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Among ANES respondents, the correlation between party identification and liberal-conservative self-placement rose from +0.32 in 1972 to +0.72 in 2024.

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Among American adults, the correlation between an index of economic conservatism and an index of cultural conservatism rose from +0.10 in the 1984 ANES to +0.51 in 2024.

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The attitude that left-right self-placement follows most closely differs by country, and across countries surveyed in 2005 or later the median correlation on each of three attitudes lies between +0.07 and +0.09.

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Among ANES partisans who place themselves on the ideology scale, conservative Democrats and liberal Republicans fell from 19.6% in 1972 to 6.3% in 2024.

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Among ANES partisans, the average rating of the other party on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer fell from 48.0 in 1978 to 20.6 in 2024.

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In the November 2024 Current Population Survey, 79.6% of citizens aged twenty-five and older with a bachelor's degree reported voting, against 39.1% of those without a high school diploma.

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Voters with a four-year degree rose from 19.2% to 43.4% of Democratic voters in the ANES between the presidential elections of 1976 to 1988 and those of 2012 to 2024.

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In the ANES, college graduates went from voting less Democratic than other voters to voting more Democratic, a gap of +23.3 points of the two-party presidential vote in 2024.

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In the CES the highest household-income bracket's Democratic share of the two-party presidential vote minus the lowest bracket's went from −9.1 points in 2008 to +5.7 in 2024.

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In 2024 women gave the Democratic presidential candidate more of the two-party vote than men did, by 8.1 points in the ANES.

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In the CES, two-party presidential voters under thirty were more Democratic than those sixty-five and older by +22.2 points in 2020 and +15.0 in 2024.

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The Democratic vote gap between seldom and frequent attenders rose from 5.5 points in the ANES studies of 1972 to 1988 to 21.8 points in those of 2008 to 2020 and was 27.7 points in the 2024 CES.

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In the 2024 CES, seldom attenders voted more Democratic than frequent attenders by +9.5 points among white born-again Protestants and by +0.8 points among Black Protestants, an interval that includes zero.

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In the American National Election Studies, the share saying abortion should always be allowed was 3.5 points higher among Democrats than Republicans in 1980 and 52.3 points higher in 2024.

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In the American National Election Studies, the share wanting fewer immigrants was 3.3 points higher among Republicans than Democrats in 1992 and 28.3 points higher in 2024.

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In the General Social Survey, the share living in a household with a gun was 6.8 points higher among Republicans than Democrats in 1973 to 1980 and 27.7 points higher in 2016 to 2024.

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In the American National Election Studies, the share on the government side of the health insurance scale was 24.4 points higher among Democrats than Republicans in 1970 and 46.6 points higher in 2024.

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In the American National Election Studies from 2012 to 2024, the president's partisans were 34.0 points more likely than the other party's partisans to say the economy had gotten better over the past year.

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Among white respondents to the General Social Survey, the share attributing racial inequality mainly to discrimination was 30.0% in 2014 and 41.2% in 2018, after equal-treatment answers had risen from the 1970s to the 2000s.

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Among ANES partisans, the party gap passed a fixed threshold by the lower bound of its interval on racial resentment in 1992, on abortion in 2008 and on the importance of religion in 2016.

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Among respondents interviewed in person, the average size of the gap between Democrats and Republicans in confidence across thirteen institutions was 4.8 points in 1973-1980 and 9.4 points in 2022-2024.

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In 2008 to 2018 Democrats allowed a racist speaker 6.8 points less often than Republicans did, while the party gaps on four speakers that conservatives are expected to object to were within 2.1 points of zero.

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In a fixed set of countries, support for a democratic system changed by +1.2 points between 1995 to 1998 and 2017 to 2023, while approval of a strong leader rose by 9.9 points and army rule by 7.6 points.

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In the 2024 ANES, 17.2% of adult citizens said violence to pursue political goals is justified at least a little, with no party gap that the data separate from zero.

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Counties moved more nearly in step in 2020 to 2024 than in any other pair of presidential elections since 1868, with a vote-weighted standard deviation of county swings of 4.5 points against 5.0 in 2008 to 2012, the next lowest.

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The share of two-party votes cast in counties at least 20 points from the national margin rose from 25.5% in 1976 to 56.5% in 2024.

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In 2024, 65.0% of two-party presidential votes in the sample were cast in precincts decided by 20 points or more, against 57.2% in counties decided by that margin.

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Among ANES voters who reported major-party votes for president and the House, 4.7% chose different parties in 2024, against 22.3% in 1992 and 29.5% in 1972.

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Among reliable individual donors, the share with a CFscore near zero fell from 11.8% in 1980 to 1.2% in 2024, a change in who gives rather than in any donor's score.

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In 570 of 2,839 counties, or 20.1%, the reliable donors of 1980 to 2024 lean opposite to the county's 2020 presidential vote, a count that depends on the definition of divergence.

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In 2024, college share had the largest correlation with the county two-party margin among five county characteristics, +0.66 vote-weighted, and it is not separated from rural share's −0.65.

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In 2020 to 2024, counties with more Hispanic residents moved further toward the Republicans than other counties did, a vote-weighted correlation of −0.66 with the swing, against +0.45 in 2012 to 2016.

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Across 12 policy issues in 2013 to 2021, Democrats and Republicans in the same kind of county differ by 43.1 points, and one party's members in deep-blue and deep-red counties differ by 5.6 points.

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