Party and place

In deep-red counties, those the Republican candidate carried by 2020 points of two-party marginEstimanda county is deep red or deep blue at this margin or moreWeightsnone (count)Populationcounty classificationPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study pointsPercentage pointThe unit for the difference between two percentages. A change from one share to another is stated in points, not in percent, so that absolute and relative change are not confused. or more of the two-party vote in the most recent presidential election, 25.6%25.6% percent of respondents supporting repeal of the ACAEstimandweighted share supporting repeal; state-cluster bootstrap intervalInterval95% CI 23.8% to 27.0%n22,175Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationDemocrats in deep-red countiesPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021SourceCooperative Election Study of Democrats and 83.1%83.1% percent of respondents supporting repeal of the ACAEstimandweighted share supporting repeal; state-cluster bootstrap intervalInterval95% CI 82.0% to 84.1%n30,100Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationRepublicans in deep-red countiesPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021SourceCooperative Election Study of Republicans supported repealing the Affordable Care Act (ACA) when the Cooperative Election Study (CES) asked them between 2013 and 2021.The cumulative CES file codes the 2014 answers to the repeal question in the opposite direction from the other years. They are reversed here, and the report says what changes if they are dropped instead. In deep-blue counties the shares were 21.7%21.7% percent of respondents supporting repeal of the ACAEstimandweighted share supporting repeal; state-cluster bootstrap intervalInterval95% CI 19.7% to 23.5%n49,379Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationDemocrats in deep-blue countiesPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021SourceCooperative Election Study among Democrats and 78.6%78.6% percent of respondents supporting repeal of the ACAEstimandweighted share supporting repeal; state-cluster bootstrap intervalInterval95% CI 77.5% to 80.0%n16,459Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationRepublicans in deep-blue countiesPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021SourceCooperative Election Study among Republicans. On this question, Democrats in deep-red counties are closer to Democrats in deep-blue counties than to Republicans in deep-red counties, and Republicans in deep-blue counties are closer to Republicans in deep-red counties than to Democrats in deep-blue counties. The survey records the county each respondent lives in and not who lives beside whom, so the comparison is between partisans in the same kind of county and partisans of the same party in opposite kinds of county.

The party gap exceeds the place gap on every issue

The chapter puts the same two comparisons on 1212 policy questionsEstimandcount of issuesWeightsnone (count)Populationthe CES policy questions used in the chapterPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study policy questions the CES asked between 2013 and 2021, on guns, immigration, abortion, marriage, health care and climate. Each is a yes-or-no question, coded so that the share compared is the share taking the side Democrats take more often, such as support for an assault weapons ban or opposition to repealing the ACA. The party gap on an issue is the difference in that share between Democrats and Republicans who live in the same kind of county, averaged over deep-red and deep-blue counties. The place gap is the difference between members of one party who live in deep-blue counties and those who live in deep-red counties, averaged over the two parties. Averaged over the issues, the party gap is 43.143.1 points (difference in the share taking the Democratic side, on a 0 to 100 scale)Estimandaverage over the issues of the party gap: Democratic minus Republican share taking the Democratic side, averaged over deep-red and deep-blue countiesInterval95% CI 41.8 to 44.5n118,638Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationDemocrats and Republicans (three-point party identification, leaners excluded) in counties with a two-party presidential margin of 20 points or morePeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study points and the place gap is 5.65.6 points (difference in the share taking the Democratic side, on a 0 to 100 scale)Estimandaverage over the issues of the place gap: deep-blue minus deep-red county share taking the Democratic side, averaged over Democrats and RepublicansInterval95% CI 4.7 to 6.6n118,638Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationDemocrats and Republicans (three-point party identification, leaners excluded) in counties with a two-party presidential margin of 20 points or morePeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study points. The party gap is the larger of the two on every issue, and on no issue do the two intervals touch. The average party gap divided by the average place gap is 7.67.6 ratio (party gap divided by place gap)Estimandaverage party gap divided by average place gapInterval95% CI 6.4 to 9.3n118,638Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationDemocrats and Republicans (three-point party identification, leaners excluded) in counties with a two-party presidential margin of 20 points or morePeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study. The ratio varies by issue, from legal gay marriage at the low end to spending on a border wall at the high end. The place gap is small, and it is not zero. Its interval lies above zero on every issue.

Figure 1

On every issue the gap between parties is larger than the gap between deep-red and deep-blue counties

Gap in the share taking the Democratic side, in points, by issue; Democrats and Republicans in deep counties; CES survey years 2013 to 2021

• Place gap
• Party gap

Show data

Data for On every issue the gap between parties is larger than the gap between deep-red and deep-blue counties

Issue	Democratic side of the question	Survey years	Party gap	Party gap, low	Party gap, high	Place gap	Place gap, low	Place gap, high	Ratio	Smallest group, n
Assault weapons ban	Support an assault weapons ban	2013 to 2021	41.9	40.3	43.8	7.5	6.1	9.0	5.6	16,440
Background checks	Support universal background checks for gun buyers	2013 to 2021, not 2020	13.3	12.0	14.9	2.1	0.9	3.1	6.5	13,375
Concealed carry	Oppose easier concealed carry	2013 to 2021	38.8	37.1	40.7	4.8	3.4	6.4	8.1	16,452
Border security	Oppose more spending on border security	2013 to 2021, not 2018	40.2	38.6	42.0	5.3	3.7	6.7	7.6	13,428
Path to legal status	Support a path to legal status for undocumented immigrants	2013 to 2021, not 2018	38.7	36.9	40.3	4.1	2.6	5.8	9.6	13,422
Border wall	Oppose spending on a border wall	2017 to 2021, not 2019	64.1	62.5	65.8	4.1	2.9	5.3	15.5	8,257
Gay marriage	Support legal gay marriage	2013 to 2016	36.4	33.6	39.3	10.2	6.6	13.7	3.6	7,161
Repeal the ACA	Oppose repealing the Affordable Care Act	2013 to 2021	57.2	55.8	58.8	4.2	2.8	5.4	13.7	16,459
EPA regulates CO2	Support letting the EPA regulate carbon dioxide	2014 to 2021	44.4	42.3	46.5	5.2	3.5	6.9	8.6	15,459
Abortion legal	Support always allowing abortion as a matter of choice	2014 to 2021	46.5	44.7	48.7	12.0	9.2	14.6	3.9	15,818
Medicare for All	Support Medicare for All	2018 to 2021	51.3	49.3	53.6	4.2	1.7	6.4	12.1	8,385
Cut immigration	Oppose cutting legal immigration by half	2018 to 2020	44.2	42.6	45.7	4.1	2.5	5.9	10.8	7,157

How the two gaps are measured

The data are CES interviews from 2013 to 2021, an online survey. Each respondent is matched to their county and to that county's two-party marginCounty two-party marginThe Democratic vote minus the Republican vote, divided by the sum of the two, so a positive value is a Democratic lead. Votes for other candidates are left out. in the most recent presidential election, counting the election of the interview year. The two gaps are computed from the Democrats and Republicans among them who live in a deep county, about 120,000118,638 respondentsEstimandcount of respondents with a county margin and a party, any issueWeightsnone (count)PopulationDemocrats and Republicans (three-point party identification, leaners excluded) in counties with a two-party presidential margin of 20 points or morePeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study respondents. Democrats and Republicans are defined by the three-point party question, so independents who lean toward a party belong to neither group. Every estimate uses survey weightsSurvey weightsNumbers that scale each respondent so the sample matches the population on known traits such as age, race, education and region. A weighted average counts a respondent with a large weight for more than one with a small weight., and the intervals come from resampling whole states rather than respondents, because people in one state share a political environment. The issues were asked in different years, so the averages combine periods. The qualification that matters is in the definitions. A deep county is one at or beyond the cutoff above, and a stricter cutoff compares more extreme places and gives a larger place gap. The report also adjusts the place gaps for education, race, age, gender and state, so that the comparison is between respondents who resemble each other or live in the same state. Adjusting for demographics alone leaves 1515 party by issue combinationsEstimandcount of combinations, model with demographics onlyWeightsnone (count)Populationadjusted place gaps smaller than the raw gapPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study of the 2424 party by issue combinationsEstimandcount of combinationsWeightsnone (count)PopulationDemocrats and Republicans on each issuePeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study gaps smaller than the raw gap, and adding state leaves 2222 party by issue combinationsEstimandcount of combinations, model with demographics and state fixed effectsWeightsnone (count)Populationadjusted place gaps smaller than the raw gapPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study smaller. Each of these choices defines which respondents are compared. Under every one of them the place gap is a difference between people who live in different places. It is not an estimate of what living there does to a person, since people choose where to live. The report gives every estimate with its interval and sample size.

Within a party, support moves with the county margin

The deep-county comparison uses only the two ends of the range of counties. Figure 2 uses every county, grouped into seven bins by two-party margin, and follows support within each party across the bins for the issues in its panels. The two party lines stay far apart in every bin. Within each party, though, the lines are not flat. In all but one of them, the change from the most Republican bin to the most Democratic bin is toward the Democratic side of the issue, with an interval that excludes zero. The exception is Republican support for a path to legal status, where the interval includes zero.

On the assault weapons ban, Republican support rises from 36.5%36.5% percent of respondents supportingEstimandweighted share supporting the policy; state-cluster bootstrap intervalInterval95% CI 34.5% to 38.6%n14,432Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationRepublicans in the most Republican bin of countiesPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021SourceCooperative Election Study in the most Republican bin to 49.0%49.0% percent of respondents supportingEstimandweighted share supporting the policy; state-cluster bootstrap intervalInterval95% CI 44.8% to 53.4%n6,811Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationRepublicans in the most Democratic bin of countiesPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021SourceCooperative Election Study in the most Democratic bin, and Democratic support rises as well. Republicans in Democratic counties support a ban more often than Republicans in Republican counties, and the change is shallow next to the gap between the parties on the same issue. The two largest changes among all the lines are both Republican, on abortion and on legal gay marriage. These are also the issues with the largest place gaps in Figure 1, so place goes with opinion more on these questions than on the others.

Figure 2

Within each party, support changes less across county margins than it differs between the parties

Share supporting the policy (%) by party and two-party margin of the respondent's county, seven bins of counties; five issues; CES survey years 2013 to 2021

• Democrats
• Republicans

County two-party margin (points, Democratic minus Republican)

Show data

Data for Within each party, support changes less across county margins than it differs between the parties

bin	conf_high	conf_low	estimate	issue	margin	n	party
Below -40	83.49	78.63	81.16	Assault weapons ban	−53.35	8,553	Democrats
-40 to -20	84.61	81.24	83.00	Assault weapons ban	−29.09	13,631	Democrats
-20 to -5	86.74	82.80	84.81	Assault weapons ban	−12.70	13,578	Democrats
-5 to 5	87.03	82.65	84.91	Assault weapons ban	0.112	13,026	Democrats
5 to 20	87.40	85.78	86.56	Assault weapons ban	12.20	25,300	Democrats
20 to 40	88.29	85.24	86.68	Assault weapons ban	28.48	21,675	Democrats
Above 40	88.59	86.32	87.29	Assault weapons ban	56.26	27,716	Democrats
Below -40	38.65	34.48	36.47	Assault weapons ban	−53.35	14,432	Republicans
-40 to -20	40.55	36.62	38.73	Assault weapons ban	−29.09	15,619	Republicans
-20 to -5	42.39	37.62	40.22	Assault weapons ban	−12.70	11,652	Republicans
-5 to 5	43.05	37.73	40.29	Assault weapons ban	0.112	9,253	Republicans
5 to 20	45.48	40.82	43.35	Assault weapons ban	12.20	14,228	Republicans
20 to 40	48.90	44.40	46.96	Assault weapons ban	28.48	9,629	Republicans
Above 40	53.43	44.84	49.04	Assault weapons ban	56.26	6,811	Republicans
Below -40	75.61	69.08	72.62	Path to legal status	−53.35	6,731	Democrats
-40 to -20	74.12	70.02	72.14	Path to legal status	−29.09	10,838	Democrats
-20 to -5	74.83	70.90	72.89	Path to legal status	−12.70	11,500	Democrats
-5 to 5	75.21	70.21	72.70	Path to legal status	0.112	10,868	Democrats
5 to 20	75.95	73.97	74.97	Path to legal status	12.20	21,339	Democrats
20 to 40	78.10	74.79	76.47	Path to legal status	28.48	18,012	Democrats
Above 40	79.18	76.62	77.95	Path to legal status	56.26	23,266	Democrats
Below -40	36.16	32.90	34.40	Path to legal status	−53.35	11,088	Republicans
-40 to -20	36.32	33.01	34.63	Path to legal status	−29.09	12,294	Republicans
-20 to -5	35.04	32.07	33.68	Path to legal status	−12.70	9,881	Republicans
-5 to 5	37.36	33.83	35.49	Path to legal status	0.112	7,640	Republicans
5 to 20	37.94	32.68	35.41	Path to legal status	12.20	11,721	Republicans
20 to 40	39.71	35.64	37.72	Path to legal status	28.48	7,837	Republicans
Above 40	42.74	34.03	37.53	Path to legal status	56.26	5,585	Republicans
Below -40	29.34	25.13	27.44	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	−53.35	8,556	Democrats
-40 to -20	26.22	22.46	24.38	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	−29.09	13,619	Democrats
-20 to -5	25.96	22.44	24.14	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	−12.70	13,555	Democrats
-5 to 5	24.41	21.30	22.93	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	0.112	13,014	Democrats
5 to 20	23.21	19.73	21.69	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	12.20	25,277	Democrats
20 to 40	24.37	19.24	21.95	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	28.48	21,665	Democrats
Above 40	23.79	18.73	21.58	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	56.26	27,714	Democrats
Below -40	83.72	80.90	82.42	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	−53.35	14,470	Republicans
-40 to -20	84.83	82.53	83.71	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	−29.09	15,630	Republicans
-20 to -5	86.79	84.59	85.73	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	−12.70	11,652	Republicans
-5 to 5	84.54	82.01	83.16	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	0.112	9,251	Republicans
5 to 20	83.07	80.21	81.47	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	12.20	14,220	Republicans
20 to 40	80.89	77.95	79.42	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	28.48	9,633	Republicans
Above 40	79.84	76.22	77.40	Repeal the ACA (support for repeal)	56.26	6,826	Republicans
Below -40	73.89	66.74	70.37	Abortion legal	−53.35	8,255	Democrats
-40 to -20	76.25	71.90	74.15	Abortion legal	−29.09	13,015	Democrats
-20 to -5	79.82	76.77	78.39	Abortion legal	−12.70	12,696	Democrats
-5 to 5	80.64	75.54	78.21	Abortion legal	0.112	12,287	Democrats
5 to 20	82.08	78.67	80.43	Abortion legal	12.20	24,028	Democrats
20 to 40	82.96	77.85	80.38	Abortion legal	28.48	20,804	Democrats
Above 40	84.98	81.98	83.59	Abortion legal	56.26	26,619	Democrats
Below -40	23.12	19.97	21.57	Abortion legal	−53.35	14,058	Republicans
-40 to -20	27.82	23.39	25.76	Abortion legal	−29.09	15,033	Republicans
-20 to -5	31.62	26.02	28.88	Abortion legal	−12.70	10,900	Republicans
-5 to 5	34.39	29.48	32.33	Abortion legal	0.112	8,783	Republicans
5 to 20	35.55	29.43	32.95	Abortion legal	12.20	13,516	Republicans
20 to 40	38.48	32.15	35.59	Abortion legal	28.48	9,260	Republicans
Above 40	45.05	36.31	41.62	Abortion legal	56.26	6,558	Republicans
Below -40	68.37	59.64	63.90	Gay marriage	−53.35	3,353	Democrats
-40 to -20	71.41	64.60	67.99	Gay marriage	−29.09	6,079	Democrats
-20 to -5	75.93	68.93	72.89	Gay marriage	−12.70	6,730	Democrats
-5 to 5	76.62	67.97	72.01	Gay marriage	0.112	6,378	Democrats
5 to 20	77.24	70.62	74.08	Gay marriage	12.20	11,861	Democrats
20 to 40	77.28	67.94	72.45	Gay marriage	28.48	9,357	Democrats
Above 40	79.15	70.81	75.20	Gay marriage	56.26	12,598	Democrats
Below -40	27.81	22.79	25.22	Gay marriage	−53.35	5,044	Republicans
-40 to -20	31.00	26.70	28.98	Gay marriage	−29.09	6,668	Republicans
-20 to -5	35.05	28.89	31.87	Gay marriage	−12.70	5,720	Republicans
-5 to 5	39.46	33.00	36.45	Gay marriage	0.112	4,399	Republicans
5 to 20	40.11	34.02	37.51	Gay marriage	12.20	6,431	Republicans
20 to 40	41.78	35.92	38.96	Gay marriage	28.48	4,079	Republicans
Above 40	45.50	35.94	42.18	Gay marriage	56.26	3,082	Republicans

Independents with no lean have larger place gaps

An independent here is a respondent at the middle of the seven-point party scale who named no party and leaned toward neither; the two groups of leanersPartisan leanerA respondent who first says they are independent but, when asked, says they lean toward one party. Most figures group leaners with the party they lean toward, and each chapter says which grouping it uses. are shown apart. Averaged over the issues, the place gap of independents with no lean is 9.29.2 points (difference in the share taking the Democratic side, on a 0 to 100 scale)Estimandaverage over the issues of the place gap among Independents with no leanInterval95% CI 7.4 to 10.7n118,638Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationIndependents who lean toward neither party (middle of the seven-point scale) in deep countiesPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study points. That is 3.5 (95% CI 1.9 to 5.0)3.5 points (difference in the share taking the Democratic side, on a 0 to 100 scale)Estimandaverage place gap of Independents with no lean minus the average place gap of Democrats and RepublicansInterval95% CI 1.9 to 5.0n118,638Weightsweight_cumulative (CES cumulative weight; each survey year carries the same total weight)PopulationIndependents with no lean, Democrats and Republicans in deep countiesPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study points more than the average for Democrats and Republicans together, and the interval lies above zero. In point estimates their place gap is larger than both partisan place gaps on 99 issuesEstimandcount of issues, point estimatesWeightsnone (count)Populationissues where the Independents' place gap exceeds both partisan gapsPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study of the 1212 policy questionsEstimandcount of issuesWeightsnone (count)Populationthe CES policy questions used in the chapterPeriodCES survey years 2013 to 2021, each issue in the years it was askedSourceCooperative Election Study issues. Among partisans, the Republican place gap is larger than the Democratic one on most issues, and the difference between the two parties' averages has an interval that includes zero.

Figure 3

The average place gap is larger among independents with no lean than among Democrats and Republicans

Place gap averaged over the issues, in points (deep-blue minus deep-red counties, share taking the Democratic side), by party group, with 95% intervals; CES survey years 2013 to 2021

Show data

Data for The average place gap is larger among independents with no lean than among Democrats and Republicans

n	party_id	place_gap	place_gap_hi	place_gap_lo
9,432	Democrats	4.49	6.29	2.79
2,804	Democratic leaners	3.33	4.59	1.98
5,761	Independents (no lean)	9.18	10.70	7.37
2,783	Republican leaners	6.69	8.78	4.58
7,157	Republicans	6.78	8.47	5.00

What the gaps measure, and what they do not

Among Democrats and Republicans in deep counties, the share taking the Democratic side of a policy question differs more by party than by county on every issue. Within a party, that share is higher in deep-blue counties than in deep-red ones, and the place gap is larger on abortion and legal gay marriage than on any other issue. Followed across presidential cycles, with surveys back to 2006, the party gap rose on most of the issues, and where the place gap changed by more than sampling error, it fell. A check in the American National Election Studies, which record only the state, gives ratios of the same order of magnitude, with intervals too wide to say more. None of this is an estimate of what a party does to an opinion. Party identification and issue positions shape each other, and party has taken on other identities, so a Democrat and a Republican also differ in race, religion and much else [1]. Nor is the place gap an estimate of what a county does to a person. The respondents in deep-blue counties may differ from those in deep-red counties in ways that education, race, age and gender do not capture.

What these surveys cannot tell you

A cross-section cannot separate influence from selection. People choose where to live, and a 1984 survey in South Bend, Indiana found that people build discussion networks that match their own views, within the limits their surroundings set [2]. Mummolo and Nall ask why partisans do not sort by place more than they do [3]. Evidence on people who move can separate the two; Planned, Movers and opinion change (planned) takes it up. The county is one level of place, and a finer level, such as a neighborhood, could show larger place gaps. The ratio of the two gaps would change with a different set of issues. The policy questions end in 2021, so the chapter says nothing about later years.

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Go deeper

• The report: every estimate with its interval and sample size.
• Tables: every figure of the report as a table.
• Neighborhoods: the explorer for this part.

Same question at another grain:

• Party and place
  • Chapter 2.1, Cohort change in partisan sorting Individuals
  • Planned, Composition and behavior in county change (planned) Places

Reading paths that include this chapter:

• The core argument in eight chapters
• A tour of the book, one chapter per part
• Start with the map
• Does place matter

Data sources

• Cooperative Election StudyCooperative Election Study cumulative common content, 2006-2021 policy items, party identification and county FIPSYears: 2006-2024 (every year; self-reported turnout is available in the 10 even years) · Weights: weight_cumulative · License: See the provider's terms of use.
• County election returnsCounty presidential returns 2004-2020 (repaired file), two-party marginYears: President 1868-2024 (40 elections); House and Senate 1990-2024 · Weights: none (full counts) · License: The Heideman file is CC BY 4.0 (doi:10.5281/zenodo.22976553), but the state records behind it keep their own terms, and the sites of Florida, Indiana, Colorado and Wisconsin restrict reuse.
• State presidential returnsState presidential returns 1976-2024, two-party marginYears: 1976-2024 (13 elections) · Weights: none (full counts) · License: See the provider's terms of use.
• ANES Cumulative Data FileANES Time Series Cumulative Data File, waves 2012-2024, state identifier, issue itemsYears: 1948-2024 (33 study years; even years only after 2004; no 2006, 2010 or 2014 study) · Weights: weight (VCF0009z) · License: Free download after accepting the ANES terms of use; cite the release.

All data sources

References

1. Mason, Lilliana (2018). Uncivil Agreement: How Politics Became Our Identity. University of Chicago Press. press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/U/bo27527354.html
2. Huckfeldt, Robert; Sprague, John (1987). Networks in Context: The Social Flow of Political Information. American Political Science Review 81(4): 1197-1216. www.cambridge.org/core/journals/american-political-science-review/article/abs/networks-in-context-the-social-flow-of-political-information/393FFEC212ECE14C0E0F79715E086D60
3. Mummolo, Jonathan; Nall, Clayton (2017). Why Partisans Do Not Sort: The Constraints on Political Segregation. The Journal of Politics 79(1): 45-59. doi:10.1086/687569

How to cite

@misc{singh2026partyandplace,
  author = {Singh, Vishal},
  title = {Party and place},
  year = {2026},
  url = {https://vishalsingh.org/politics/party-and-place},
  note = {In The Public Mind. Published 30 September 2026.}
}