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The Public Mind

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    The Public Mind

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    What the book is, how its numbers are made, and where to begin.

    In American surveys, a person's party says more about the ideological label they choose than it did in the 1970s. It still leaves much unknown about their positions on particular issues, how they feel about the other party, and the kind of place where they live. The Public Mind is about those relationships: how closely party, ideological label, issue positions and the political map line up, and where they stay distinct.

    The book follows party labels into beliefs, social groups, issues and attitudes toward democracy, then turns to election returns, political donors and the people who live in different places. Its evidence is survey data, county and precinct returns and campaign finance records. The chapters ask where these records agree and where the answer changes with who is counted, what is compared, the period or the geographic unit. Each chapter asks one question, answers it with figures, and ends with what the data cannot show.

    41 of 42 chapters are written, all of them drafts that are still being checked. The other 1 is planned: it shows the question it will ask and the data it will use, and states no result. Further questions are on the research agenda.

    Three ways in

    1. Read in orderBegin with the introduction, Party, belief and the political map, and follow the book part by part.
    2. Start with the map5 chapters that read the vote through the county map.
    3. Take the grand tour8 chapters, one from each part.

    All chapters lists every chapter with its data and status. Explorers are interactive tools that sit beside the parts, and Reference holds the data sources, glossary, figure gallery, methods and the research agenda.

    The short way through the argument is the core reading path, from party and ideology through left and right across countries to the county map and the people who live in it.

    A figure from the book

    Counties can move with the nation from one election to the next and still sit far from it. The map below, from Chapter 6.2, Distance from the national vote, 1868 to 2024, shows which counties were far from the national margin, and its slider compares 2024 with 1976.

    From Chapter 6.2, Distance from the national vote, 1868 to 2024

    In 2024, 79.1% of counties were 20 or more points from the national margin, against 37.3% in 1976

    County two-party margin minus the national two-party margin of the same election, percentage points (positive is more Democratic than the nation), seven presidential elections from 1876 to 2024

    Loading county values

    County margin minus national margin, points (negative is more Republican, positive is more Democratic)

    More RepublicanMore Democratic

    Values outside −60 to +60 take the end colors.

    No data (3,143 counties)

    Select a class to show only those places.

    Hover or tap a county for its value, or search by name. Zoom with the buttons on the map, then drag to move it.

    • Alaska draws as no data. Its election returns are reported by election district, and the district codes cannot be matched to boroughs and census areas.
    Pale counties voted close to the nation, and the two darkest shades of each color are 20 points or more from it. Blue counties were more Democratic than the nation and red counties more Republican, whatever the winner of the county. The map opens on 2024, when 2,234 of the 2,463 far counties are red and 229 are blue; move the slider to see 1976, when most counties in the Northeast, Midwest and West are within 20 points of the national margin, and 1904 and 1940, when most counties in the former Confederacy were far on the Democratic side. Counties differ in size: the average far Democratic county cast 9.8 times as many votes as the average far Republican county, so area overstates the votes of far Republican counties. The tooltip also gives the county's own margin.Note: Counties are drawn on 2020 boundaries and joined on FIPS code. A county with no return, or whose code is absent from the 2020 map, draws as no data: not counting Alaska, 885 of the 3,113 counties on the map have no return in 1876 and 393 have none in 1904, and no other frame has more than 26, after retired county codes are mapped to their 2020 successors. None of the seven elections is a third-party year. The classes break at minus and plus 40, 20 and 5 points.Source: County presidential returns, 1868-2024 (Algara and Amlani for 1868-2020, MIT Election Data and Science Lab for 2024); full counts, not survey estimates; shares weighted by two-party votes unless stated

    The three volumes

    Volume 1

    Labels, sorting and partisan feeling

    Party identification and ideological labels drew closer together in American surveys. The volume asks what the labels contain, in the United States and about 100 countries, how the alignment changed across birth cohorts, and how it differs from partisans' feelings toward the other party.

    1. Part I

      Labels and beliefs

      Party identification and ideological labels became more closely aligned, yet the labels have a loose fit with what people want and different contents in different countries.

      5 written, 0 planned · World values explorer

    2. Part II

      Change and partisan feeling

      The alignment grew within birth cohorts, and warmth toward one's own party moved little while warmth toward the other party fell, in every group examined.

      3 written, 0 planned

    Volume 2

    Coalitions and political differences

    Participation, group coalitions, issues and attitudes toward institutions and democracy, 1948 to 2024. Party gaps on these measures differ in size and timing, and some reverse with control of the presidency, so no single trend describes them.

    1. Part III

      Participation and coalitions

      Who votes, and who votes for each party, changed along education, income, race, gender, age and religious attendance, and attendance relates to the vote by different amounts inside different religious traditions.

      8 written, 1 planned

    2. Part IV

      Issues move on different schedules

      Each issue, the racial-attitude items among them, has its own partisan gap, its own timing and its own demographic profile.

      8 written, 0 planned · Issues explorer

    3. Part V

      Institutions and democratic attitudes

      Party gaps in confidence widened institution by institution, approval of strong leaders rose across countries while stated support for democracy changed less, and justifying political violence shows no detectable party gap.

      4 written, 0 planned

    Volume 3

    Votes, giving and places

    Election returns, donor records and county data count different populations at different scales. The volume follows the vote from counties to precincts and down the ballot, compares donors with voters, and returns from places to the people who live in them.

    1. Part VI

      Election results at different scales

      County swings moved more nearly in step in 2020 to 2024 than in any pair of presidential elections since 1868, while a rising share of votes is cast in counties far from the national result, and a county margin is an average over precincts that are often far more lopsided than the county.

      4 written, 0 planned · Elections, 1976 to 2024 explorer

    2. Part VII

      Giving

      Campaign donors are concentrated in a few hundred college-heavy counties, and their pool sorted before the electorate did.

      2 written, 0 planned

    3. Part VIII

      Places and the people in them

      Education, income, ethnicity and rurality each relate to the county vote differently from what the raw correlation suggests, and within a party, where someone lives says far less about their views than which party they belong to.

      7 written, 0 planned · Neighborhoods explorer

    Rules of evidence

    Survey estimates are weighted, and each one carries a confidence interval and the number of respondents behind it. Hover over or focus any number in the text to see its estimand, interval, sample size, weights and source. No number in the prose is typed by hand. Each is printed from a data file that the analysis writes, so a number in the text cannot differ from the number in the figure through a transcription error. The file does not check that a sentence names the right population, denominator or interpretation for that number, and those are reviewed separately. A figure's "Show data" table lists the exact values behind every mark.

    The language is descriptive. A chapter says that one group is more likely than another, or that a gap widened, and does not say that one thing caused another unless the design supports it.

    Every chapter is labeled with its grain, which sets what a claim can be about: individuals, places, countries or officeholders. Maps describe the composition of places, and a county that votes one way says nothing about any one voter in it. Donor records describe the people who gave, who are not a sample of all Americans. Two surveys changed how they collect answers during the years the book covers, and figures that cross such a break mark it. The methods page gives the full grain ladder, the survey mode breaks and the rules for small cells.

    How to read a figure

    Each figure has a title that states its finding, a subtitle that says what is plotted, and a source line that gives the dataset, the years and whether the estimates are weighted. Lines and bars are labeled directly. Shaded bands are confidence intervals. Color is never the only cue: the same information appears in labels, in the hover text and in the data table.