
All respondents	Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important	Republicans	67.1	64.2	70.0	2,078
All respondents	Decrease immigration levels	Democrats	29.8	27.2	32.5	2,390
All respondents	Decrease immigration levels	Independents	44.5	36.6	52.5	318
All respondents	Decrease immigration levels	Republicans	58.7	55.8	61.7	2,170
All respondents	Favor ending birthright citizenship	Democrats	14.8	12.7	16.9	2,334
All respondents	Favor ending birthright citizenship	Independents	18.8	12.3	25.3	300
All respondents	Favor ending birthright citizenship	Republicans	40.7	37.7	43.8	2,090
All respondents	Immigrants are bad for the economy	Democrats	5.4	4.1	6.7	2,322
All respondents	Immigrants are bad for the economy	Independents	26.0	18.7	33.2	301
All respondents	Immigrants are bad for the economy	Republicans	30.0	27.2	32.8	2,069
All respondents	Oppose a path to citizenship	Democrats	7.2	5.7	8.7	2,326
All respondents	Oppose a path to citizenship	Independents	21.2	14.4	27.9	302
All respondents	Oppose a path to citizenship	Republicans	30.3	27.4	33.1	2,075
All respondents	Children brought illegally should be sent back	Democrats	4.9	3.6	6.2	2,331
All respondents	Children brought illegally should be sent back	Independents	14.0	8.2	19.8	299
All respondents	Children brought illegally should be sent back	Republicans	24.6	22.0	27.3	2,053
In person	Favor a border wall	Democrats	14.2	9.6	18.7	465
In person	Favor a border wall	Republicans	78.4	72.7	84.1	395
In person	Illegal immigration increases crime	Democrats	39.8	33.4	46.3	459
In person	Illegal immigration increases crime	Republicans	92.9	89.3	96.5	393
In person	Immigration likely takes jobs	Democrats	11.7	7.5	15.9	465
In person	Immigration likely takes jobs	Republicans	47.3	40.3	54.2	395
In person	Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back	Democrats	4.8	2.0	7.6	464
In person	Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back	Republicans	32.5	26.0	38.9	392
In person	Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important	Democrats	30.7	24.7	36.7	468
In person	Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important	Republicans	62.5	55.8	69.2	394
In person	Decrease immigration levels	Democrats	25.2	19.5	30.9	460
In person	Decrease immigration levels	Republicans	44.6	37.6	51.5	389
In person	Favor ending birthright citizenship	Democrats	11.9	7.7	16.2	466
In person	Favor ending birthright citizenship	Republicans	33.5	27.0	40.1	391
In person	Immigrants are bad for the economy	Democrats	4.2	1.6	6.8	466
In person	Immigrants are bad for the economy	Republicans	24.7	18.6	30.7	388
In person	Oppose a path to citizenship	Democrats	6.2	3.1	9.4	468
In person	Oppose a path to citizenship	Republicans	24.4	18.5	30.4	390
In person	Children brought illegally should be sent back	Democrats	0.6	0.0	1.6	467
In person	Children brought illegally should be sent back	Republicans	11.9	7.3	16.4	381
Web	Favor a border wall	Democrats	17.6	14.1	21.1	855
Web	Favor a border wall	Republicans	76.1	72.0	80.1	746
Web	Illegal immigration increases crime	Democrats	32.7	28.3	37.0	846
Web	Illegal immigration increases crime	Republicans	87.6	84.4	90.7	739
Web	Immigration likely takes jobs	Democrats	12.6	9.5	15.7	848
Web	Immigration likely takes jobs	Republicans	55.7	51.0	60.5	739
Web	Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back	Democrats	10.3	7.5	13.1	854
Web	Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back	Republicans	45.0	40.3	49.7	743
Web	Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important	Democrats	38.3	33.7	42.8	849
Web	Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important	Republicans	68.7	64.2	73.1	737
Web	Decrease immigration levels	Democrats	29.3	25.1	33.5	847
Web	Decrease immigration levels	Republicans	63.3	58.6	67.9	736
Web	Favor ending birthright citizenship	Democrats	17.0	13.5	20.5	856
Web	Favor ending birthright citizenship	Republicans	44.6	39.9	49.4	746
Web	Immigrants are bad for the economy	Democrats	5.7	3.6	7.9	848
Web	Immigrants are bad for the economy	Republicans	32.0	27.5	36.5	737
Web	Oppose a path to citizenship	Democrats	8.6	6.0	11.1	849
Web	Oppose a path to citizenship	Republicans	31.6	27.1	36.0	738
Web	Children brought illegally should be sent back	Democrats	7.5	5.1	9.9	854
Web	Children brought illegally should be sent back	Republicans	29.7	25.4	34.1	738

Views: All respondents (view = All respondents); In person (view = In person); Web (view = Web).

Note: All items use the post-election weight and respondents with a post-election interview, including the four items asked before the election, whose gaps with the pre-election weight are compared in the text; the in-person and web views use the post-election mode weights of the fresh in-person and fresh web samples, which leave out the panel and paper respondents.

Note: An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100, so the in-person view has no independent dots.

Note: Answers of neither favor nor oppose and the middle answers count as not restrictive. Don't know and refusals are left out.

Source: ANES 2024 Time Series; weighted (post-election weight V240107b, mode weights V240101b and V240102b)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/anes2024_items.json

All estimates

Every fact in facts.json (226), sorted by id. The same values as JSON: facts.json.

Fact id	Value	Unit	Estimand	Population	Period	Interval	n	Weights	Source
a_between_1624_n	3	studies	count of studies in which the independent share lies between the Democratic and Republican shares	ANES studies from 2016 to 2024	2016-2024			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_a_1992	48.7%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	all respondents who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992	95% CI 46.6% to 50.8%	2,168	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_a_2020	28.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	all respondents who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020	95% CI 27.0% to 29.8%	7,350	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_a_2024	42.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	all respondents who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	95% CI 40.9% to 45.0%	4,898	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_d_1992	46.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992	95% CI 43.8% to 49.8%	1,080	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_d_2008	42.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008	95% CI 38.7% to 45.9%	1,203	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_d_2008_ftf	42.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008, in-person interviews	95% CI 38.7% to 45.9%	1,203	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_d_2016	28.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016	95% CI 25.7% to 31.0%	1,664	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_d_2016_ftf	23.0%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016, in-person interviews	95% CI 18.3% to 27.7%	475	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_d_2020	14.0%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020	95% CI 12.4% to 15.6%	3,443	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_d_2024	29.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	95% CI 26.6% to 31.9%	2,390	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_i_2008	50.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	independents who lean toward neither party who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008	95% CI 41.9% to 58.2%	227	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_r_1992	50.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992	95% CI 46.7% to 53.5%	818	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_r_2008	47.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008	95% CI 43.2% to 52.5%	596	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_r_2008_ftf	47.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008, in-person interviews	95% CI 43.2% to 52.5%	596	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_r_2016	62.7%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016	95% CI 59.7% to 65.6%	1,476	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_r_2016_ftf	54.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016, in-person interviews	95% CI 48.5% to 59.9%	455	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_r_2020	44.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020	95% CI 42.3% to 46.9%	3,043	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_r_2024	57.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	95% CI 54.6% to 60.6%	2,170	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_r_2024_ftf	44.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024, in-person interviews	95% CI 37.6% to 51.3%	389	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_dec_r_2024_web	63.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024, web interviews	95% CI 59.2% to 68.3%	736	weight_web (web mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_1992	3.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992	95% CI −1.2 to 7.9	1,898	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2000	8.0	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2000	95% CI 2.4 to 13.6	1,515	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2008_ftf	5.6	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008, in-person interviews	95% CI −0.3 to 11.5	1,799	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2012	15.1	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2012	95% CI 11.2 to 18.9	4,664	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2016	34.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016	95% CI 30.4 to 38.3	3,140	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2016_ftf	31.2	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016, in-person interviews	95% CI 23.8 to 38.6	930	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2020	30.6	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020	95% CI 27.7 to 33.4	6,486	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2020_post	29.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share with the post-election weight; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020	95% CI 26.4 to 32.3	6,486	weight_postelection (VCF9999)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2024	28.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	95% CI 24.3 to 32.4	4,560	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2024_ftf	20.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024, in-person interviews	95% CI 11.5 to 29.1	849	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2024_post	28.9	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share with the post-election weight; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	95% CI 25.0 to 32.9	4,560	weight_postelection (VCF9999)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gap_2024_web	34.5	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024, web interviews	95% CI 28.3 to 40.6	1,583	weight_web (web mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_gss_r_2024_diff	18.8	percentage points	GSS Republican share reduced minus ANES Republican share decreased (two surveys, different questions)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants	2024	95% CI 14.2 to 23.4	3,259	weight_use (GSS) and weight (VCF0009z, ANES)	General Social Survey
a_gss_r_2024_diff_ftf	33.6	percentage points	GSS in-person Republican share reduced minus ANES in-person Republican share decreased (two surveys, different questions)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the question on the number of immigrants	2024	95% CI 24.7 to 42.4	767	weight_use (GSS) and weight_ftf (ANES)	General Social Survey
a_inc_d_1992	10.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer increased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992	95% CI 8.4% to 12.0%	1,080	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_inc_d_2020	46.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer increased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020	95% CI 44.2% to 48.8%	3,443	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_inc_d_2024	24.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer increased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	95% CI 21.9% to 26.9%	2,390	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_inc_r_2020	11.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer increased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020	95% CI 9.9% to 12.8%	3,043	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
a_web_share_2016	70%	share of respondents	share interviewed by web (count, unweighted)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016			none (respondent count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
c_d_border_2007	39.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the CES item on more border patrols, support	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2007	95% CI 37.8% to 41.8%	4,372	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_d_border_2017	26.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the CES item on more border patrols, support	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2017	95% CI 24.7% to 27.5%	8,585	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_d_wall_2021	15.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the CES item on the border wall, support	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2021	95% CI 14.5% to 16.2%	12,445	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_border_2007	28.9	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on more border patrols, support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2007	95% CI 26.1 to 31.8	8,145	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_border_2017	46.2	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on more border patrols, support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2017	95% CI 44.1 to 48.3	14,360	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_border_2019	45.5	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on more border patrols, support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2019	95% CI 43.8 to 47.1	14,672	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_border_2021	45.2	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on more border patrols, support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2021	95% CI 43.8 to 46.6	20,584	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_legalize_2007	27.2	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on legal status for long-term residents, oppose	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2007	95% CI 24.4 to 29.9	8,145	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_legalize_2017	44.0	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on legal status for long-term residents, oppose	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2017	95% CI 41.9 to 46.2	14,360	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_legalize_2019	43.4	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on legal status for long-term residents, oppose	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2019	95% CI 41.6 to 45.2	14,697	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_legalize_2021	48.0	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on legal status for long-term residents, oppose	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2021	95% CI 46.5 to 49.6	20,584	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_wall_2017	57.0	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on the border wall, support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2017	95% CI 55.1 to 58.9	14,360	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_wall_2018	70.7	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on the border wall, support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2018	95% CI 69.8 to 71.6	49,103	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_wall_2020	69.5	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on the border wall, support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2020	95% CI 68.6 to 70.4	49,736	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_gap_wall_2021	70.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on the border wall, support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2021	95% CI 69.0 to 71.5	20,584	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_ind_above_n	56	item-years	count of item-years in which the independent share exceeds the Democratic share with an interval above zero	CES immigration policy items	2007-2021			none (count)	Cooperative Election Study
c_ind_below_n	57	item-years	count of item-years in which the Republican share exceeds the independent share with an interval above zero	CES immigration policy items	2007-2021			none (count)	Cooperative Election Study
c_r_wall_2021	85.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the CES item on the border wall, support	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2021	95% CI 84.7% to 86.6%	8,139	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
g_between_n	9	surveys	count of surveys in which the independent share lies between the Democratic and Republican shares	GSS surveys with a reliable independent estimate	2004-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
g_between_tot	10	surveys	count of surveys in which an independent cell clears the suppression floor	GSS surveys with a reliable independent estimate	2004-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
g_dec_d_2004	47.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2004	95% CI 41.4% to 53.3%	389	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_dec_d_2008	51.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2008	95% CI 46.5% to 55.9%	641	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_dec_d_2016	26.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2016	95% CI 23.2% to 30.5%	862	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_dec_d_2021	15.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2021	95% CI 12.6% to 17.7%	1,220	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_dec_d_2024	28.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2024	95% CI 25.3% to 32.5%	1,212	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_dec_r_2016	61.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2016	95% CI 56.7% to 65.8%	617	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_dec_r_2022	59.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2022	95% CI 54.6% to 64.0%	1,103	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_dec_r_2022_ftf	54.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2022, in-person interviews	95% CI 47.6% to 61.9%	500	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_dec_r_2024	76.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2024	95% CI 72.9% to 79.8%	1,089	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_dec_r_2024_ftf	78.0%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2024, in-person interviews	95% CI 72.4% to 83.6%	378	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_gap_1994	6.5	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the earlier GSS form of the question on the number of immigrants (letin in 1994 and 2000, letin1 in 1996), answer decreased or reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	1994	95% CI 0.3 to 12.6	1,174	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_gap_1996	6.5	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the earlier GSS form of the question on the number of immigrants (letin in 1994 and 2000, letin1 in 1996), answer decreased or reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	1996	95% CI −0.3 to 13.4	958	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_gap_2000	3.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the earlier GSS form of the question on the number of immigrants (letin in 1994 and 2000, letin1 in 1996), answer decreased or reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2000	95% CI −3.5 to 10.1	1,027	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_gap_2004	10.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2004	95% CI 1.8 to 18.8	735	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_gap_2012	12.8	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2012	95% CI 4.8 to 20.7	994	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_gap_2016	34.4	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2016	95% CI 28.5 to 40.2	1,479	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_gap_2022	41.6	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2022	95% CI 35.9 to 47.2	2,511	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_gap_2024	47.5	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2024	95% CI 42.5 to 52.5	2,301	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
g_overlap_share_2014	65%	share of respondents	share of letin1 respondents who also answered letin1a (count, unweighted)	GSS respondents who answered letin1	2014			none (respondent count)	General Social Survey
g_overlap_share_2024	99%	share of respondents	share of letin1 respondents who also answered letin1a (count, unweighted)	GSS respondents who answered letin1	2024			none (respondent count)	General Social Survey
g_variant_max	7.2	percentage points	largest absolute difference between the gap on letin1 and the gap on letin1a (the two forms went to different respondents in 2004 and partly to the same respondents in 2014 and 2024)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2004, 2014 and 2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_crime_d_1996	37.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	1996	95% CI 33.0% to 41.8%	596	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_crime_d_2024	11.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 8.7% to 15.0%	828	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_crime_gap_2004	6.5	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2004	95% CI 0.1 to 12.9	976	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_crime_gap_2024	43.0	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 37.2 to 48.9	1,563	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_crime_r_1996	32.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	1996	95% CI 27.9% to 37.4%	457	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_crime_r_2024	54.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 50.0% to 59.8%	735	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_economy_gap_2024	22.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS item that immigrants are good for America's economy (immameco), answer disagree or disagree strongly	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 16.2 to 28.4	1,125	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_fewer_gap_2004	11.6	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants (letin1), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2004	95% CI 4.0 to 19.3	903	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_fewer_gap_2024	48.8	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants (letin1), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 41.5 to 56.1	1,075	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_jobs_d_1996	49.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	1996	95% CI 44.9% to 53.8%	610	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_jobs_d_2024	11.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 8.4% to 14.6%	833	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_jobs_gap_2024	35.1	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 29.3 to 40.8	1,578	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_jobs_r_1996	46.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	1996	95% CI 41.0% to 51.1%	460	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_jobs_r_2024	46.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 41.7% to 51.4%	745	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
gss_web_2021	88%	share of interviews	share of interviews by web (count)	GSS 2021 respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants	2021			none (interview count)	General Social Survey
n_a_early	7	studies	count of study years with the item	ANES studies from 1992 to 2008	1992-2008			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
n_a_i_above	5	studies	count of studies in which the independent share is above both party shares	ANES studies before 2016 with an independent estimate	1992-2012			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
n_a_i_pre	7	studies	count of studies in which an independent cell clears the suppression floor	ANES studies before 2016 with an independent estimate	1992-2012			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
n_a_zero	6	studies	count of studies in which the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap includes zero	ANES studies from 1992 to 2008	1992-2008			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
n_anes_item	32,751	respondents	count of respondents with a usable answer (increased, same or decreased)	ANES respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants	1992-2024			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
n_anes_waves	11	studies	count of study years with the item	ANES studies that asked the question	1992-2024			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
n_ces_items	9	items	count of immigration policy items in the cumulative policy file	CES immigration policy items	2007-2021			none (count)	Cooperative Election Study
n_ces_itemyears	57	item-years	count of item-years with a Republican minus Democratic gap	CES immigration policy items	2007-2021			none (count)	Cooperative Election Study
n_gss_item	21,070	respondents	count of respondents with a usable answer to letin1a	GSS respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants nowadays	2004-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
n_gss_items	4	items	count of items in the GSS module comparison	GSS immigration module items used	1996-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
n_gss_waves	11	surveys	count of survey years with the item	GSS survey years that asked letin1a	2004-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
n_ns_weeks	77	weeks	count of weeks with at least 500 respondents and enough respondents in each party on the wall item	Nationscape weekly waves	July 2019 to December 2020			none (count)	Nationscape
n_t_items	10	items	count of items in the 2024 comparison	2024 ANES immigration items used	2024			none (count)	ANES 2024 Time Series
n_th_studies	9	studies	count of study years with the rating and enough respondents in both parties	ANES studies with the illegal immigrants thermometer	1988-2024			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ns_chg_deport	−6.1	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap, weeks pooled within each half year; share who agree with deporting all undocumented immigrants	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July to December 2019 compared with July to December 2020	95% CI −7.5 to −4.7	170,810	weight	Nationscape
ns_chg_wall	−6.5	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap, weeks pooled within each half year; share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July to December 2019 compared with July to December 2020	95% CI −7.6 to −5.3	181,095	weight	Nationscape
ns_d19_wall	14.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border, weeks pooled	Democrats (no leaners) who answered the item	July to December 2019	95% CI 13.6% to 14.7%	47,673	weight	Nationscape
ns_d20_wall	17.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border, weeks pooled	Democrats (no leaners) who answered the item	July to December 2020	95% CI 16.7% to 17.8%	49,677	weight	Nationscape
ns_d_path_dream	9.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who disagree with a path to citizenship for those brought here as children	Democrats (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 9.1% to 9.6%	152,999	weight	Nationscape
ns_d_wall	15.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border	Democrats (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 15.5% to 16.1%	147,696	weight	Nationscape
ns_d_wall_jan18	39.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border	Democrats (no leaners) who answered the wall item	week of 18 January 2021	95% CI 35.6% to 43.1%	1,522	weight	Nationscape
ns_gap_deport	47.3	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share who agree with deporting all undocumented immigrants	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 46.8 to 47.9	260,334	weight	Nationscape
ns_gap_path_all	37.1	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share who disagree with a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 36.6 to 37.7	262,675	weight	Nationscape
ns_gap_path_dream	22.0	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share who disagree with a path to citizenship for those brought here as children	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 21.5 to 22.5	274,792	weight	Nationscape
ns_gap_wall	65.4	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 64.9 to 65.8	275,835	weight	Nationscape
ns_i_wall	38.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border	independents who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 37.8% to 38.8%	106,663	weight	Nationscape
ns_r19_wall	82.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border, weeks pooled	Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July to December 2019	95% CI 82.2% to 83.5%	40,328	weight	Nationscape
ns_r20_path_all	52.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who disagree with a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants, weeks pooled	Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July to December 2020	95% CI 51.8% to 53.3%	40,655	weight	Nationscape
ns_r20_wall	79.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border, weeks pooled	Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July to December 2020	95% CI 78.8% to 80.0%	43,417	weight	Nationscape
ns_r_path_dream	31.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who disagree with a path to citizenship for those brought here as children	Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 30.9% to 31.8%	121,793	weight	Nationscape
ns_r_path_jan18	44.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who disagree with a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants	Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	week of 18 January 2021	95% CI 40.0% to 48.5%	1,166	weight	Nationscape
ns_r_wall	81.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border	Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 80.8% to 81.5%	128,139	weight	Nationscape
ns_wall_max	74.3	percentage points	highest across weeks of the weekly Republican minus Democratic gap in agreeing with a wall on the southern border	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the wall item	weekly, July 2019 to December 2020			weight	Nationscape
ns_wall_min	57.4	percentage points	lowest across weeks of the weekly Republican minus Democratic gap in agreeing with a wall on the southern border	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the wall item	weekly, July 2019 to December 2020			weight	Nationscape
ns_wk_jan	18 January 2021	date	Monday that starts the field week in which the party shares move toward an even split on three of the four items	Nationscape weekly waves	2021			none (count)	Nationscape
rule_sd	0.25	standard deviations of the answer	threshold of the sort-date rule of the chapter Sort dates by attitude	the party gap on an attitude	all study years			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
sort_bound	2016	year	first study year in which the lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the z-score exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later study	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants	1992-2024			weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
sort_point	2012	year	first study year in which the point estimate of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the z-score exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later study	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants	1992-2024			weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_d_0816	−13.9	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008 to 2016	95% CI −18.4 to −9.5	2,867	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_d_1620	−14.3	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016 to 2020	95% CI −17.4 to −11.2	5,107	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_d_2024	15.2	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020 to 2024	95% CI 12.1 to 18.3	5,833	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_d_9224	−17.6	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992 to 2024	95% CI −21.6 to −13.6	3,470	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_ftf_1216	21.4	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question, in-person respondents	2012 to 2016	95% CI 11.4 to 31.4	2,562	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_gap_1216	19.3	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap (two separate samples); the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants	2012 to 2016	95% CI 13.8 to 24.8	7,804	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_gap_1620	−3.8	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap (two separate samples); the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants	2016 to 2020	95% CI −8.6 to 1.1	9,626	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_gap_1620_lo	−8.6	percentage points	lower end of the 95% interval of the later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap (two separate samples); the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants	2016 to 2020		9,626	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_gap_2024	−2.2	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap (two separate samples); the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants	2020 to 2024	95% CI −7.2 to 2.7	11,046	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_gap_2024_post	−0.4	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap with the post-election weight; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020 to 2024	95% CI −5.4 to 4.6	11,046	weight_postelection (VCF9999)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_gss_r_0816	12.4	percentage points	change in the Republican share wanting fewer immigrants among all ANES respondents minus the change in the GSS (different questions, separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants	2008 to 2016	95% CI 3.3 to 21.4	3,122	weight, weight_ftf (ANES) and weight_use (GSS)	General Social Survey
st_a_ir_2008	2.2	percentage points	weighted independent share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers and independents who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008	95% CI −7.2 to 11.6	823	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_modegap_2012	8.2	percentage points	web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2012	95% CI 0.0 to 16.4	4,664	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_modegap_2016	4.8	percentage points	web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016	95% CI −3.9 to 13.5	3,140	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_modegap_2016_hi	13.5	percentage points	upper end of the 95% interval of the web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016		3,140	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_modegap_2024	14.2	percentage points	web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	95% CI 3.4 to 25.0	2,432	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_moder_2012	9.3	percentage points	web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2012	95% CI 3.0 to 15.7	1,827	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_moder_2016	12.1	percentage points	web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016	95% CI 5.5 to 18.7	1,476	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_moder_2024	19.3	percentage points	web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	95% CI 11.1 to 27.5	1,125	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_moderd_2012	1.1	percentage points	web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2012	95% CI −4.0 to 6.3	2,837	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_moderd_2016	7.3	percentage points	web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016	95% CI 1.7 to 13.0	1,664	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_moderd_2024	5.1	percentage points	web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2024	95% CI −1.8 to 12.1	1,307	weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_r_0816	14.8	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008 to 2016	95% CI 9.3 to 20.3	2,072	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_r_1620	−18.1	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016 to 2020	95% CI −21.8 to −14.3	4,519	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_r_2024	13.0	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	2020 to 2024	95% CI 9.2 to 16.8	5,213	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_r_9224	7.5	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992 to 2024	95% CI 2.9 to 12.1	2,988	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_a_web_1216	18.0	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question, web respondents	2012 to 2016	95% CI 11.4 to 24.6	5,242	weight_web (web mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_af_d_0816	−19.3	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008 to 2016	95% CI −25.2 to −13.4	1,678	weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_af_d_9224	−22.7	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992 to 2024	95% CI −29.0 to −16.3	1,540	weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_af_gss_r_0816	3.9	percentage points	change in the Republican share wanting fewer immigrants among in-person ANES respondents minus the change in the GSS (different questions, separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants	2008 to 2016	95% CI −6.4 to 14.2	2,101	weight, weight_ftf (ANES) and weight_use (GSS)	General Social Survey
st_af_r_0816	6.3	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question	2008 to 2016	95% CI −1.0 to 13.7	1,051	weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_af_r_1624	−9.8	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question	2016 to 2024	95% CI −18.6 to −0.9	844	weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_af_r_9224	−5.7	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question	1992 to 2024	95% CI −13.3 to 2.0	1,207	weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_c_d_border_0717	−13.7	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the CES item on more border patrols, support (check-all-that-apply format; two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2007 to 2017	95% CI −16.1 to −11.3	12,957	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
st_c_r_border_0717	3.5	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the CES item on more border patrols, support (check-all-that-apply format; two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2007 to 2017	95% CI 0.9 to 6.1	9,548	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
st_g_d_0816	−24.3	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2008 to 2016	95% CI −30.2 to −18.3	1,503	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_d_1622	−9.1	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2016 to 2022	95% CI −13.9 to −4.3	2,270	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_d_2224	11.1	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2022 to 2024	95% CI 6.4 to 15.9	2,620	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_ftf_2224	6.6	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants, in-person respondents	2022 to 2024	95% CI −5.5 to 18.6	1,909	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_ftfr_2224	23.3	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted Republican share within one mode; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants, in-person respondents	2022 to 2024	95% CI 14.2 to 32.3	878	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_modegap_2022	13.5	percentage points	web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2022	95% CI 2.0 to 25.0	2,266	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_modegap_2024	7.6	percentage points	web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2024	95% CI −3.2 to 18.4	2,032	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_moder_2022	12.6	percentage points	web share minus in-person share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2022	95% CI 3.0 to 22.2	996	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_moder_2024	−0.4	percentage points	web share minus in-person share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2024	95% CI −7.7 to 6.9	972	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_r_0816	2.4	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2008 to 2016	95% CI −4.7 to 9.6	1,050	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_r_0816_hi	9.6	percentage points	upper end of the 95% interval of the later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2008 to 2016		1,050	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_r_1618	−8.9	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2016 to 2018	95% CI −16.3 to −1.6	1,130	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_r_1622	−1.9	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2016 to 2022	95% CI −8.5 to 4.6	1,720	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_r_1624	15.1	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2016 to 2024	95% CI 9.4 to 20.8	1,706	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_r_2224	17.0	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2022 to 2024	95% CI 11.2 to 22.9	2,192	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_variant_2004	1.3	percentage points	gap on letin1 minus gap on letin1a (Republican minus Democratic share; different respondents in 2004)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants	2004	95% CI −10.1 to 12.7	1,638	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_web_2224	0.7	percentage points	later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants, web respondents	2022 to 2024	95% CI −9.6 to 10.9	2,389	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_g_webr_2224	10.2	percentage points	later minus earlier weighted Republican share within one mode; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants, web respondents	2022 to 2024	95% CI 2.3 to 18.1	1,090	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)	General Social Survey
st_th_d_8824	17.1	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	later minus earlier weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988 to 2024	95% CI 14.8 to 19.3	3,079	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_th_gap_8824	22.2	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	later minus earlier warmth gap (Democratic mean rating of illegal immigrants minus Republican mean rating), two separate samples	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988 to 2024	95% CI 19.0 to 25.4	5,843	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_th_r_8824	−5.2	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	later minus earlier weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988 to 2024	95% CI −7.4 to −2.9	2,764	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_thf_r_8824	−3.6	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	later minus earlier weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants, in-person respondents only (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who rated illegal immigrants	1988 to 2024	95% CI −7.2 to 0.0	1,084	weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_thh_d_8824	14.2	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	later minus earlier weighted mean rating of Hispanics (two separate samples)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988 to 2024	95% CI 12.2 to 16.1	3,075	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_thh_gap_8824	1.9	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	later minus earlier warmth gap (Democratic mean rating of Hispanics minus Republican mean rating), two separate samples	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988 to 2024	95% CI −0.9 to 4.7	5,809	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
st_thh_r_8824	12.2	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	later minus earlier weighted mean rating of Hispanics (two separate samples)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988 to 2024	95% CI 10.2 to 14.2	2,734	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
t_d_children	4.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share giving the restrictive answer: children brought illegally should be sent back	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 3.6% to 6.2%	2,331	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_birthright	25.9	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: favor ending birthright citizenship	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 22.3 to 29.6	4,424	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_children	19.7	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: children brought illegally should be sent back	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 16.8 to 22.7	4,384	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_crime	54.2	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: illegal immigration increases crime	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 50.8 to 57.6	4,391	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_economy	24.6	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: immigrants are bad for the economy	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 21.5 to 27.8	4,391	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_jobs	39.9	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: immigration likely takes jobs	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 36.3 to 43.6	4,402	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_levels	28.9	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: decrease immigration levels	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 25.0 to 32.9	4,560	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_levels_ftf	19.4	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: decrease immigration levels	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024, in-person interviews	95% CI 10.4 to 28.4	849	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_levels_web	33.9	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: decrease immigration levels	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024, web interviews	95% CI 27.7 to 40.2	1,583	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_nopath	23.1	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: oppose a path to citizenship	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 19.8 to 26.3	4,401	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_wall	60.9	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: favor a border wall	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 57.6 to 64.3	4,426	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_mode_max_other	11.0	percentage points	largest absolute difference between the web gap and the in-person gap (Republican minus Democratic) across the nine items other than immigration levels	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 4.1 to 17.8	2,440	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_pre_weight_max	0.3	percentage points	largest absolute difference, over the four pre-election items, between the gap weighted with the post-election weight and the gap weighted with the pre-election weight (V240107a)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024			w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_r_children	24.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share giving the restrictive answer: children brought illegally should be sent back	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2024	95% CI 22.0% to 27.3%	2,053	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
th_d_1988	39.7	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988	95% CI 37.9 to 41.5	776	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
th_d_2024	56.8	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	2024	95% CI 55.4 to 58.2	2,303	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
th_gap_1988	7.7	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants among Democrats minus the mean among Republicans (warmth gap)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988	95% CI 5.3 to 10.1	1,473	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
th_gap_2024	29.9	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants among Democrats minus the mean among Republicans (warmth gap)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	2024	95% CI 27.8 to 32.0	4,370	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
th_r_1988	32.0	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988	95% CI 30.4 to 33.6	697	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
th_r_2004	35.0	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	2004	95% CI 32.6 to 37.4	435	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
th_r_2020	33.7	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	2020	95% CI 32.5 to 34.9	2,914	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
th_r_2024	26.9	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	2024	95% CI 25.3 to 28.4	2,067	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
thh_d_1988	59.7	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of Hispanics	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988	95% CI 58.2 to 61.2	763	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
thh_d_2024	73.9	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of Hispanics	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	2024	95% CI 72.6 to 75.2	2,312	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
thh_gap_1988	5.4	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean rating of Hispanics among Democrats minus the mean among Republicans (warmth gap)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988	95% CI 3.3 to 7.5	1,447	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
thh_gap_2024	7.3	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean rating of Hispanics among Democrats minus the mean among Republicans (warmth gap)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	2024	95% CI 5.4 to 9.2	4,362	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
thh_r_1988	54.4	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of Hispanics	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	1988	95% CI 52.9 to 55.8	684	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
thh_r_2024	66.6	points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer	weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of Hispanics	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group	2024	95% CI 65.2 to 67.9	2,050	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
z_gap_2012_ftf	0.237	standard deviations of the answer	Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of the five-category answer (VCF0879), standardized within the mode	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants	2012	95% CI 0.102 to 0.372	1,632	weight_ftf	ANES Cumulative Data File
z_gap_2012_web	0.372	standard deviations of the answer	Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of the five-category answer (VCF0879), standardized within the mode	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed on the web who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants	2012	95% CI 0.280 to 0.464	3,032	weight_web	ANES Cumulative Data File
z_lo_2012	0.248	standard deviations of the answer	lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of the five-category answer (VCF0879)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants	2012		4,664	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
z_lo_2012_part	0.2500	standard deviations of the answer	lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the z-score of the five-category answer (VCF0879) standardized among party identifiers only	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants	2012		4,664	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File

Definitions

Percentage point: The unit for the difference between two percentages. A change from one share to another is stated in points, not in percent, so that absolute and relative change are not confused.
Partisan leaner: A respondent who first says they are independent but, when asked, says they lean toward one party. Most figures group leaners with the party they lean toward, and each chapter says which grouping it uses.
Confidence interval: A range around an estimate that would contain the true value in 95% of repeated samples if the sampling model held. The book reports 95% intervals unless it says otherwise.
Effective sample size: The number of equally weighted respondents that would give the same precision as the weighted sample. It is smaller than the raw count when the weights vary a lot, and it sets how wide the confidence interval is.
Survey weights: Numbers that scale each respondent so the sample matches the population on known traits such as age, race, education and region. A weighted average counts a respondent with a large weight for more than one with a small weight.
Standard deviation: A measure of how far values typically fall from their average. A larger standard deviation means the values are more spread out.
Survey mode: How respondents were interviewed: in person, by phone, on paper or online. Mode can change answers, so a change in mode can look like a change in opinion.
Feeling thermometer: A 0 to 100 rating of a group or person, where 0 is the coldest feeling and 100 the warmest. The American National Election Studies ask respondents to rate parties, candidates and social groups this way.

Methods

Sample. ANES Cumulative Data File respondents who gave an increased, same or decreased answer to the question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a; don't know is missing): 32,751 respondents in 11 studies from 1992 to 2024. GSS respondents who answered letin1a, the number of immigrants nowadays should be (asked in 11 surveys from 2004 to 2024, none in 2020): 21,070 respondents. CES respondents who answered at least one of nine immigration policy items between 2007 and 2021: 474,358. Nationscape respondents who answered at least one of four policy items in the weeks from July 2019 to 28 December 2020: 456,979. ANES 2024 Time Series respondents with a post-election weight: 4,964.

Party and estimand. Democrats and Republicans include leaners (ANES and CES seven-point party identification 1 to 3 and 5 to 7; GSS partyid 0 to 2 and 4 to 6); independents are those who lean toward neither party (ANES and CES 4, GSS 3). Nationscape uses the three-category party question, so its Democrats and Republicans exclude leaners and its independents include them. Members of other parties are in the all-respondent line only. Every outcome is the restrictive answer (wanting fewer immigrants, favoring a restrictive policy, or saying immigrants have a bad effect), as the wording table lists. The party gap is the Republican share minus the Democratic share in percentage points, the sign used in the chapter Sort dates by attitude. The thermometer gap is signed the other way (Democrats minus Republicans in warmth).

Coding. Coding is read from the stored value labels and never from a correlation with party: ANES VCF0879 1 increased a lot to 5 decreased a lot and VCF0879a 1 increased, 3 same, 5 decreased; GSS letin1a, letin1 and letin 1 increased a lot to 5 reduced a lot and immjobs, immcrime and immameco 1 agree strongly to 5 disagree strongly (checked against the file labels in the build). CES items are 1 for support; the restrictive answer is support except for legal status, where it is oppose. Nationscape items are agree (1) or disagree (2) with not sure missing; the restrictive answer is agree except for the two path to citizenship items, where it is disagree.

Weights. ANES weight VCF0009z, with weight_ftf and weight_web for in-person and web respondents in 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024 (2008 was a single-mode in-person study; 2020 has no mode weights). GSS weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004); the GSS mode is joined from the raw file. CES weight, the single-wave weight. Nationscape weight. The cumulative file weight VCF0009z is the full-sample weight, and the questions on the number of immigrants and the thermometers are post-election items. The file also has a post-election weight (VCF9999, weight_postelection) for 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2016, 2020 and 2024 among the studies with the question; the gap with that weight differs from the gap shown by at most 1.2 points (largest in 2020), and the text gives the 2020 and 2024 gaps with it. The file has no post-election mode weights, so the ANES in-person and web estimates use weight_ftf and weight_web. The 2024 Time Series items use the post-election weight V240107b, and the mode views use the post-election mode weights V240101b and V240102b of the fresh in-person and fresh web samples, which leave out the panel and paper respondents. The four items asked before the election (V241386, V241387, V241390, V241393) use the post-election weight like the others; with the pre-election weight V240107a their gaps differ by at most 0.3 points.

In-person ANES view. The in-person series combines the studies of 1992 to 1998 and 2004 (in person by design; weight VCF0009z) with the in-person samples of 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024 (mode ftf; weight_ftf). The 2000 study, which mixed in-person and telephone interviews with no interview-form variable in the file, and the telephone study of 2002 are left out, and 2020 had no in-person interviews.

Intervals. 95% intervals use the Kish effective sample size with a normal approximation, treat the weighted sample as a simple random sample and ignore the strata and clusters of the designs. A gap, a change between surveys and a mode difference combine the two standard errors in quadrature, treating the two estimates as independent. Adjacent ANES studies are treated as independent although the 2020 and 2024 studies re-interviewed some earlier respondents. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, so their intervals rest on a model. In 2004 the GSS letin1 and letin1a forms went to different respondents; in 2014 and 2024 most respondents who answered letin1 also answered letin1a, so the two forms are compared by their point estimates in those years.

Suppression. A Democratic or Republican cell in a yearly series needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100; an independent or all-respondent cell, and every cell in a mode, item, CES or 2024 split, needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. A gap needs both party cells to clear the floor. A Nationscape week needs at least 500 respondents on the item.

Dating by reference. The date of the opening applies the rule of the chapter Sort dates by attitude to the five-category ANES answer (VCF0879, 1 increased a lot to 5 decreased a lot; 2000 is not coded to five answers): the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score (weighted mean and standard deviation of all respondents with the item that year), a threshold of 0.25 standard deviations, the point-estimate date as the first study from which the estimate stays above it and the lower-bound date as the first study from which the lower end of the 95% interval stays above it. The z-score standardizes among all respondents with the item, as the code of that chapter does; standardizing among party identifiers only, the lower end of the 2012 interval is 0.2500, at the mark. The 2012 in-person and web gaps standardize within each mode.

CES. Weights and cells use the single-wave weight. Items are check-all-that-apply through 2017 and support or oppose from 2018 according to the guide to the cumulative policy file, so the figure breaks between 2017 and 2019 and no level or gap is compared across the break. The per-year sign check recomputes the Republican minus Democratic gap in the restrictive direction for every item-year and finds it above zero in all of them, so the 2014 reversal of the ACA repeal item has no counterpart in these items.

Nationscape. Weekly bins are the Monday of the field week. Weeks after 28 December 2020 are drawn as open points and left out of the pooled and half-year estimates: only four 2021 weeks have 500 respondents on the items, and in the weeks of 11 and 18 January 2021 the party shares are far from the 2019 and 2020 weeks; the week of 18 January moves toward an even split on three of the four items. Half-year estimates pool the weeks of July to December 2019 and of July to December 2020.

What these data cannot show

Each survey interviews a new sample, so a change in a party's share can come from people changing their view, changing their party or being replaced by new adults, and these data cannot separate them.
Party identification is itself an answer, and people may change it because of their views on immigration or change their views because of their party.
Abrajano and Hajnal [3] argue for the first order, and these data can neither support nor reject it.
The party lines also combine people of every origin, so changes in who belongs to each party are not separated from changes in what they say.
Chapter 3.3, Hispanic, Black and Asian voters (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/hispanic-black-and-asian-voters; planned) is planned to follow group differences in the vote.
Levels cannot be compared across surveys.
The ANES and the GSS differ by 18.8 (95% CI 14.2 to 23.4) points in the Republican share wanting fewer immigrants in 2024, and by 33.6 (95% CI 24.7 to 42.4) points among in-person respondents in each, and the chapter does not say which is closer to the truth.
The ANES question has five answers that the chapter collapses to decreased against the rest, the GSS question has five answers collapsed the same way, and the CES, Nationscape and 2024 ANES policy items measure different things on different scales.
The mode checks are limited to the years that have mode weights or a mode variable.
The 2020 ANES levels and the 2021 GSS, which was mostly web, cannot be split, and the cumulative file has no post-election mode weights, so the in-person and web ANES estimates use the full-sample mode weights.
The CES changes format and wording across years, so changes that cross 2018 are not read, and the Nationscape file has no leaner question for most weeks.
The chapter has no measure of behavior, of elite positions or of the size of the foreign-born population.
It does not ask whether the American gap is unusual.
The European Social Survey has immigration questions in many countries but no party vote in the file used for this book, and a comparison on left-right placement would need an American question that matches theirs.
Planned, Immigration and local context (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration-and-local-context; planned) is planned to take up the local foreign-born share.
No result here shows that immigration attitudes changed party loyalty or that party loyalty changed attitudes.

References

Kish, Leslie (1965). Survey Sampling. John Wiley and Sons.
Hainmueller, Jens; Hopkins, Daniel J. (2014). Public Attitudes Toward Immigration. Annual Review of Political Science 17: 225-249. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-102512-194818
Abrajano, Marisa; Hajnal, Zoltan L. (2015). White Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American Politics. Princeton University Press. doi:10.1515/9781400866489
American National Election Studies (2022). ANES 2020 Time Series Study Full Release: User Guide and Codebook. Stanford University and the University of Michigan. electionstudies.org/data-center/2020-time-series-study/
Dagonel, Angelo (2023). Guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences. Harvard Dataverse, Cumulative CES Policy Preferences, version 3 (guide last updated 2023-01-18). doi:10.7910/DVN/OSXDQO
Tausanovitch, Chris; Vavreck, Lynn (2023). Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape Project (data version 20211215). Harvard Dataverse, version 1. doi:10.7910/DVN/CQFP3Z

Provenance

Pipeline version: 1.0.0
Build script: book3/chapters/immigration/build.py (sha256 9cd550d4f71faa93ffba738c7915f90f98452566fcca4088ea80d10c1f3e8aee)
Built on: 2026-10-03
Site commit: 16414b2c7257546a7042d0b1734657f208999f60

Inputs

File	Size (bytes)	SHA-256, first 1 MB	SHA-256, last 1 MB
data/anes/anes2024_ts/anes_timeseries_2024_spss_20260519.sav	12,757,094	3107c838755f88353d0e3e39b2c3d5f76a2888cf56a179e3acac84ab431335d2	bb318a018a39b4cf87ccc91b50a5b7c5b41746d28c0226f4a6c176e8c74966d6
data/anes/anes_cdf_clean.parquet	15,640,720	b3f0c2d8ae5673b2c40cf6df71318ea3f712cd845c4f1aad0460f28d1b022643	04f06dae56b65649291caf6cf77aab9767d9c92d0c2669c6d3655d9063970583
data/cces/cces_clean.parquet	53,454,868	9430e88b3196c9ca2250bdda1908d3920e80e276ca0c529c514e2fc2bdd00806	f61097c727c38fd8d7c8e53fe86935fb626f351a64d99ccb1ae0b56715b2c405
data/gss/gss_all_raw2024.parquet	35,044,704	6f6560d1929e8a100f576317a296ee88f777ca061ab7dbc1471cbdc7b3563538	5c3294f206beb53d9a8387fccb1983bf3088818df090bd8ed3f378adadafcf9b
data/nationscape/nationscape_clean.parquet	43,528,088	6a7904b0ca979052a375585356a3e4fb85129f4902770bee653b54e95fc936e4	8dc1daf282a9fa90033abf3be0312eb5d1bf351a6a0b719c43204c904af86a44

Outputs

File	SHA-256
facts.json	b326bd417926a3687d53257acf8c726208d41b0a6ffcc664fb3470f99ca61b1a
figures/anes2024_items.json	feee72560ed2dfa7942db30e692d2df9079f477f7479133a4113efe55125d7f9
figures/ces_items.json	c312155fa65d40f27d7d3c24e2c987f08f2766d8bede18e56aa57069ee7f6920
figures/gap_by_year.json	94caff9dd9c507ec26d04a4ccf1240bb873242242682cb21736225eeb7a8a0c2
figures/gss_items.json	456d58dbb97caffe19733ae92f451b68a8fe78134c690b50b40d0cb1cdaa9d87
figures/mode_check.json	bc6621248be16c210778f80d370d198f68d368b4deeef572cc75d86dda81c8aa
figures/nationscape.json	8e803d653f2cd72e851fbdc6e28791ab387d441dc6dc3d59c59f1276389e323d
figures/share_by_party.json	77b98d6fba71fa7868b51c347f844216999747cb7edcc0e8463ffefed4bccae3
figures/thermometers.json	6a9956c304fe49dbdb3adf561986e5af3c06862d7af299a3429f639086443e70
figures/wording.json	a15b3d2b64c11e55b427946dfc2a8192d69d8c5827f8806f89a93323dc3b6d09
meta.json	6e7e48b607261bf784f16674c5d8cee313958d443dd0ad1207f795394e1b889c
refs.json	96bea85e2f46fdd9ae61d0e74441065b2756880c8febb9a2eafc091990372914

Machine formats

Report (Markdown): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration/report.md
Every estimate (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/facts.json
Table 1, figure "wording" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/wording.json
Table 2, figure "gap_by_year" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/gap_by_year.json
Table 3, figure "share_by_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/share_by_party.json
Table 4, figure "mode_check" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/mode_check.json
Table 5, figure "thermometers" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/thermometers.json
Table 6, figure "gss_items" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/gss_items.json
Table 7, figure "ces_items" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/ces_items.json
Table 8, figure "nationscape" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/nationscape.json
Table 9, figure "anes2024_items" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/anes2024_items.json
Index of every report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms.txt; all reports in one file: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms-full.txt