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The Public Mind

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    Chapter 5.1

    Confidence in thirteen institutions

    Among respondents interviewed in person, the average size of the gap between Democrats and Republicans in confidence across thirteen institutions was 4.8 points in 1973-1980 and 9.4 points in 2022-2024.

    DraftFigures and numbers may change as the analysis is rebuilt.what is still being checked

    The bootstrap intervals for the mean absolute gap resample respondents and ignore the survey's sampling design; a design-based version of those intervals is still to be run.

    Among General Social Survey (GSS) respondents interviewed in person in 2022 and 2024, Democrats were more likely than Republicans to have a great deal of confidence in the people running the scientific community, and Republicans were more likely to have it in the people running the military. Measured as the Democratic share minus the Republican share, in pointsPercentage pointThe unit for the difference between two percentages. A change from one share to another is stated in points, not in percent, so that absolute and relative change are not confused., the gap was +20+19.8 percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident)Estimandweighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective nInterval95% CI 11.8 to 27.8n1,259Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6)Period2022-2024SourceGeneral Social Survey for the scientific community and −14−13.7 percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident)Estimandweighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective nInterval95% CI −22.1 to −5.4n1,302Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6)Period2022-2024SourceGeneral Social Survey for the military, and every gap in this chapter carries that sign. The survey asks about thirteen institutions. Their gaps point in both directions, and the executive branch gap changes sign with the party in the White House, so partisan confidence has to be read institution by institution.

    The parties differ most on science and the Supreme Court

    In 2022-2024, among respondents interviewed in person, Democrats are more confident than Republicans in science, medicine, education, the press, Congress and television. Republicans are more confident in the military, the Supreme Court and organized religion. Each of these gaps has an interval that excludes zero. The intervals for banks, major companies and organized labor include zero. The science gap of +19.8+19.8 percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident)Estimandweighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective nInterval95% CI 11.8 to 27.8n1,259Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6)Period2022-2024SourceGeneral Social Survey points and the Supreme Court gap of −16.2−16.2 percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident)Estimandweighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in supreme court; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective nInterval95% CI −22.8 to −9.5n1,289Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6)Period2022-2024SourceGeneral Social Survey are the two largest, and they run in opposite directions.

    Averaged over the thirteen institutions, ignoring direction, the gap was 4.84.8 percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap)Estimandmean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap in the share with a great deal of confidence; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates)Interval95% CI 4.3 to 5.5n10,281Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6)Period1973-1980SourceGeneral Social Survey points in 1973-1980 and 9.49.4 percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap)Estimandmean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates)Interval95% CI 8.0 to 11.8n1,980Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6)Period2022-2024SourceGeneral Social Survey points among in-person respondents in 2022-2024. Congress, television and the press have their gaps at low levels of confidence for both parties. A gap of a given size means more at a low level of confidence than at a high one.

    Figure 1

    In person in 2022-2024 the estimated party gap is 10 points or more for 7 of thirteen institutions

    Share with a great deal of confidence in the people running each institution, percent, Democrats and Republicans including leaners, in-person interviews, 2022 and 2024 pooled, 95% intervals

    • Republicans
    • Democrats
    Show data
    Data for In person in 2022-2024 the estimated party gap is 10 points or more for 7 of thirteen institutions
    InstitutionRepublican share (%)Republican share, lower endRepublican share, upper endDemocratic share (%)Democratic share, lower endDemocratic share, upper endGap (points)Republican respondentsDemocratic respondents
    Scientific community26.420.832.046.240.551.9+19.8581678
    Executive branch5.12.37.819.715.224.2+14.6604691
    Education15.410.819.929.724.634.8+14.4607698
    Medicine28.522.934.239.033.544.4+10.4607702
    Press2.60.64.510.46.913.8+7.8604693
    Television4.92.27.612.08.315.6+7.1603688
    Congress3.00.95.28.05.011.1+5.0602694
    Organized labor17.912.123.718.713.523.9+0.8444520
    Banks and finance19.414.424.419.715.324.2+0.3607700
    Major companies16.611.821.315.711.619.9−0.8587678
    Organized religion25.720.131.214.010.118.0−11.6585679
    Military59.253.165.445.539.951.1−13.7609693
    Supreme Court26.921.332.610.87.314.3−16.2596693

    The colored rows are science at the top and the military and the Supreme Court at the bottom. The dots are farthest apart for science, where the Democratic dot is to the right, and for the Supreme Court, where the Republican ring is to the right. The military row also has the ring to the right. For banks, major companies and organized labor the dots and their intervals overlap. Each row joins the Republican share (ring) to the Democratic share (solid dot) among respondents interviewed in person in 2022 and 2024, with 95% intervals, and the right-hand column is the gap in points. Values in Table 2.

    Note: The dots pool the in-person interviews of 2022 and 2024, and there is no in-person survey in 2021. The number of respondents behind each dot is in the data table.Note: Intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents (the Kish effective sample size); they do not use the survey's sampling design.Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners (in-person interviews, 2022 and 2024 pooled); intervals on the Kish effective sample size

    How the GSS asks, and what changed after 2018

    The GSS asks about "the people running" each institution and offers three answers: a great deal of confidence, only some, or hardly any [1]. This chapter tracks the share answering "a great deal" among respondents who identify with a party or lean toward one, with leanersPartisan leanerA respondent who first says they are independent but, when asked, says they lean toward one party. Most figures group leaners with the party they lean toward, and each chapter says which grouping it uses. counted with the party they lean toward. Every share is weightedSurvey weightsNumbers that scale each respondent so the sample matches the population on known traits such as age, race, education and region. A weighted average counts a respondent with a large weight for more than one with a small weight. so that the sample matches the population on known traits. The estimates rest on 41,79741,797 respondentsEstimandcount of respondentsWeightsnone (count)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6), with at least one confidence answerPeriod1973-2024, survey years with the confidence itemsSourceGeneral Social Survey respondents in survey years from 1973 to 2024.Intervals use the Kish effective sample sizeEffective sample sizeThe number of equally weighted respondents that would give the same precision as the weighted sample. It is smaller than the raw count when the weights vary a lot, and it sets how wide the confidence interval is. [2], treat the weighted sample as a simple random sample and do not follow the survey's strata and clusters. The qualification that matters most is survey modeSurvey modeHow respondents were interviewed: in person, by phone, on paper or online. Mode can change answers, so a change in mode can look like a change in opinion.. The GSS interviewed in person, with some telephone interviews, through 2018. It interviewed on the web only in 2021 and in both modes in 2022 and 2024, so a change in a gap after 2020 can come from the change in mode. The chapter therefore compares 2022-2024 with earlier periods using in-person interviews, and the 2022-2024 value pools two surveys that differ. In person, the average gap in 2024 alone was 7.3 (95% CI 5.6 to 10.7)7.3 percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap)Estimandmean over the institutions that pass the suppression floor of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; in-person interviews only; organized labor is left out because its party cells fall below the suppression floor, so twelve institutions; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates)Interval95% CI 5.6 to 10.7n822Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6)Period2024SourceGeneral Social Survey points, an interval that overlaps the one for 2011-2018. The rise after 2018 rests on the in-person interviews of 2022 and on the web interviews, and the in-person interviews of 2024 do not establish it. The report gives every estimate with its interval and sample size.

    The executive branch gap changes sign with the president

    The executive branch does not fit a pattern of a gap that opens and stays. Its gap is positive under Democratic presidents and negative under Republican presidents in 3333 survey yearsEstimandcount of years in which the sign of the Democratic-minus-Republican gap matches the party of the president (positive under a Democrat, negative under a Republican); all interview modesWeightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationsurvey years with the executive branch itemPeriod1973-2024SourceGeneral Social Survey of 3333 survey yearsEstimandcount of survey yearsWeightsnone (count)Populationsurvey years with the executive branch itemPeriod1973-2024SourceGeneral Social Survey survey years. Its interval excludes zero on the side of the president's party in every survey year except 1980. The 2021 survey began interviewing in December 2020 [3], so 22.1%22.1% percent of respondents interviewed before the inaugurationEstimandshare interviewed from December 2020 to 19 January 2021, before the inauguration of 20 January 2021 (unweighted count)n1,793Weightsnone (count)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party and answered the executive branch item in 2021Period2021SourceGeneral Social Survey of its executive branch respondents answered before the inauguration of January 2021 and the rest after it. Among those interviewed before the inauguration the gap was −10.7−10.7 percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident)Estimandweighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the executive branch; all interview modes; 2021 interviews interviewed before the inauguration on 20 January 2021Interval95% CI −19.1 to −2.3n396Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6), interviewed before the inauguration on 20 January 2021Period2021SourceGeneral Social Survey points, with Republicans the more confident party. Among the rest it was +16.0+16.0 percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident)Estimandweighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the executive branch; all interview modes; 2021 interviews interviewed from 20 January 2021Interval95% CI 11.7 to 20.4n1,397Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6), interviewed from 20 January 2021Period2021SourceGeneral Social Survey, so each part has the sign of the president in office when it was interviewed. An analysis of the GSS through 2006 described this party-in-power pattern for the executive branch [1], and the surveys since then continue it. Planned, Trust in government (planned) asks whether trust in the federal government follows the same pattern in the American National Election Studies.

    Figure 2

    The executive branch gap has the sign of the president's party in 33 of 33 survey years

    Democratic minus Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the executive branch of the federal government, percentage points, by survey year, 1973-2024, 95% intervals

    Democratic minus Republican gap (points)

    Show data
    Data for The executive branch gap has the sign of the president's party in 33 of 33 survey years
    conf_highconf_lowgapmodenpresident_partyyear
    −17.10−28.70−22.90all1,260Republican1973
    −4.40−14−9.20all1,233Republican1974
    −3.90−13.50−8.70all1,240Republican1975
    −3−12.60−7.80all1,218Republican1976
    11.900.7006.30all1,296Democratic1977
    11.502.507all1,258Democratic1978
    9.60−0.1004.70all1,175Democratic1980
    −13.40−25.20−19.30all1,570Republican1982
    −8.20−18.30−13.30all1,355Republican1983
    −12.70−26.70−19.70all834Republican1984
    −9.50−20.20−14.80all1,248Republican1986
    −10.40−20.80−15.60all1,546Republican1987
    −10.10−21.90−16all852Republican1988
    −6.40−19−12.70all856Republican1989
    −3.80−17.70−10.70all769Republican1990
    −10.20−23.50−16.90all864Republican1991
    13.604.208.90all877Democratic1993
    125.308.70all1,671Democratic1994
    11.304.307.80all1,524Democratic1996
    12.504.808.60all1,500Democratic1998
    112.506.70all1,431Democratic2000
    −18.60−34.30−26.50all703Republican2002
    −18.80−33.20−26all726Republican2004
    −15.70−25.10−20.40all1,485Republican2006
    −1.40−10.70−6all1,098Republican2008
    21.6010.6016.10all1,080Democratic2010
    16.806.8011.80all1,027Democratic2012
    18.2010.9014.50all1,266Democratic2014
    15.307.4011.40all1,533Democratic2016
    −7.80−18.40−13.10all1,211Republican2018
    14.407.1010.70all2,017Democratic2021
    19.7010.9015.30all1,713Democratic2022
    20.9011.7016.30all1,538Democratic2024
    −17.10−28.70−22.90inperson1,260Republican1973
    −4.40−14−9.20inperson1,233Republican1974
    −3.90−13.50−8.70inperson1,240Republican1975
    −3−12.60−7.80inperson1,218Republican1976
    11.900.7006.30inperson1,296Democratic1977
    11.502.507inperson1,258Democratic1978
    9.60−0.1004.70inperson1,175Democratic1980
    −13.40−25.20−19.30inperson1,570Republican1982
    −8.20−18.30−13.30inperson1,355Republican1983
    −12.70−26.70−19.70inperson834Republican1984
    −9.50−20.20−14.80inperson1,248Republican1986
    −10.40−20.80−15.60inperson1,546Republican1987
    −10.10−21.90−16inperson852Republican1988
    −6.40−19−12.70inperson856Republican1989
    −3.80−17.70−10.70inperson769Republican1990
    −10.20−23.50−16.90inperson864Republican1991
    13.604.208.90inperson877Democratic1993
    125.308.70inperson1,671Democratic1994
    11.304.307.80inperson1,524Democratic1996
    12.504.808.60inperson1,500Democratic1998
    112.506.70inperson1,431Democratic2000
    −18.60−34.30−26.50inperson703Republican2002
    −18.20−33.60−25.90inperson579Republican2004
    −16.40−26.10−21.20inperson1,387Republican2006
    −0.700−10.60−5.70inperson974Republican2008
    20.508.7014.60inperson957Democratic2010
    17.907.2012.50inperson892Democratic2012
    1810.4014.20inperson1,098Democratic2014
    156.9010.90inperson1,424Democratic2016
    −8−19−13.50inperson1,094Republican2018
    23.209.7016.40inperson762Democratic2022
    19.303.2011.20inperson533Democratic2024
    14.206.6010.40web1,756Democratic2021
    20.80914.90web789Democratic2022
    251319web839Democratic2024

    The line is above zero in the blue terms of Democratic presidents and below zero in the red terms of Republican presidents, and it changes sign with each change of party in the White House. It is the Democratic minus Republican gap in the share with a great deal of confidence in the executive branch, by survey year, with its 95% interval, and the dashed rule marks no gap. This view combines all interview modes and is broken between 2018 and 2021, when interviews moved to the web; the other views keep in-person or web respondents only. Values in Table 6.

    Note: Presidential terms are assigned by the year of the inauguration; surveys fielded in an inauguration year are assigned to the new president. The shaded terms, from the left, are Nixon and Ford, Carter, Reagan and Bush, Clinton, Bush, Obama, Trump and Biden.Note: The interval excludes zero on the side of the president's party in 32 of the 33 years. In 1980 the gap was +4.7 points, an interval that includes zero.Note: The 2021 survey began interviewing in December 2020, and its point blends interviews before and after the inauguration of 20 January 2021 and is assigned to President Biden.Note: Intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents (the Kish effective sample size); they do not use the survey's sampling design.Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners; intervals on the Kish effective sample size

    The gaps have lasted since different periods

    Figure 3 shows the gap for each institution in six periods among in-person respondents. Television is the only gap that has lasted since the first period, 1973-1980. The Republican advantage on the military has lasted since 1981-1990. Organized religion has favored Republicans since 1991-2000, the press has favored Democrats since 2001-2010, and the education and science gaps have lasted since 2011-2018. The science gap changed sign along the way. Republicans were the more confident party in 1973-1980, by −5.5−5.5 percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident)Estimandweighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective nInterval95% CI −8.1 to −2.9n8,073Weightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationrespondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6)Period1973-1980SourceGeneral Social Survey points, the interval for 2001-2010 includes zero, and Democrats led in 2011-2018. An earlier GSS study found that self-identified conservatives went from the most to the least trusting of science between 1974 and 2010 [4], a reversal by ideology in the same direction. Planned, Trust in science (planned) takes up the science gap in depth.

    The medicine and Supreme Court gaps have lasted only since 2022-2024. Medicine favored Republicans in 1973-1980 and in the next two periods, and the Court favored Republicans in 1981-1990 and 2001-2010. The Court gap therefore has the sign it had before, and the medicine gap has the opposite sign. In 1973-1980 and again in 2011-2018, Republicans were the more confident party about major companies and Democrats about organized labor. In person in 2022-2024 both gaps have an interval that includes zero, while web respondents still show both, so whether these two gaps have closed depends on the mode.

    Figure 3

    From 2011-2018 to 2022-2024 the Supreme Court gap moved from +1.1 to −16.2 points and the medicine gap from −1.8 to +10.4

    Democratic share minus Republican share with a great deal of confidence, percentage points, by institution and period; positive means Democrats are more confident; in-person and all-mode views

    −30.00.0+30.0RepublicanDemocratic
    A grid of thirteen institutions by six periods for in-person interviews, shaded blue where Democrats are more confident and red where Republicans are, with the gap printed in each cell. Science, education, medicine and the press are blue in the last period and the science cell is the deepest blue. The military, organized religion and the Supreme Court are red in the last period, and the military is deepest red in 2001-2010. Banks, companies and labor are pale in the last period.
    Institution1973-19801981-19901991-20002001-20102011-20182022-2024
    Scientific community−5.5, interval −8.1 to −2.9, n = 8,073−6.2, interval −8.8 to −3.6, n = 8,598−2.7, interval −5.2 to −0.1, n = 7,532+2.4, interval −1.1 to +5.9, n = 4,481+9.7, interval +6.1 to +13.4, n = 4,412+19.8, interval +11.8 to +27.8, n = 1,259
    Executive branch−4.5, interval −6.5 to −2.5, n = 8,680−15.6, interval −17.7 to −13.6, n = 9,030+5.1, interval +3.4 to +6.9, n = 7,867−12.3, interval −15.1 to −9.5, n = 4,600+5.9, interval +3.5 to +8.3, n = 4,508+14.6, interval +9.4 to +19.9, n = 1,295
    Education+5.2, interval +2.8 to +7.6, n = 8,761+0.5, interval −1.8 to +2.8, n = 9,115+4.4, interval +2.3 to +6.6, n = 7,979+1.3, interval −1.9 to +4.4, n = 4,653+9.7, interval +6.6 to +12.7, n = 4,550+14.4, interval +7.6 to +21.2, n = 1,305
    Medicine−3.6, interval −6.1 to −1.2, n = 8,793−4.3, interval −6.8 to −1.8, n = 9,163−4.1, interval −6.5 to −1.6, n = 7,987−2.6, interval −6.0 to +0.8, n = 4,653−1.8, interval −5.4 to +1.7, n = 4,554+10.4, interval +2.5 to +18.3, n = 1,309
    Press+7.1, interval +5.0 to +9.2, n = 8,744+5.3, interval +3.4 to +7.2, n = 9,060+1.4, interval −0.1 to +3.0, n = 7,913+5.6, interval +3.6 to +7.6, n = 4,642+8.3, interval +6.3 to +10.2, n = 4,533+7.8, interval +3.8 to +11.8, n = 1,297
    Television+4.0, interval +2.1 to +5.9, n = 8,750+2.7, interval +1.0 to +4.4, n = 9,116+2.4, interval +0.9 to +4.0, n = 7,963+2.7, interval +0.8 to +4.7, n = 4,639+3.3, interval +1.2 to +5.4, n = 4,519+7.1, interval +2.5 to +11.6, n = 1,291
    Congress+3.7, interval +1.9 to +5.5, n = 8,671+1.6, interval −0.2 to +3.5, n = 9,050−0.1, interval −1.7 to +1.5, n = 7,866+0.1, interval −2.3 to +2.4, n = 4,611+0.8, interval −1.0 to +2.5, n = 4,511+5.0, interval +1.3 to +8.8, n = 1,296
    Organized labor+6.9, interval +5.2 to +8.6, n = 8,486+5.2, interval +3.7 to +6.7, n = 8,865+5.1, interval +3.4 to +6.7, n = 7,513+2.5, interval +0.1 to +4.9, n = 4,481+4.6, interval +2.1 to +7.0, n = 4,405+0.8, interval −7.0 to +8.6, n = 964
    Banks and finance−6.0, interval −8.9 to −3.1, n = 6,227−2.2, interval −4.4 to 0.0, n = 9,081−2.0, interval −4.1 to +0.1, n = 7,925−6.1, interval −9.1 to −3.1, n = 4,629−5.2, interval −7.9 to −2.6, n = 4,551+0.3, interval −6.3 to +7.0, n = 1,307
    Major companies−12.2, interval −14.5 to −9.9, n = 8,493−12.2, interval −14.5 to −9.9, n = 8,892−12.2, interval −14.4 to −10.0, n = 7,783−7.7, interval −10.4 to −5.0, n = 4,591−11.4, interval −14.3 to −8.4, n = 4,494−0.8, interval −7.1 to +5.5, n = 1,265
    Organized religion−3.2, interval −5.7 to −0.8, n = 8,534−1.0, interval −3.3 to +1.3, n = 8,988−4.1, interval −6.4 to −1.9, n = 7,850−9.1, interval −12.1 to −6.1, n = 4,575−9.5, interval −12.6 to −6.5, n = 4,490−11.6, interval −18.4 to −4.8, n = 1,264
    Military−0.4, interval −2.8 to +2.0, n = 8,599−4.2, interval −6.6 to −1.8, n = 9,036−8.9, interval −11.4 to −6.5, n = 7,894−22.3, interval −25.6 to −18.9, n = 4,635−15.2, interval −18.7 to −11.7, n = 4,539−13.7, interval −22.1 to −5.4, n = 1,302
    Supreme Court0.0, interval −2.4 to +2.4, n = 8,541−5.3, interval −7.7 to −2.8, n = 8,942−0.6, interval −2.9 to +1.8, n = 7,737−6.5, interval −9.8 to −3.1, n = 4,571+1.1, interval −2.2 to +4.4, n = 4,497−16.2, interval −22.8 to −9.5, n = 1,289
    Show data
    Data for From 2011-2018 to 2022-2024 the Supreme Court gap moved from +1.1 to −16.2 points and the medicine gap from −1.8 to +10.4
    conf_highconf_loweragapinstitutionmoden
    −2.90−8.101973-1980−5.50Scientific communityall8,073
    −3.60−8.801981-1990−6.20Scientific communityall8,598
    −0.100−5.201991-2000−2.70Scientific communityall7,532
    5.40−1.302001-20102.10Scientific communityall4,968
    13.406.502011-20189.90Scientific communityall4,935
    33.3026.202021-202429.70Scientific communityall5,227
    −2.50−6.501973-1980−4.50Executive branchall8,680
    −13.60−17.701981-1990−15.60Executive branchall9,030
    6.903.401991-20005.10Executive branchall7,867
    −9−14.302001-2010−11.60Executive branchall5,092
    8.503.902011-20186.20Executive branchall5,037
    16.4011.602021-202414Executive branchall5,268
    7.602.801973-19805.20Educationall8,761
    2.80−1.801981-19900.500Educationall9,115
    6.602.301991-20004.40Educationall7,979
    4.10−1.802001-20101.20Educationall5,153
    137.302011-201810.10Educationall5,087
    12.406.702021-20249.50Educationall5,277
    −1.20−6.101973-1980−3.60Medicineall8,793
    −1.80−6.801981-1990−4.30Medicineall9,163
    −1.60−6.501991-2000−4.10Medicineall7,987
    0.300−6.202001-2010−2.90Medicineall5,155
    2.90−3.802011-2018−0.400Medicineall5,088
    17.4010.302021-202413.80Medicineall5,284
    9.2051973-19807.10Pressall8,744
    7.203.401981-19905.30Pressall9,060
    3−0.1001991-20001.40Pressall7,913
    8.104.302001-20106.20Pressall5,140
    10.306.602011-20188.50Pressall5,063
    14.3010.102021-202412.20Pressall5,266
    5.902.101973-19804Televisionall8,750
    4.4011981-19902.70Televisionall9,116
    40.9001991-20002.40Televisionall7,963
    51.102001-20103.10Televisionall5,137
    512011-20183Televisionall5,051
    7.703.802021-20245.80Televisionall5,269
    5.501.901973-19803.70Congressall8,671
    3.50−0.2001981-19901.60Congressall9,050
    1.50−1.701991-2000−0.100Congressall7,866
    2.30−2.202001-20100.100Congressall5,107
    2.40−0.9002011-20180.800Congressall5,034
    62.602021-20244.30Congressall5,274
    8.605.201973-19806.90Organized laborall8,486
    6.703.701981-19905.20Organized laborall8,865
    6.703.401991-20005.10Organized laborall7,513
    5.400.9002001-20103.20Organized laborall4,957
    7.102.502011-20184.80Organized laborall4,920
    7.701.902021-20244.80Organized laborall4,418
    −3.10−8.901973-1980−6Banks and financeall6,227
    0−4.401981-1990−2.20Banks and financeall9,081
    0.100−4.101991-2000−2Banks and financeall7,925
    −3−8.702001-2010−5.90Banks and financeall5,131
    −3.10−8.202011-2018−5.70Banks and financeall5,087
    1.70−4.302021-2024−1.30Banks and financeall5,291
    −9.90−14.501973-1980−12.20Major companiesall8,493
    −9.90−14.501981-1990−12.20Major companiesall8,892
    −10−14.401991-2000−12.20Major companiesall7,783
    −5.10−10.302001-2010−7.70Major companiesall5,081
    −8.10−13.802011-2018−10.90Major companiesall5,026
    −2.50−8.202021-2024−5.30Major companiesall5,240
    −0.800−5.701973-1980−3.20Organized religionall8,534
    1.30−3.301981-1990−1Organized religionall8,988
    −1.90−6.401991-2000−4.10Organized religionall7,850
    −6.30−122001-2010−9.20Organized religionall5,069
    −6−11.702011-2018−8.80Organized religionall5,012
    −7.20−132021-2024−10.10Organized religionall5,225
    2−2.801973-1980−0.400Militaryall8,599
    −1.80−6.601981-1990−4.20Militaryall9,036
    −6.50−11.401991-2000−8.90Militaryall7,894
    −18.60−25.102001-2010−21.90Militaryall5,132
    −12.10−18.702011-2018−15.40Militaryall5,069
    −10.20−17.802021-2024−14Militaryall5,278
    2.40−2.401973-19800Supreme Courtall8,541
    −2.80−7.701981-1990−5.30Supreme Courtall8,942
    1.80−2.901991-2000−0.600Supreme Courtall7,737
    −3.80−10.202001-2010−7Supreme Courtall5,063
    5.10−1.202011-20182Supreme Courtall5,022
    −9.70−16.102021-2024−12.90Supreme Courtall5,270
    −2.90−8.101973-1980−5.50Scientific communityinperson8,073
    −3.60−8.801981-1990−6.20Scientific communityinperson8,598
    −0.100−5.201991-2000−2.70Scientific communityinperson7,532
    5.90−1.102001-20102.40Scientific communityinperson4,481
    13.406.102011-20189.70Scientific communityinperson4,412
    27.8011.802022-202419.80Scientific communityinperson1,259
    −2.50−6.501973-1980−4.50Executive branchinperson8,680
    −13.60−17.701981-1990−15.60Executive branchinperson9,030
    6.903.401991-20005.10Executive branchinperson7,867
    −9.50−15.102001-2010−12.30Executive branchinperson4,600
    8.303.502011-20185.90Executive branchinperson4,508
    19.909.402022-202414.60Executive branchinperson1,295
    7.602.801973-19805.20Educationinperson8,761
    2.80−1.801981-19900.500Educationinperson9,115
    6.602.301991-20004.40Educationinperson7,979
    4.40−1.902001-20101.30Educationinperson4,653
    12.706.602011-20189.70Educationinperson4,550
    21.207.602022-202414.40Educationinperson1,305
    −1.20−6.101973-1980−3.60Medicineinperson8,793
    −1.80−6.801981-1990−4.30Medicineinperson9,163
    −1.60−6.501991-2000−4.10Medicineinperson7,987
    0.800−62001-2010−2.60Medicineinperson4,653
    1.70−5.402011-2018−1.80Medicineinperson4,554
    18.302.502022-202410.40Medicineinperson1,309
    9.2051973-19807.10Pressinperson8,744
    7.203.401981-19905.30Pressinperson9,060
    3−0.1001991-20001.40Pressinperson7,913
    7.603.602001-20105.60Pressinperson4,642
    10.206.302011-20188.30Pressinperson4,533
    11.803.802022-20247.80Pressinperson1,297
    5.902.101973-19804Televisioninperson8,750
    4.4011981-19902.70Televisioninperson9,116
    40.9001991-20002.40Televisioninperson7,963
    4.700.8002001-20102.70Televisioninperson4,639
    5.401.202011-20183.30Televisioninperson4,519
    11.602.502022-20247.10Televisioninperson1,291
    5.501.901973-19803.70Congressinperson8,671
    3.50−0.2001981-19901.60Congressinperson9,050
    1.50−1.701991-2000−0.100Congressinperson7,866
    2.40−2.302001-20100.100Congressinperson4,611
    2.50−12011-20180.800Congressinperson4,511
    8.801.302022-20245Congressinperson1,296
    8.605.201973-19806.90Organized laborinperson8,486
    6.703.701981-19905.20Organized laborinperson8,865
    6.703.401991-20005.10Organized laborinperson7,513
    4.900.1002001-20102.50Organized laborinperson4,481
    72.102011-20184.60Organized laborinperson4,405
    8.60−72022-20240.800Organized laborinperson964
    −3.10−8.901973-1980−6Banks and financeinperson6,227
    0−4.401981-1990−2.20Banks and financeinperson9,081
    0.100−4.101991-2000−2Banks and financeinperson7,925
    −3.10−9.102001-2010−6.10Banks and financeinperson4,629
    −2.60−7.902011-2018−5.20Banks and financeinperson4,551
    7−6.302022-20240.300Banks and financeinperson1,307
    −9.90−14.501973-1980−12.20Major companiesinperson8,493
    −9.90−14.501981-1990−12.20Major companiesinperson8,892
    −10−14.401991-2000−12.20Major companiesinperson7,783
    −5−10.402001-2010−7.70Major companiesinperson4,591
    −8.40−14.302011-2018−11.40Major companiesinperson4,494
    5.50−7.102022-2024−0.800Major companiesinperson1,265
    −0.800−5.701973-1980−3.20Organized religioninperson8,534
    1.30−3.301981-1990−1Organized religioninperson8,988
    −1.90−6.401991-2000−4.10Organized religioninperson7,850
    −6.10−12.102001-2010−9.10Organized religioninperson4,575
    −6.50−12.602011-2018−9.50Organized religioninperson4,490
    −4.80−18.402022-2024−11.60Organized religioninperson1,264
    2−2.801973-1980−0.400Militaryinperson8,599
    −1.80−6.601981-1990−4.20Militaryinperson9,036
    −6.50−11.401991-2000−8.90Militaryinperson7,894
    −18.90−25.602001-2010−22.30Militaryinperson4,635
    −11.70−18.702011-2018−15.20Militaryinperson4,539
    −5.40−22.102022-2024−13.70Militaryinperson1,302
    2.40−2.401973-19800Supreme Courtinperson8,541
    −2.80−7.701981-1990−5.30Supreme Courtinperson8,942
    1.80−2.901991-2000−0.600Supreme Courtinperson7,737
    −3.10−9.802001-2010−6.50Supreme Courtinperson4,571
    4.40−2.202011-20181.10Supreme Courtinperson4,497
    −9.50−22.802022-2024−16.20Supreme Courtinperson1,289

    Read down the last column first. Science, education, medicine and the press are blue in 2022-2024, the military, organized religion and the Supreme Court are red, and banks, companies and labor are pale. Then read along the science row, red in 1973-1980 and blue from 2011-2018, and the military row, red from 1981-1990 on and deepest in 2001-2010. Blue cells are institutions where Democrats are more confident and red cells where Republicans are, the printed number is the gap in points, and this view uses in-person interviews. Values in Table 4.

    Note: Cells combine the surveys of a period; the 1973-1980 period has twelve institutions in 1973 and 1974 and thirteen after, because banks were first asked in 1975.Note: Intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents (the Kish effective sample size); they do not use the survey's sampling design.Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners; intervals on the Kish effective sample size

    What the gaps mean, and what they do not

    The item asks about the people running one institution, with three answers, so it measures confidence in those people and not trust in other people or support for democracy as a form of government. The executive branch item in particular follows the incumbent administration. From 1973-1980 to 2022-2024 among in-person respondents, the share with a great deal of confidence fell for both parties in 88 institutionsEstimandcount of institutions where the 95% interval of the share with a great deal of confidence in 2022-2024 lies below the interval for 1973-1980 for both Democrats and Republicans; in-person interviewsWeightsweight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)Populationthe thirteen institutionsPeriod1973-1980 to 2022-2024SourceGeneral Social Survey of the thirteen institutions, with intervals that do not overlap. It rose for both parties only in the military. A gap between party identifiers can also widen when the membership of the parties shifts along lines such as education or religion, the party sortingParty sortingThe alignment of party with other traits, such as ideology, religion, race and place, so that people who share a party also tend to share those traits. taken up in Chapter 2.1, Cohort change in partisan sorting. The GSS interviews a new sample each time, so it cannot say whether individuals changed their confidence or whether the people who call themselves Democrats or Republicans changed. Web respondents give a larger science gap than in-person respondents in 2022-2024, and the difference is not established once the thirteen comparisons are counted. Planned, Generalized and institutional trust (planned) asks whether trust in other people moved with confidence in institutions, and Planned, Institutional trust outside the United States (planned) asks whether comparable gaps appear in other democracies.

    What these surveys cannot tell you

    The comparison of in-person and web respondents cannot separate an effect of the mode from a difference between the people who answered in each mode. In 2022 respondents were assigned to a sequence of modes and each sequence followed up nonrespondents in the other mode [5], so the two mode samples reflect who answered which invitation. Causes are outside the design. The rise after 2018 coincides with a change of president, a pandemic and a change of mode, and the data cannot say which of them, if any, moved the gaps. Fewer respondents were interviewed in person in 2022 and 2024 than in earlier periods, so the estimates for those years are less precise. The thirteen institutions are the ones the GSS asks about, and the sample is national and supports no claims about states or counties.


    Go deeper

    • The report: every estimate with its interval and sample size.
    • Tables: every figure of the report as a table.

    Reading paths that include this chapter:

    Data sources

    • General Social SurveyGeneral Social Survey cumulative data, 1972-2024, confidence items fielded 1973-2024; interview mode and interview date from the raw fileYears: 1972-2024 (35 study years) · Weights: weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) · License: See the provider's terms of use.

    All data sources

    References

    1. Smith, Tom W. (2008). Trends in Confidence in Institutions, 1973-2006. GSS Social Change Report No. 54, NORC at the University of Chicago. gss.norc.org/content/dam/gss/get-documentation/pdf/reports/social-change-reports/SC54%20Trends%20in%20Confidence%20in%20Institutions.pdf
    2. Kish, Leslie (1965). Survey Sampling. John Wiley and Sons.
    3. NORC at the University of Chicago (2021). 2021 GSS (Cross-section Study) Methodological Primer. General Social Survey documentation, NORC at the University of Chicago (November 2021). gss.norc.org/content/dam/gss/get-documentation/pdf/other/2021%20XSEC%20Methodological%20Primer.pdf
    4. Gauchat, Gordon (2012). Politicization of Science in the Public Sphere: A Study of Public Trust in the United States, 1974 to 2010. American Sociological Review 77(2): 167-187. doi:10.1177/0003122412438225
    5. Wells, Brian M.; Christian, Leah; Bautista, René; Lafia, Sara; Davern, Michael (2024). Mode-Sequencing Insights from the General Social Survey. NORC at the University of Chicago (September 2024). www.norc.org/research/library/mode-sequencing-insights-from-the-general-social-survey.html

    How to cite

    @misc{singh2026confidenceininstitutions,
      author = {Singh, Vishal},
      title = {Confidence in thirteen institutions},
      year = {2026},
      url = {https://vishalsingh.org/politics/confidence-in-institutions},
      note = {In The Public Mind. Published 30 September 2026.}
    }