# Immigration: report

Chapter 4.2 of The Public Mind, by Vishal Singh (NYU Stern). Generated from the chapter's data files; the reading version is at https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration. Table n of this report is figure n of the chapter.

## Identification

- Title: Immigration
- Chapter: 4.2 (Part IV, Issues move on different schedules; Coalitions and political differences)
- Question: How have immigration attitudes moved, and how sharply do they divide the parties?
- Dek: In the American National Election Studies, the share wanting fewer immigrants was 3.3 points higher among Republicans than Democrats in 1992 and 28.3 points higher in 2024.
- Grain: individuals
- Status: draft
- Published: 2026-10-03
- Updated: not revised
- Data sources:
  - ANES Cumulative Data File. Cumulative Data File 1948-2024, immigration level item (VCF0879, VCF0879a) in 11 studies from 1992 to 2024 and thermometers (VCF0233, VCF0217); mode weights for 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024; years: 1948-2024 (33 study years; even years only after 2004; no 2006, 2010 or 2014 study); weights: weight (VCF0009z); weight_ftf and weight_web for the mode split
  - ANES 2024 Time Series. 2024 Time Series, ten immigration items (V241386, V241387, V241390, V241393, V242227 to V242229, V242232, V242235, V242236); years: 2024 (pre-election and post-election interviews); weights: V240107b (post-election); V240101b and V240102b for the mode views
  - General Social Survey. Raw file 1994-2024: letin1a (2004-2024), the earlier forms letin and letin1, and the immigration module items immjobs, immcrime and immameco; interview mode from the raw file; years: 1972-2024 (35 study years); weights: weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004)
  - Cooperative Election Study. Cumulative CES, nine immigration policy items 2007-2021; years: 2006-2024 (every year; self-reported turnout is available in the 10 even years); weights: weight (single-wave weight)
  - Nationscape. Weekly waves July 2019 to February 2021, four immigration policy items; years: 2019-07-18 to 2021-04-15 (85 weekly waves); weights: weight
- Canonical URL: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration
- Report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration/report
- Markdown: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration/report.md
- BibTeX key: singh2026immigration

```bibtex
@misc{singh2026immigration,
  author = {Singh, Vishal},
  title = {Immigration},
  year = {2026},
  url = {https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration},
  note = {In The Public Mind. Published 3 October 2026.}
}
```

## Principal estimates

The facts the dek and the opening prose cite, in order of appearance.

| Estimand | Population | Period | Value | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Fact id |
| --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 | 3.3 | 95% CI −1.2 to 7.9 | 1,898 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_gap_1992 |
| weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 28.3 | 95% CI 24.3 to 32.4 | 4,560 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_gap_2024 |
| weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 57.6% | 95% CI 54.6% to 60.6% | 2,170 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_dec_r_2024 |
| weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 29.2% | 95% CI 26.6% to 31.9% | 2,390 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_dec_d_2024 |
| weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 | 50.1% | 95% CI 46.7% to 53.5% | 818 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_dec_r_1992 |
| weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 | 46.8% | 95% CI 43.8% to 49.8% | 1,080 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_dec_d_1992 |
| weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2004 | 10.3 | 95% CI 1.8 to 18.8 | 735 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey | g_gap_2004 |
| weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2024 | 47.5 | 95% CI 42.5 to 52.5 | 2,301 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey | g_gap_2024 |
| count of respondents with a usable answer (increased, same or decreased) | ANES respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 1992-2024 | 32,751 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | n_anes_item |
| count of study years with the item | ANES studies that asked the question | 1992-2024 | 11 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | n_anes_waves |
| count of respondents with a usable answer to letin1a | GSS respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants nowadays | 2004-2024 | 21,070 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_gss_item |
| count of survey years with the item | GSS survey years that asked letin1a | 2004-2024 | 11 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_gss_waves |
| count of item-years with a Republican minus Democratic gap | CES immigration policy items | 2007-2021 | 57 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study | n_ces_itemyears |

## Findings

In the American National Election Studies (ANES), 57.6% of Republicans and 29.2% of Democrats said in 2024 that the number of immigrants allowed to come to the United States should be decreased, a gap of 28.3 (95% CI 24.3 to 32.4) points. In 1992 the two shares were 50.1% and 46.8%, a gap of 3.3 (95% CI −1.2 to 7.9) points that is too small to distinguish from zero. The General Social Survey (GSS) words its question differently and shows the same widening, from 10.3 (95% CI 1.8 to 18.8) points in 2004 to 47.5 (95% CI 42.5 to 52.5) in 2024.

Each question is scored for its restrictive answer: wanting fewer immigrants, favoring a restrictive policy or saying that immigrants have a bad effect. A gap is the Republican share minus the Democratic share of that answer, in points, so a positive gap means that Republicans were more likely to give it. Party includes leaners, and independents are the respondents who lean toward neither party. Nationscape asks only the three-category party question, so its Democrats and Republicans exclude leaners and its independents include them. Every interval is a 95% confidence interval. Democratic, independent and Republican shares are reported separately, because a gap can widen when either party moves. (Note: Shares use the survey weights and cover respondents who answered the item: 32,751 in 11 ANES studies from 1992 to 2024 and 21,070 in 11 GSS surveys from 2004 to 2024 for the questions on the number of immigrants. Answers of don't know are left out. Intervals use the Kish effective sample size [1] and treat the weighted sample as if respondents had been drawn one by one, which ignores the stages of the sample design. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, so their intervals rest on a model and say nothing about who chose to join.)

Each survey asks in its own words (Table 1), so a level in one survey is not comparable with a level in another and no line in this chapter joins two surveys. The Cooperative Election Study (CES), Nationscape and the 2024 ANES ask about specific policies, and on each of them Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats in every year it was asked, including all 57 item-years of the CES. Hainmueller and Hopkins review research on attitudes toward immigration and report that they are only weakly related to a person's own economic circumstances and are shaped more by concern about cultural effects on the nation than by concern about economic effects [2]. Abrajano and Hajnal argue that fears about immigration moved white Americans from the Democratic to the Republican Party [3]. This chapter describes the party divide in the answers themselves and does not test either account.

Table 1. Each survey asks about immigration in its own words and on its own scale

### The ANES gap opened between 2008 and 2016

Table 2 plots the gap in each survey year. In the ANES the interval includes zero in 6 of the 7 studies from 1992 to 2008. The exception is 2000, at 8.0 (95% CI 2.4 to 13.6) points. The gap was 15.1 (95% CI 11.2 to 18.9) points in 2012, and every ANES interval from that year on lies above zero. It reached 34.3 (95% CI 30.4 to 38.3) points in 2016 and was 30.6 (95% CI 27.7 to 33.4) in 2020 and 28.3 (95% CI 24.3 to 32.4) in 2024. The change from 2020 to 2024 is −2.2 (95% CI −7.2 to 2.7) points, an interval that includes zero and excludes a change as large as the rise of 19.3 (95% CI 13.8 to 24.8) points from 2012 to 2016.

These estimates use the cumulative file weight. With the post-election weight, which the file has for 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2016, 2020 and 2024 but not for the other studies with this question, the 2020 gap is 29.3 (95% CI 26.4 to 32.3) and the 2024 gap is 28.9 (95% CI 25.0 to 32.9), and the change between them is −0.4 (95% CI −5.4 to 4.6) points. The all-respondent gaps also combine interview modes. Among in-person respondents the gap was 5.6 (95% CI −0.3 to 11.5) points in 2008, 31.2 (95% CI 23.8 to 38.6) in 2016 and 20.3 (95% CI 11.5 to 29.1) in 2024, so the opening and the high 2024 level appear in person too, and the mode section compares them.

The date of the opening depends on the test, as Chapter 4.7, Sort dates by attitude (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/sort-dates-by-attitude) shows for other attitudes. That chapter calls a party gap large when it passes 0.25 standard deviations (SD) of the answers and dates the passage by the first study from which the gap stays above the mark. Applied to the five-category version of this question, which runs from increased a lot to decreased a lot, the point estimate passes the mark in 2012 and the lower end of the interval passes it in 2016. The lower end in 2012 is 0.248 SD, just under the mark, and it is 0.2500 SD when the answers are standardized among party identifiers only, so the lower-bound date turns on how the answers are standardized. The 2012 gap is 0.237 (95% CI 0.102 to 0.372) SD among in-person respondents, under the mark, and 0.372 (95% CI 0.280 to 0.464) among web respondents, so the 2012 point date rests on web respondents. The intervals ignore the stages of the sample design and may be wider. The ANES fields a study only in election years, so the data cannot place the opening more closely than the span from 2008 to 2016.

The GSS asked about the number of immigrants nowadays in 11 surveys from 2004 to 2024, with none in 2020. Its gap was 10.3 (95% CI 1.8 to 18.8) points in 2004 and 12.8 (95% CI 4.8 to 20.7) in 2012. It rose to 34.4 (95% CI 28.5 to 40.2) in 2016 and reached 41.6 (95% CI 35.9 to 47.2) in 2022 and 47.5 (95% CI 42.5 to 52.5) in 2024. The GSS interval lies above zero in every survey, and the ANES interval does not until 2012. Before 2004 the GSS asked earlier forms of the question in 1994, 1996 and 2000, drawn as open points. The gaps there were 6.5 (95% CI 0.3 to 12.6), 6.5 (95% CI −0.3 to 13.4) and 3.3 (95% CI −3.5 to 10.1) points, small again. The GSS asked both the form used in 1996 and the form used from 2004 in 2004, 2014 and 2024, and the two gaps differ by at most 7.2 points in those years. In 2004 the two forms went to different respondents, and the difference between their gaps is 1.3 (95% CI −10.1 to 12.7) points. In 2014 and 2024, 65% and 99% of the respondents who answered the earlier form also answered the later one.

Table 2. Republicans and Democrats grew apart on wanting fewer immigrants in both surveys

### The Democratic share fell in every view

The Democratic share fell in every view, and the Republican path depends on the survey and the interview mode. Table 3 shows the shares behind the gaps in three views. The all-interview ANES line combines modes. Web respondents were none of the 2008 respondents with a party and 70% of the 2016 respondents, so a change in an all-respondent share partly reflects who was interviewed. The in-person view is the like-for-like series. Among in-person respondents the Democratic share fell from 42.3% in 2008 to 23.0% in 2016, a change of −19.3 (95% CI −25.2 to −13.4) points. Among the same in-person respondents the Republican share rose from 47.9% to 54.2%, a change of 6.3 (95% CI −1.0 to 13.7) points, an interval that includes zero. For all respondents the two changes are −13.9 (95% CI −18.4 to −9.5) and 14.8 (95% CI 9.3 to 20.3) points. From 1992 to 2024 the in-person Democratic share changed by −22.7 (95% CI −29.0 to −16.3) points and the in-person Republican share by −5.7 (95% CI −13.3 to 2.0), an interval that includes zero, against −17.6 (95% CI −21.6 to −13.6) and 7.5 (95% CI 2.9 to 12.1) for all respondents.

The 2020 study has no mode split. Both party shares were lower in 2020 than in any other study, at 14.0% and 44.6%, and both rose from 2020 to 2024, by 15.2 (95% CI 12.1 to 18.3) and 13.0 (95% CI 9.2 to 16.8) points. Wanting more immigrants moved on the Democratic side as well. The share of Democrats who said the number should be increased was 10.2% in 1992, 46.5% in 2020 and 24.4% in 2024, against 11.3% of Republicans in 2020. Among all respondents the share wanting fewer immigrants was 48.7% in 1992, 28.4% in 2020 and 42.9% in 2024.

The GSS shows the Democratic fall in one mode for most of its series. The Democratic share was 51.2% in 2008 and 26.9% in 2016, a change of −24.3 (95% CI −30.2 to −18.3) points, and it changed by a further −9.1 (95% CI −13.9 to −4.3) points to 2022. The Republican share changed by 2.4 (95% CI −4.7 to 9.6) points from 2008 to 2016, an interval that includes zero and allows a rise of up to 9.6 points. It changed by −1.9 (95% CI −8.5 to 4.6) points from 2016 to 2022, with a change of −8.9 (95% CI −16.3 to −1.6) points from 2016 to 2018. From 2022 to 2024 both shares rose, the Republican share by 17.0 (95% CI 11.2 to 22.9) points to 76.4% and the Democratic share by 11.1 (95% CI 6.4 to 15.9) points to 28.9%. In the GSS, then, the gap opened on the Democratic side through 2022, and the 2024 rise came from both parties.

The two surveys agree on the Democratic fall and, within mode, on the lack of a reliable Republican change from 2008 to 2016. The ANES all-respondent change in the Republican share differs from the GSS change by 12.4 (95% CI 3.3 to 21.4) points, and the in-person ANES change differs from it by 3.9 (95% CI −6.4 to 14.2) points, an interval that includes zero. They disagree after 2016. The in-person ANES Republican share changed by −9.8 (95% CI −18.6 to −0.9) points to 2024 and the GSS Republican share by 15.1 (95% CI 9.4 to 20.8) points. The Republican level in 2024 is 57.6% among all ANES respondents and 44.4% in person, against 76.4% in the GSS and 78.0% in person. The questions differ, so the comparison across surveys is one of direction and timing.

Independent estimates sit between the party estimates in all 3 ANES studies from 2016 to 2024 and in 9 of the 10 GSS surveys that have a reliable independent estimate. Before 2016 the ANES independent estimate is above both party estimates in 5 of the 7 studies with an independent estimate, as in 2008, when it was 50.1% against 47.9% for Republicans and 42.3% for Democrats. No independent minus Republican interval in those studies excludes zero; in 2008 the difference is 2.2 (95% CI −7.2 to 11.6) points.

Table 3. The Democratic share wanting fewer immigrants fell in every view, and the Republican path differs by survey and interview mode

### The opening holds within each interview mode

The ANES interviewed mainly in person through 2008, then added a web sample next to the in-person sample in 2012, 2016 and 2024, with separate weights for each. The 2020 study had no in-person interviews and no weights by mode [4]. The GSS interviewed mainly in person through 2018, mostly on the web in 2021 (88% of respondents who answered the question, counted without weights) and in both modes in 2022 and 2024. Interview mode can change answers, and Table 4 compares the modes.

The ANES gap rose between 2012 and 2016 by 21.4 (95% CI 11.4 to 31.4) points among in-person respondents and by 18.0 (95% CI 11.4 to 24.6) among web respondents, so the opening does not depend on mode. The web gap is larger than the in-person gap in every year by the estimates, by 8.2 (95% CI 0.0 to 16.4), 4.8 (95% CI −3.9 to 13.5) and 14.2 (95% CI 3.4 to 25.0) points in 2012, 2016 and 2024. The 2016 interval includes zero and allows a difference of up to 13.5 points, and the 2012 interval begins at zero. The 2024 all-respondent gap of 28.3 points lies between the in-person gap of 20.3 and the web gap of 34.5. The difference comes from Republicans, of whom 44.4% wanted fewer immigrants when interviewed in person and 63.8% when interviewed on the web, a difference of 19.3 (95% CI 11.1 to 27.5) points.

The GSS Republican rise to 2024 does not depend on mode. Among in-person respondents the Republican share rose from 54.8% in 2022 to 78.0% in 2024, by 23.3 (95% CI 14.2 to 32.3) points, and among web respondents it rose by 10.2 (95% CI 2.3 to 18.1) points. In 2024 the Republican shares in the two modes differ by −0.4 (95% CI −7.7 to 6.9) points, an interval that excludes a difference as large as the ANES difference. The GSS web gap is higher than the in-person gap by the estimates in both years, by 13.5 (95% CI 2.0 to 25.0) points in 2022 and 7.6 (95% CI −3.2 to 18.4) in 2024, an interval that includes zero.

The 2020 ANES cannot be split by mode, and the earlier mode differences do not account for its fall. Both party shares fell from 2016 to 2020, by −14.3 (95% CI −17.4 to −11.2) points among Democrats and −18.1 (95% CI −21.8 to −14.3) among Republicans, and the gap changed by −3.8 (95% CI −8.6 to 1.1) points, an interval that includes zero and reaches −8.6 points. In the other years web respondents gave the restrictive answer more often than in-person respondents, by 9.3, 12.1 and 19.3 points among Republicans and by 1.1, 7.3 and 5.1 among Democrats. The 2020 study had no in-person interviews, so a mode effect of that sign predicts a rise, and the shares fell. The 2020 modes (web, video and telephone) differ from the modes of the other years, so the data cannot say what a 2020 mode effect would be, and the chapter reports the 2020 fall without interpreting it.

Table 4. The ANES gap opened within each interview mode, and ANES web respondents were more restrictive than in-person respondents

### Warmth toward illegal immigrants split by party more than warmth toward Hispanics

The ANES asks respondents to rate groups on a feeling thermometer that runs from cold to warm. The rating of illegal immigrants is in 9 studies from 1988, before the question on the number of immigrants begins. Democrats rated the group 39.7 in 1988 and 56.8 in 2024, a change of 17.1 (95% CI 14.8 to 19.3) points. Republicans rated it 32.0 and 26.9, a change of −5.2 (95% CI −7.4 to −2.9) points. Among in-person respondents the change is −3.6 (95% CI −7.2 to 0.0) points, an interval that includes zero, and the Republican series is not steady, at 35.0 in 2004 and 33.7 in 2020. The warmth gap, Democrats minus Republicans, was 7.7 (95% CI 5.3 to 10.1) points in 1988 and 29.9 (95% CI 27.8 to 32.0) in 2024, a widening of 22.2 (95% CI 19.0 to 25.4) points. Warmth runs opposite to a restrictive answer, so this series is signed the other way, and a positive value means that Democrats were warmer.

Ratings of Hispanics changed less (Table 5). The warmth gap was 5.4 (95% CI 3.3 to 7.5) points in 1988 and 7.3 (95% CI 5.4 to 9.2) in 2024, above zero in both years, a widening of 1.9 (95% CI −0.9 to 4.7) points. Both parties rated Hispanics warmer in 2024 than in 1988, Democrats by 14.2 (95% CI 12.2 to 16.1) points and Republicans by 12.2 (95% CI 10.2 to 14.2). The item for illegal immigrants is labelled illegal aliens in the cumulative file and illegal immigrants in the 2020 and 2024 studies, so a change of label could have moved ratings between studies.

Table 5. The party gap in warmth toward illegal immigrants widened more than the gap toward Hispanics

### The GSS items show the gap opening after 2004

The GSS asked 4 immigration questions in 1996, 2004, 2014 and 2024: whether the number of immigrants should be reduced, and whether immigrants take jobs away from people born in America, increase crime rates and are good for America's economy. The jobs and crime questions were repeated in 2022. Table 6 shows the shares by party. In 1996 the gap on every item was within sampling error of zero. In 2004 the intervals for jobs and the economy still include zero, while those for reducing the number (11.6 (95% CI 4.0 to 19.3) points) and for crime (6.5 (95% CI 0.1 to 12.9)) lie above it. By 2014 every interval was above zero, and in 2024 the gaps were 48.8 (95% CI 41.5 to 56.1) points on reducing the number, 35.1 (95% CI 29.3 to 40.8) on jobs, 43.0 (95% CI 37.2 to 48.9) on crime and 22.3 (95% CI 16.2 to 28.4) on the economy.

The parties moved differently on different items. On jobs the Democratic share agreeing fell from 49.3% in 1996 to 11.5% in 2024 while the Republican share was 46.1% and 46.5%. On crime the Democratic share fell from 37.4% to 11.8% and the Republican share rose from 32.6% to 54.9%.

Table 6. Democratic and Republican answers were close on four GSS items in 1996 and far apart in 2024

### Republicans were more restrictive on every CES item in every year

The CES asked 9 immigration policy questions between 2007 and 2021, and no question was asked in every year (Table 7). The gap has the same sign in all 57 item-years, with the Republican share of the restrictive answer higher and an interval above zero. The independent estimate lies between the party estimates in all of them. The independent share is above the Democratic share with an interval above zero in 56 item-years and the Republican share is above the independent share with an interval above zero in 57.

The CES changed format in 2018. Through 2017 the items were part of a check-all-that-apply list, in which a respondent who skips an item cannot be told from one who opposes it, and from 2018 the guide to the cumulative policy file words them as support or oppose for each item [5]. The figure breaks between 2017 and 2019, and this section compares levels and gaps only within a format. The wording of several items also changes by year, as the wording table shows. Within the check-all format the gap on more border patrols rose from 28.9 (95% CI 26.1 to 31.8) points in 2007 to 46.2 (95% CI 44.1 to 48.3) in 2017. The gap on legal status for long-term residents (counting opposition) rose from 27.2 (95% CI 24.4 to 29.9) to 44.0 (95% CI 41.9 to 46.2) over the same years. Under the later format the border patrol gap was 45.5 (95% CI 43.8 to 47.1) points in 2019 and 45.2 (95% CI 43.8 to 46.6) in 2021, and the legal status gap was 43.4 (95% CI 41.6 to 45.2) and 48.0 (95% CI 46.5 to 49.6).

The Democratic share moved more than the Republican share on the border patrol item in the check-all years. Democrats supporting more border patrols fell from 39.8% in 2007 to 26.1% in 2017, a change of −13.7 (95% CI −16.1 to −11.3) points, while the Republican share changed by 3.5 (95% CI 0.9 to 6.1) points. In every year it was asked the wall question has the largest gap of the items asked that year, at 70.7 (95% CI 69.8 to 71.6) points in 2018 and 69.5 (95% CI 68.6 to 70.4) in 2020, which share a wording and a format. The 2017 and 2021 questions are worded differently, as the wording table shows, and are not compared with those years. In 2021 15.4% of Democrats and 85.6% of Republicans were in favor.

Table 7. Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats on every CES item in every year, with independents between them

### Nationscape shows large gaps that narrowed in 2020

Nationscape interviewed adults every week from July 2019 [6] and asked four of the immigration policy questions in 77 weeks through December 2020. It asks respondents whether they agree or disagree with each policy. Pooled over those weeks, the share agreeing with building a wall on the southern border was 15.8% among Democrats, 38.3% among independents and 81.2% among Republicans, a gap of 65.4 (95% CI 64.9 to 65.8) points. The gap on deporting all undocumented immigrants was 47.3 (95% CI 46.8 to 47.9) points, on disagreeing with a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants 37.1 (95% CI 36.6 to 37.7) and on disagreeing with a path for those brought here as children 22.0 (95% CI 21.5 to 22.5). The last item has the smallest gap, with 9.4% of Democrats and 31.4% of Republicans disagreeing.

The weekly wall gap stayed between 57.4 and 74.3 points in every week (Table 8). It changed by −6.5 (95% CI −7.6 to −5.3) points between late 2019 and late 2020, and the gap on deportation by −6.1 (95% CI −7.5 to −4.7). Over the same periods the Democratic share agreeing with the wall item rose from 14.2% to 17.3% and the Republican share fell from 82.8% to 79.4%. Four weeks of January and February 2021 are drawn as open points and left out of every pooled estimate. In the week of 18 January 2021 the Democratic share agreeing with the wall item was 39.3% against 17.3% in late 2020, and the Republican share disagreeing with a path to citizenship for all was 44.2% against 52.5%. The file does not say why. Because Nationscape's Democrats and Republicans exclude leaners, its gaps are not comparable with the CES gaps.

Table 8. Nationscape respondents divided by party on every immigration item in every week of 2019 and 2020

### The size of the 2024 ANES gap depends on the item

The 2024 ANES time series asked 10 immigration questions, and Table 9 compares them. Every item has a positive gap in all three views (all respondents, in-person and web). The gap runs from 19.7 (95% CI 16.8 to 22.7) points on whether children brought illegally should be sent back to 60.9 (95% CI 57.6 to 64.3) on the border wall. Among all respondents the largest gaps are on the wall, on whether illegal immigration increases crime (54.2 (95% CI 50.8 to 57.6)) and on whether immigration is likely to take jobs (39.9 (95% CI 36.3 to 43.6)). The smallest are on children brought illegally, on opposing a path to citizenship (23.1 (95% CI 19.8 to 26.3)) and on saying immigrants are bad for the economy (24.6 (95% CI 21.5 to 27.8)), although the interval for ending birthright citizenship (25.9 (95% CI 22.3 to 29.6)) overlaps those of the last two. A gap in points is limited by how many people give the answer, and 4.9% of Democrats and 24.6% of Republicans said children brought illegally should be sent back.

The question on the number of immigrants, the one asked since 1992, gives a gap of 28.9 (95% CI 25.0 to 32.9) points among all respondents when weighted with the post-election weight, 19.4 (95% CI 10.4 to 28.4) in person and 33.9 (95% CI 27.7 to 40.2) on the web. On the other items the largest difference between the in-person and web gaps is 11.0 (95% CI 4.1 to 17.8) points. The items asked before the election are weighted here with the post-election weight, and with the pre-election weight their gaps differ from these by at most 0.3 points. Independent estimates sit between the party estimates on every item.

Table 9. Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats on every 2024 ANES immigration item, most on the border wall

### What these data cannot show

Each survey interviews a new sample, so a change in a party's share can come from people changing their view, changing their party or being replaced by new adults, and these data cannot separate them. Party identification is itself an answer, and people may change it because of their views on immigration or change their views because of their party. Abrajano and Hajnal [3] argue for the first order, and these data can neither support nor reject it. The party lines also combine people of every origin, so changes in who belongs to each party are not separated from changes in what they say. Chapter 3.3, Hispanic, Black and Asian voters (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/hispanic-black-and-asian-voters; planned) is planned to follow group differences in the vote.

Levels cannot be compared across surveys. The ANES and the GSS differ by 18.8 (95% CI 14.2 to 23.4) points in the Republican share wanting fewer immigrants in 2024, and by 33.6 (95% CI 24.7 to 42.4) points among in-person respondents in each, and the chapter does not say which is closer to the truth. The ANES question has five answers that the chapter collapses to decreased against the rest, the GSS question has five answers collapsed the same way, and the CES, Nationscape and 2024 ANES policy items measure different things on different scales. The mode checks are limited to the years that have mode weights or a mode variable. The 2020 ANES levels and the 2021 GSS, which was mostly web, cannot be split, and the cumulative file has no post-election mode weights, so the in-person and web ANES estimates use the full-sample mode weights. The CES changes format and wording across years, so changes that cross 2018 are not read, and the Nationscape file has no leaner question for most weeks.

The chapter has no measure of behavior, of elite positions or of the size of the foreign-born population. It does not ask whether the American gap is unusual. The European Social Survey has immigration questions in many countries but no party vote in the file used for this book, and a comparison on left-right placement would need an American question that matches theirs. Planned, Immigration and local context (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration-and-local-context; planned) is planned to take up the local foreign-born share. No result here shows that immigration attitudes changed party loyalty or that party loyalty changed attitudes.

## Tables

### Table 1. Each survey asks about immigration in its own words and on its own scale

Question wording or file label, answers offered, years used and the restrictive answer counted, by survey and item

| Survey | Item | Question wording or file label | Answers | Years used | Restrictive answer counted |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| ANES cumulative file | Number of immigrants (VCF0879, VCF0879a) | Do you think the number of immigrants from foreign countries who are permitted to come to the United States to live should be increased a lot, increased a little, left the same as it is now, decreased a little, or decreased a lot? | Five answers; the 2000 study is coded to three (increased, same, decreased) | 1992, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020, 2024 | Decreased, a little or a lot |
| ANES cumulative file | Feeling thermometer, illegal immigrants (therm_illegal_aliens, from VCF0233) | Rating of illegal aliens (cumulative file label) or illegal immigrants (2020 and 2024 studies); the cleaned file recodes the cumulative code 97, which stands for 97 to 100 degrees, to 100 | 0 (cold) to 100 (warm) | 1988, 1992, 1994, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020, 2024 | Mean rating |
| ANES cumulative file | Feeling thermometer, Hispanics (therm_hispanics, from VCF0217) | Rating of Hispanics (file label: Chicanos or Hispanics); the cleaned file recodes the code 97 to 100 as above | 0 (cold) to 100 (warm) | 1988, 1992, 1994, 1996, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020, 2024 | Mean rating |
| GSS | Number of immigrants, form used from 2004 (letin1a) | Number of immigrants nowadays should be: increased a lot, increased a little, remain the same as it is, reduced a little, reduced a lot (file label and answers; the stem is not checked) | Five answers | 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024 | Reduced, a little or a lot |
| GSS | Number of immigrants, earlier forms (letin, letin1) | letin: increase or decrease immigrants to the US (left the same as it is now); letin1: Do you think the number of immigrants to America nowadays should be increased a lot, increased a little, remain the same as it is, reduced a little, or reduced a lot? (the ARDA documentation of the GSS item) | Five answers | letin 1994 and 2000; letin1 1996, 2004, 2014, 2024 | Decreased or reduced, a little or a lot |
| GSS | Immigrants take jobs away (immjobs, file label) | Immigrants take jobs away from people born in America (file label: immigrants take jobs away) | Agree strongly, agree, neither agree nor disagree, disagree, disagree strongly | 1996, 2004, 2014, 2022, 2024 | Agree or agree strongly |
| GSS | Immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime, file label) | Immigrants increase crime rates (file label) | Agree strongly, agree, neither agree nor disagree, disagree, disagree strongly | 1996, 2004, 2014, 2022, 2024 | Agree or agree strongly |
| GSS | Immigrants good for America (immameco, file label) | Immigrants are good for America's economy (file label: immigrants good for america) | Agree strongly, agree, neither agree nor disagree, disagree, disagree strongly | 1996, 2004, 2014, 2024 | Disagree or disagree strongly |
| CES | Stem, 2007 to 2017 | What do you think the U.S. government should do about immigration? Select all that apply. (The 2007 stem names Congress and the President; the 2014 stem says the government.) | Check each item that applies | 2007 to 2017 | Item checked (support) or not checked (oppose) |
| CES | Stem, 2018 | What do you think the U.S. government should do about immigration? Do you support or oppose each of the following? (The guide lists no stem for 2019 to 2021.) | Support or oppose each item | 2018 to 2021 | Support or oppose each item |
| CES | More border patrols (immig_border) | Increase the number of border patrols on the U.S.-Mexican border (2011: increase border presence; 2014: increase Border Patrols along the US-Mexico border) | Support, oppose | 2007, 2010 to 2017, 2019 to 2021 | Support |
| CES | Legal status for long-term residents (immig_legalize) | Grant legal status to all illegal immigrants who have held jobs and paid taxes for at least 3 years, and not been convicted of any felony crimes (2011: amnesty for long term residents) | Support, oppose | 2007, 2010 to 2017, 2019 to 2021 | Oppose |
| CES | Fines for employers (immig_employer) | Fine U.S. businesses that hire illegal immigrants (2010: fine businesses) | Support, oppose | 2007, 2010, 2012 to 2017 | Support |
| CES | Police questioning (immig_police) | Allow police to question anyone they think may be in the country illegally (2011: police question those reasonably suspected of being illegal) | Support, oppose | 2010 to 2015, 2017 | Support |
| CES | Identify and deport (immig_deport) | Identify and deport illegal immigrants | Support, oppose | 2014 to 2017 | Support |
| CES | Bar services (immig_services) | Prohibit illegal immigrants from using emergency hospital care and public schools | Support, oppose | 2012, 2013 | Support |
| CES | Reduce legal immigration (immig_reduce) | 2018: reduce legal immigration by eliminating the visa lottery and ending family-based migration; 2019: reduce legal immigration by 50 percent; 2020: reduce legal immigration by 50 percent over the next 10 years by eliminating the visa lottery and ending family-based migration | Support, oppose | 2018 to 2020 | Support |
| CES | Police must report (immig_report) | 2017: require local police departments to report to the federal government anyone they identify as an illegal immigrant; 2018 to 2021: withhold federal funds from any local police department that does not report to the federal government anyone they identify as an illegal immigrant | Support, oppose | 2017 to 2021 | Support |
| CES | Border wall (immig_wall) | 2017 and 2021: build a wall between the U.S. and Mexico; 2018 and 2020: increase spending on border security by 25 billion dollars, including building a wall between the U.S. and Mexico | Support, oppose | 2017, 2018, 2020, 2021 | Support |
| Nationscape | Stem | We'd like to know whether you agree or disagree with each of the following policies: | Agree, disagree, not sure | July 2019 to February 2021 | Agree, or disagree for the path to citizenship items |
| Nationscape | Border wall (wall) | Build a wall on the southern US border | Agree, disagree, not sure | Every week, July 2019 to December 2020 | Agree |
| Nationscape | Deportation (deportation) | Deport all undocumented immigrants | Agree, disagree, not sure | Every week, July 2019 to December 2020 | Agree |
| Nationscape | Path to citizenship for all (path_to_citizenship) | Create a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants | Agree, disagree, not sure | Every week, July 2019 to December 2020 | Disagree |
| Nationscape | Path for those brought as children (dreamers) | Create a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrants brought here as children | Agree, disagree, not sure | Every week, July 2019 to December 2020 | Disagree |
| ANES 2024 | Border wall (V241393) | Favor or oppose building a wall on border with Mexico (file label) | Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose | 2024 | Favor |
| ANES 2024 | Birthright citizenship (V241387) | Favor or oppose ending birthright citizenship (file label) | Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose | 2024 | Favor ending it |
| ANES 2024 | Children brought illegally (V241390) | Should children brought illegally be sent back or allowed to stay (file label) | Should be sent back; should be allowed to live and work in the US | 2024 | Should be sent back |
| ANES 2024 | Policy toward unauthorized immigrants (V241386) | US government policy toward unauthorized immigrants (file label) | Make felons and send them back; guest worker program; remain and qualify for citizenship if requirements are met; remain and qualify for citizenship without penalties | 2024 | Make felons and send them back |
| ANES 2024 | Path to citizenship (V242232) | Favor or oppose providing path to citizenship (file label) | Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose | 2024 | Oppose |
| ANES 2024 | Immigration levels (V242227) | What should immigration levels be (file label) | Increased a lot, increased a little, left the same as it is now, decreased a little, decreased a lot | 2024 | Decreased, a little or a lot |
| ANES 2024 | Illegal immigration and crime (V242229) | Effect of illegal immigration on crime rate (file label) | Increase, decrease, have no effect | 2024 | Increase |
| ANES 2024 | Immigration and jobs (V242228) | How likely immigration will take away jobs (file label) | Extremely likely, very likely, somewhat likely, not at all likely | 2024 | Extremely or very likely |
| ANES 2024 | Immigrants and the economy (V242235) | Are immigrants generally good or bad for America's economy (file label) | Seven answers from extremely good to extremely bad | 2024 | Slightly, moderately or extremely bad |
| ANES 2024 | Adapting to customs (V242236) | How important is it for immigrants to adapt to customs and traditions of the US (file label) | Five answers from not at all important to extremely important | 2024 | Very or extremely important |

Note: The ANES wording is as documented for the 2000, 2004 and 2008 studies; small wording differences in other studies are noted in the ANES cumulative file documentation and are not tested here.

Note: CES wording is quoted from the guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences file; the file's own item labels are shorter. Nationscape wording is from the week 1 codebook. ANES 2024 rows give the file label because the full question text was not checked.

Note: Each item's restrictive answer is the one counted in every figure. The CES wording changes by year for the border patrol, legal status, police questioning, fines, reduce, report and wall items as shown.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File and 2024 Time Series, General Social Survey, CES cumulative policy preferences guide and Nationscape codebook; question wording only, no weights apply

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/wording.json

### Table 2. Republicans and Democrats grew apart on wanting fewer immigrants in both surveys

Republican minus Democratic share wanting the number of immigrants decreased (ANES) or reduced (GSS), party identifiers including leaners, 1992 to 2024; 95% intervals

| Survey | Year | Earlier GSS form | Gap (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | ---: | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| ANES | 1992 | no | 3.3 | −1.2 | 7.9 | 1,898 |
| ANES | 1994 | no | 1.9 | −3.3 | 7.1 | 1,545 |
| ANES | 1996 | no | 4.9 | −1.0 | 10.8 | 1,367 |
| ANES | 1998 | no | 1.0 | −5.5 | 7.5 | 1,094 |
| ANES | 2000 | no | 8.0 | 2.4 | 13.6 | 1,515 |
| ANES | 2004 | no | 4.2 | −2.8 | 11.3 | 933 |
| ANES | 2008 | no | 5.6 | −0.3 | 11.5 | 1,799 |
| ANES | 2012 | no | 15.1 | 11.2 | 18.9 | 4,664 |
| ANES | 2016 | no | 34.3 | 30.4 | 38.3 | 3,140 |
| ANES | 2020 | no | 30.6 | 27.7 | 33.4 | 6,486 |
| ANES | 2024 | no | 28.3 | 24.3 | 32.4 | 4,560 |
| ANES in person | 2008 | no | 5.6 | −0.3 | 11.5 | 1,799 |
| ANES in person | 2012 | no | 9.8 | 3.1 | 16.5 | 1,632 |
| ANES in person | 2016 | no | 31.2 | 23.8 | 38.6 | 930 |
| ANES in person | 2020 | no | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| ANES in person | 2024 | no | 20.3 | 11.5 | 29.1 | 849 |
| GSS | 2004 | no | 10.3 | 1.8 | 18.8 | 735 |
| GSS | 2006 | no | 16.3 | 10.4 | 22.2 | 1,550 |
| GSS | 2008 | no | 7.7 | 0.4 | 14.9 | 1,074 |
| GSS | 2010 | no | 18.6 | 11.4 | 25.8 | 1,119 |
| GSS | 2012 | no | 12.8 | 4.8 | 20.7 | 994 |
| GSS | 2014 | no | 21.9 | 15.5 | 28.4 | 1,261 |
| GSS | 2016 | no | 34.4 | 28.5 | 40.2 | 1,479 |
| GSS | 2018 | no | 32.3 | 25.4 | 39.2 | 1,175 |
| GSS | 2021 | no | 39.7 | 34.9 | 44.4 | 2,038 |
| GSS | 2022 | no | 41.6 | 35.9 | 47.2 | 2,511 |
| GSS | 2024 | no | 47.5 | 42.5 | 52.5 | 2,301 |
| GSS earlier forms | 1994 | yes | 6.5 | 0.3 | 12.6 | 1,174 |
| GSS earlier forms | 1996 | yes | 6.5 | −0.3 | 13.4 | 958 |
| GSS earlier forms | 2000 | yes | 3.3 | −3.5 | 10.1 | 1,027 |

Note: The in-person ANES line uses the mode weights of 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024 and has no 2020 point because the 2020 study had no in-person interviews; all-respondent ANES estimates from 2012 combine in-person and web samples.

Note: Open GSS points before 2004 use two earlier GSS variables with the same five answers: letin in 1994 and 2000 and letin1 in 1996. The GSS asked both letin1 and letin1a in 2004, 2014 and 2024; the text compares the two forms in those years.

Note: GSS interviews were mostly in person through 2018, mostly on the web in 2021, and in both modes in 2022 and 2024. A party cell needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100; a gap needs both parties to clear that floor.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1992-2024, and General Social Survey, 1994-2024; weighted (weight, VCF0009z; weight_use)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/gap_by_year.json

### Table 3. The Democratic share wanting fewer immigrants fell in every view, and the Republican path differs by survey and interview mode

Share wanting the number of immigrants decreased (ANES) or reduced (GSS), by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; all respondents dashed; 95% intervals

| Survey and answer | Group | Year | Earlier GSS form | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 1992 | no | 48.7 | 46.6 | 50.8 | 2,168 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 1994 | no | 66.4 | 64.0 | 68.9 | 1,730 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 1996 | no | 58.9 | 56.1 | 61.7 | 1,499 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 1998 | no | 50.7 | 47.7 | 53.7 | 1,245 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 2000 | no | 47.0 | 44.4 | 49.6 | 1,742 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 2004 | no | 47.7 | 44.4 | 51.0 | 1,047 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 2008 | no | 45.3 | 42.6 | 47.9 | 2,061 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 2012 | no | 44.4 | 42.6 | 46.2 | 5,390 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 2016 | no | 43.8 | 41.8 | 45.7 | 3,621 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 2020 | no | 28.4 | 27.0 | 29.8 | 7,350 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | All respondents | 2024 | no | 42.9 | 40.9 | 45.0 | 4,898 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 1992 | no | 46.8 | 43.8 | 49.8 | 1,080 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 1994 | no | 65.3 | 61.7 | 68.9 | 813 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 1996 | no | 56.7 | 52.8 | 60.6 | 785 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 1998 | no | 49.8 | 45.6 | 54.0 | 639 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 2000 | no | 42.9 | 39.2 | 46.7 | 857 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 2004 | no | 44.4 | 39.5 | 49.3 | 494 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 2008 | no | 42.3 | 38.7 | 45.9 | 1,203 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 2012 | no | 36.5 | 34.1 | 39.0 | 2,837 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 2016 | no | 28.3 | 25.7 | 31.0 | 1,664 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 2020 | no | 14.0 | 12.4 | 15.6 | 3,443 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Democrats | 2024 | no | 29.2 | 26.6 | 31.9 | 2,390 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 1992 | no | 52.4 | 46.3 | 58.5 | 261 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 1994 | no | 68.2 | 60.6 | 75.9 | 175 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 1996 | no | 60.6 | 51.0 | 70.1 | 129 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 1998 | no | 53.8 | 44.7 | 62.8 | 140 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 2000 | no | 52.4 | 44.8 | 59.9 | 215 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 2008 | no | 50.1 | 41.9 | 58.2 | 227 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 2012 | no | 51.0 | 46.1 | 55.8 | 708 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 2016 | no | 42.1 | 36.7 | 47.4 | 465 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 2020 | no | 26.5 | 22.4 | 30.6 | 844 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Independents | 2024 | no | 45.2 | 37.2 | 53.3 | 318 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 1992 | no | 50.1 | 46.7 | 53.5 | 818 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 1994 | no | 67.2 | 63.4 | 70.9 | 732 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 1996 | no | 61.6 | 57.2 | 66.0 | 582 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 1998 | no | 50.8 | 45.8 | 55.8 | 455 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 2000 | no | 50.9 | 46.8 | 55.1 | 658 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 2004 | no | 48.7 | 43.6 | 53.7 | 439 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 2008 | no | 47.9 | 43.2 | 52.5 | 596 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 2012 | no | 51.6 | 48.7 | 54.5 | 1,827 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 2016 | no | 62.7 | 59.7 | 65.6 | 1,476 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 2020 | no | 44.6 | 42.3 | 46.9 | 3,043 |
| ANES: decreased (all interviews) | Republicans | 2024 | no | 57.6 | 54.6 | 60.6 | 2,170 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 1992 | no | 48.7 | 46.6 | 50.8 | 2,168 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 1994 | no | 66.4 | 64.0 | 68.9 | 1,730 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 1996 | no | 58.9 | 56.1 | 61.7 | 1,499 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 1998 | no | 50.7 | 47.7 | 53.7 | 1,245 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 2000 | no | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 2004 | no | 47.7 | 44.4 | 51.0 | 1,047 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 2008 | no | 45.3 | 42.6 | 47.9 | 2,061 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 2012 | no | 41.0 | 37.9 | 44.1 | 1,842 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 2016 | no | 38.1 | 34.4 | 41.8 | 1,042 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 2020 | no | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | All respondents | 2024 | no | 33.9 | 29.6 | 38.3 | 904 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 1992 | no | 46.8 | 43.8 | 49.8 | 1,080 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 1994 | no | 65.3 | 61.7 | 68.9 | 813 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 1996 | no | 56.7 | 52.8 | 60.6 | 785 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 1998 | no | 49.8 | 45.6 | 54.0 | 639 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 2000 | no | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 2004 | no | 44.4 | 39.5 | 49.3 | 494 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 2008 | no | 42.3 | 38.7 | 45.9 | 1,203 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 2012 | no | 35.8 | 31.7 | 39.9 | 1,123 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 2016 | no | 23.0 | 18.3 | 27.7 | 475 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 2020 | no | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Democrats | 2024 | no | 24.1 | 18.5 | 29.8 | 460 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Independents | 1992 | no | 52.4 | 46.3 | 58.5 | 261 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Independents | 1994 | no | 68.2 | 60.6 | 75.9 | 175 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Independents | 1996 | no | 60.6 | 51.0 | 70.1 | 129 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Independents | 1998 | no | 53.8 | 44.7 | 62.8 | 140 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Independents | 2000 | no | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Independents | 2008 | no | 50.1 | 41.9 | 58.2 | 227 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Independents | 2012 | no | 47.6 | 38.0 | 57.2 | 194 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Independents | 2020 | no | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 1992 | no | 50.1 | 46.7 | 53.5 | 818 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 1994 | no | 67.2 | 63.4 | 70.9 | 732 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 1996 | no | 61.6 | 57.2 | 66.0 | 582 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 1998 | no | 50.8 | 45.8 | 55.8 | 455 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 2000 | no | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 2004 | no | 48.7 | 43.6 | 53.7 | 439 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 2008 | no | 47.9 | 43.2 | 52.5 | 596 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 2012 | no | 45.6 | 40.3 | 51.0 | 509 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 2016 | no | 54.2 | 48.5 | 59.9 | 455 |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 2020 | no | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| ANES: decreased (in person) | Republicans | 2024 | no | 44.4 | 37.6 | 51.3 | 389 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 1994 | yes | 64.2 | 61.4 | 67.1 | 1,397 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 1996 | yes | 64.1 | 60.9 | 67.2 | 1,141 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2000 | yes | 43.2 | 40.2 | 46.2 | 1,318 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2004 | no | 51.5 | 47.6 | 55.4 | 890 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2006 | no | 52.6 | 49.9 | 55.3 | 1,945 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2008 | no | 52.7 | 49.4 | 56.0 | 1,294 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2010 | no | 48.3 | 45.0 | 51.5 | 1,393 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2012 | no | 46.1 | 42.7 | 49.6 | 1,262 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2014 | no | 44.5 | 41.7 | 47.4 | 1,624 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2016 | no | 41.1 | 38.4 | 43.9 | 1,845 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2018 | no | 34.2 | 31.1 | 37.3 | 1,520 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2021 | no | 31.5 | 29.3 | 33.7 | 2,670 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2022 | no | 35.9 | 33.3 | 38.4 | 3,440 |
| GSS: reduced | All respondents | 2024 | no | 49.7 | 47.2 | 52.1 | 3,187 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 1994 | yes | 62.8 | 58.6 | 67.0 | 656 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 1996 | yes | 60.4 | 55.7 | 65.1 | 531 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2000 | yes | 41.9 | 37.4 | 46.4 | 581 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2004 | no | 47.4 | 41.4 | 53.3 | 389 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2006 | no | 46.3 | 42.3 | 50.3 | 895 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2008 | no | 51.2 | 46.5 | 55.9 | 641 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2010 | no | 41.8 | 37.0 | 46.7 | 658 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2012 | no | 40.8 | 36.1 | 45.6 | 607 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2014 | no | 35.3 | 31.2 | 39.4 | 746 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2016 | no | 26.9 | 23.2 | 30.5 | 862 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2018 | no | 20.0 | 16.2 | 23.9 | 662 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2021 | no | 15.1 | 12.6 | 17.7 | 1,220 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2022 | no | 17.8 | 14.7 | 20.9 | 1,408 |
| GSS: reduced | Democrats | 2024 | no | 28.9 | 25.3 | 32.5 | 1,212 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 1994 | yes | 59.9 | 52.1 | 67.8 | 183 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 1996 | yes | 65.1 | 56.4 | 73.8 | 160 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2000 | yes | 42.5 | 35.5 | 49.5 | 263 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2006 | no | 48.4 | 42.0 | 54.7 | 358 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2008 | no | 43.9 | 35.6 | 52.2 | 194 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2010 | no | 43.9 | 36.0 | 51.7 | 231 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2012 | no | 47.3 | 38.9 | 55.6 | 231 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2014 | no | 42.7 | 36.3 | 49.1 | 311 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2016 | no | 38.9 | 32.0 | 45.9 | 307 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2018 | no | 30.5 | 23.6 | 37.4 | 276 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2021 | no | 32.3 | 27.5 | 37.1 | 546 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2022 | no | 30.2 | 25.2 | 35.2 | 797 |
| GSS: reduced | Independents | 2024 | no | 41.3 | 36.4 | 46.2 | 778 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 1994 | yes | 69.3 | 64.8 | 73.8 | 518 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 1996 | yes | 66.9 | 62.0 | 71.9 | 427 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2000 | yes | 45.2 | 40.2 | 50.3 | 446 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2004 | no | 57.7 | 51.6 | 63.8 | 346 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2006 | no | 62.6 | 58.2 | 66.9 | 655 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2008 | no | 58.8 | 53.3 | 64.4 | 433 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2010 | no | 60.4 | 55.0 | 65.8 | 461 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2012 | no | 53.6 | 47.2 | 60.0 | 387 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2014 | no | 57.2 | 52.2 | 62.2 | 515 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2016 | no | 61.3 | 56.7 | 65.8 | 617 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2018 | no | 52.3 | 46.5 | 58.1 | 513 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2021 | no | 54.8 | 50.7 | 58.9 | 818 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2022 | no | 59.3 | 54.6 | 64.0 | 1,103 |
| GSS: reduced | Republicans | 2024 | no | 76.4 | 72.9 | 79.8 | 1,089 |

Views: ANES, all interviews (instrument = ANES: decreased (all interviews)); ANES, in person (instrument = ANES: decreased (in person)); GSS (instrument = GSS: reduced).

Note: Shaded band: the ANES mode change from 2016 to 2020 in the ANES views, and the GSS move from in-person to web interviews between 2018 and 2021 in the GSS view. The in-person ANES view has no 2000 point (a study that mixed in-person and telephone interviews) and no 2020 point (no in-person interviews).

Note: An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100, so some independent points are missing.

Note: The ANES asks five answers (three in 2000) and the chapter counts decreased, a little or a lot, against increased or left the same; the GSS counts reduced a little and reduced a lot against the other three answers.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1992-2024, and General Social Survey, 1994-2024; weighted (weight, VCF0009z; weight_use)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/share_by_party.json

### Table 4. The ANES gap opened within each interview mode, and ANES web respondents were more restrictive than in-person respondents

Changes in the Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode, and web minus in-person differences in the gap and in the Republican share; leaners included; 95% intervals

| Panel | Comparison | Estimate (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Change in the gap within one mode | ANES in person, 2012 to 2016 | 21.4 | 11.4 | 31.4 | 2,562 |
| Change in the gap within one mode | ANES web, 2012 to 2016 | 18.0 | 11.4 | 24.6 | 5,242 |
| Change in the gap within one mode | GSS in person, 2022 to 2024 | 6.6 | −5.5 | 18.6 | 1,909 |
| Change in the gap within one mode | GSS web, 2022 to 2024 | 0.7 | −9.6 | 10.9 | 2,389 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | ANES 2012 | 8.2 | 0.0 | 16.4 | 4,664 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | ANES 2016 | 4.8 | −3.9 | 13.5 | 3,140 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | ANES 2024 | 14.2 | 3.4 | 25.0 | 2,432 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | GSS 2022 | 13.5 | 2.0 | 25.0 | 2,266 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | GSS 2024 | 7.6 | −3.2 | 18.4 | 2,032 |
| Web minus in-person Republican share, same year | ANES 2012 | 9.3 | 3.0 | 15.7 | 1,827 |
| Web minus in-person Republican share, same year | ANES 2016 | 12.1 | 5.5 | 18.7 | 1,476 |
| Web minus in-person Republican share, same year | ANES 2024 | 19.3 | 11.1 | 27.5 | 1,125 |
| Web minus in-person Republican share, same year | GSS 2022 | 12.6 | 3.0 | 22.2 | 996 |
| Web minus in-person Republican share, same year | GSS 2024 | −0.4 | −7.7 | 6.9 | 972 |

Note: The 2020 ANES study has no separate weights by mode, so it has no row. The 2024 ANES mode groups are the fresh in-person and fresh web samples; the panel and paper respondents are in neither.

Note: The GSS rows compare 2022 or 2024 in-person with web respondents; the 2021 survey was mostly web and has no in-person comparison.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 2012, 2016 and 2024, and General Social Survey, 2022 and 2024; weighted (weight_ftf and weight_web, the ANES weights for each mode; weight_use)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/mode_check.json

### Table 5. The party gap in warmth toward illegal immigrants widened more than the gap toward Hispanics

Mean ANES feeling thermometer rating from 0 (cold) to 100 (warm), by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; all respondents dashed; 95% intervals

| Group rated | Party | Year | Mean rating | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 1988 | 57.0 | 56.0 | 58.0 | 1,629 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 1992 | 61.0 | 60.2 | 61.9 | 2,127 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 1994 | 61.1 | 59.9 | 62.3 | 1,674 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 1996 | 63.8 | 62.7 | 64.8 | 1,465 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 2000 | 63.8 | 62.6 | 65.1 | 1,438 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 2002 | 63.0 | 61.6 | 64.4 | 1,255 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 2004 | 67.7 | 66.4 | 69.0 | 1,037 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 2008 | 65.2 | 64.1 | 66.4 | 2,050 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 2012 | 63.5 | 62.7 | 64.3 | 5,449 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 2016 | 68.1 | 67.2 | 68.9 | 3,572 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 2020 | 71.8 | 71.2 | 72.5 | 7,109 |
| Hispanics | All respondents | 2024 | 69.9 | 68.9 | 70.8 | 4,684 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 1988 | 59.7 | 58.2 | 61.2 | 763 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 1992 | 63.1 | 62.0 | 64.3 | 1,041 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 1994 | 63.1 | 61.3 | 64.9 | 783 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 1996 | 65.5 | 64.0 | 67.0 | 765 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 2000 | 65.1 | 63.3 | 66.9 | 701 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 2002 | 63.8 | 61.9 | 65.8 | 582 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 2004 | 68.0 | 66.0 | 70.0 | 489 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 2008 | 67.7 | 66.1 | 69.2 | 1,193 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 2012 | 67.1 | 65.9 | 68.2 | 2,859 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 2016 | 72.3 | 71.1 | 73.6 | 1,638 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 2020 | 75.6 | 74.6 | 76.5 | 3,326 |
| Hispanics | Democrats | 2024 | 73.9 | 72.6 | 75.2 | 2,312 |
| Hispanics | Independents | 1988 | 55.8 | 52.6 | 59.0 | 173 |
| Hispanics | Independents | 1992 | 59.4 | 57.1 | 61.7 | 256 |
| Hispanics | Independents | 1994 | 56.2 | 52.5 | 59.9 | 171 |
| Hispanics | Independents | 2000 | 61.3 | 57.5 | 65.1 | 166 |
| Hispanics | Independents | 2008 | 61.2 | 57.4 | 65.0 | 228 |
| Hispanics | Independents | 2012 | 59.3 | 57.1 | 61.6 | 723 |
| Hispanics | Independents | 2016 | 63.8 | 61.4 | 66.2 | 460 |
| Hispanics | Independents | 2020 | 68.5 | 66.4 | 70.6 | 818 |
| Hispanics | Independents | 2024 | 61.7 | 57.7 | 65.6 | 303 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 1988 | 54.4 | 52.9 | 55.8 | 684 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 1992 | 59.0 | 57.7 | 60.3 | 820 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 1994 | 60.2 | 58.5 | 61.9 | 710 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 1996 | 61.7 | 60.0 | 63.3 | 570 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 2000 | 62.8 | 61.0 | 64.6 | 560 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 2002 | 63.8 | 61.8 | 65.8 | 570 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 2004 | 68.8 | 67.0 | 70.6 | 436 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 2008 | 63.3 | 61.4 | 65.1 | 596 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 2012 | 60.7 | 59.4 | 62.0 | 1,847 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 2016 | 64.7 | 63.4 | 66.0 | 1,463 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 2020 | 68.7 | 67.7 | 69.6 | 2,944 |
| Hispanics | Republicans | 2024 | 66.6 | 65.2 | 67.9 | 2,050 |
| Illegal immigrants | All respondents | 1988 | 35.7 | 34.5 | 36.9 | 1,658 |
| Illegal immigrants | All respondents | 1992 | 36.1 | 35.2 | 37.1 | 2,165 |
| Illegal immigrants | All respondents | 1994 | 32.3 | 30.9 | 33.7 | 1,746 |
| Illegal immigrants | All respondents | 2004 | 40.5 | 38.9 | 42.1 | 1,039 |
| Illegal immigrants | All respondents | 2008 | 39.3 | 37.9 | 40.7 | 2,048 |
| Illegal immigrants | All respondents | 2012 | 38.0 | 37.1 | 38.9 | 5,458 |
| Illegal immigrants | All respondents | 2016 | 41.9 | 40.8 | 43.0 | 3,580 |
| Illegal immigrants | All respondents | 2020 | 48.2 | 47.3 | 49.0 | 7,092 |
| Illegal immigrants | All respondents | 2024 | 42.6 | 41.4 | 43.8 | 4,686 |
| Illegal immigrants | Democrats | 1988 | 39.7 | 37.9 | 41.5 | 776 |
| Illegal immigrants | Democrats | 1992 | 38.3 | 36.9 | 39.7 | 1,066 |
| Illegal immigrants | Democrats | 1994 | 37.5 | 35.4 | 39.5 | 816 |
| Illegal immigrants | Democrats | 2004 | 45.5 | 43.2 | 47.8 | 491 |
| Illegal immigrants | Democrats | 2008 | 45.5 | 43.7 | 47.4 | 1,191 |
| Illegal immigrants | Democrats | 2012 | 46.1 | 44.8 | 47.4 | 2,864 |
| Illegal immigrants | Democrats | 2016 | 52.4 | 50.9 | 53.9 | 1,641 |
| Illegal immigrants | Democrats | 2020 | 61.0 | 60.0 | 62.1 | 3,336 |
| Illegal immigrants | Democrats | 2024 | 56.8 | 55.4 | 58.2 | 2,303 |
| Illegal immigrants | Independents | 1988 | 32.3 | 28.4 | 36.1 | 176 |
| Illegal immigrants | Independents | 1992 | 37.5 | 34.6 | 40.5 | 260 |
| Illegal immigrants | Independents | 1994 | 30.5 | 26.2 | 34.8 | 182 |
| Illegal immigrants | Independents | 2008 | 38.1 | 33.8 | 42.5 | 229 |
| Illegal immigrants | Independents | 2012 | 37.2 | 34.5 | 39.8 | 725 |
| Illegal immigrants | Independents | 2016 | 41.5 | 38.6 | 44.4 | 461 |
| Illegal immigrants | Independents | 2020 | 48.7 | 46.2 | 51.1 | 820 |
| Illegal immigrants | Independents | 2024 | 43.4 | 39.1 | 47.8 | 297 |
| Illegal immigrants | Republicans | 1988 | 32.0 | 30.4 | 33.6 | 697 |
| Illegal immigrants | Republicans | 1992 | 32.9 | 31.4 | 34.5 | 830 |
| Illegal immigrants | Republicans | 1994 | 27.2 | 25.2 | 29.1 | 736 |
| Illegal immigrants | Republicans | 2004 | 35.0 | 32.6 | 37.4 | 435 |
| Illegal immigrants | Republicans | 2008 | 31.4 | 29.1 | 33.6 | 596 |
| Illegal immigrants | Republicans | 2012 | 28.8 | 27.4 | 30.1 | 1,849 |
| Illegal immigrants | Republicans | 2016 | 29.6 | 28.1 | 31.1 | 1,467 |
| Illegal immigrants | Republicans | 2020 | 33.7 | 32.5 | 34.9 | 2,914 |
| Illegal immigrants | Republicans | 2024 | 26.9 | 25.3 | 28.4 | 2,067 |

Views: Illegal immigrants (series = Illegal immigrants); Hispanics (series = Hispanics).

Note: The cumulative file labels the illegal immigrants item illegal aliens; the 2020 and 2024 studies label it illegal immigrants. The Hispanics ratings are available in more studies than the illegal immigrants ratings.

Note: The series are the cleaned-file variables therm_illegal_aliens and therm_hispanics, which recode the cumulative file code 97, which stands for 97 to 100 degrees, to 100.

Note: An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1988-2024; weighted (weight, VCF0009z)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/thermometers.json

### Table 6. Democratic and Republican answers were close on four GSS items in 1996 and far apart in 2024

Share giving the restrictive answer to four GSS immigration items, by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; 95% intervals

| Interviews | Item | Group | Year | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Democrats | 1996 | 60.4 | 55.7 | 65.1 | 531 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Democrats | 2004 | 47.4 | 41.9 | 52.8 | 466 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Democrats | 2014 | 37.2 | 32.4 | 42.1 | 513 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Democrats | 2024 | 26.2 | 21.1 | 31.3 | 568 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Independents | 1996 | 65.1 | 56.4 | 73.8 | 160 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Independents | 2004 | 57.1 | 48.5 | 65.8 | 180 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Independents | 2014 | 36.0 | 28.2 | 43.7 | 202 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Independents | 2024 | 43.5 | 36.0 | 51.0 | 336 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Republicans | 1996 | 66.9 | 62.0 | 71.9 | 427 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Republicans | 2004 | 59.0 | 53.6 | 64.4 | 437 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Republicans | 2014 | 51.9 | 45.8 | 58.0 | 349 |
| All interviews | Reduce the number of immigrants | Republicans | 2024 | 75.0 | 69.7 | 80.2 | 507 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 1996 | 49.3 | 44.9 | 53.8 | 610 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 2004 | 39.8 | 34.7 | 44.9 | 514 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 2014 | 31.7 | 27.3 | 36.2 | 569 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 2022 | 15.9 | 12.3 | 19.4 | 963 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 2024 | 11.5 | 8.4 | 14.6 | 833 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Independents | 1996 | 52.6 | 44.2 | 61.0 | 185 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Independents | 2004 | 51.5 | 43.2 | 59.8 | 199 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Independents | 2014 | 33.0 | 26.1 | 40.0 | 240 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Independents | 2022 | 18.6 | 13.3 | 23.8 | 548 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Independents | 2024 | 20.0 | 15.2 | 24.8 | 548 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 1996 | 46.1 | 41.0 | 51.1 | 460 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 2004 | 40.3 | 35.2 | 45.5 | 474 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 2014 | 41.1 | 35.4 | 46.8 | 385 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 2022 | 35.3 | 29.4 | 41.2 | 701 |
| All interviews | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 2024 | 46.5 | 41.7 | 51.4 | 745 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 1996 | 37.4 | 33.0 | 41.8 | 596 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 2004 | 21.9 | 17.6 | 26.2 | 511 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 2014 | 16.9 | 13.4 | 20.5 | 574 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 2022 | 7.0 | 4.5 | 9.5 | 964 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 2024 | 11.8 | 8.7 | 15.0 | 828 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Independents | 1996 | 34.5 | 26.5 | 42.5 | 186 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Independents | 2004 | 34.3 | 26.3 | 42.2 | 195 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Independents | 2014 | 23.0 | 16.7 | 29.4 | 233 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Independents | 2022 | 16.1 | 11.1 | 21.0 | 548 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Independents | 2024 | 21.6 | 16.6 | 26.5 | 541 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 1996 | 32.6 | 27.9 | 37.4 | 457 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 2004 | 28.4 | 23.6 | 33.2 | 465 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 2014 | 23.7 | 18.7 | 28.7 | 375 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 2022 | 37.2 | 31.2 | 43.2 | 696 |
| All interviews | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 2024 | 54.9 | 50.0 | 59.8 | 735 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Democrats | 1996 | 33.1 | 28.8 | 37.3 | 594 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Democrats | 2004 | 22.0 | 17.7 | 26.4 | 507 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Democrats | 2014 | 17.1 | 13.5 | 20.6 | 568 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Democrats | 2024 | 6.4 | 3.7 | 9.2 | 604 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Independents | 1996 | 33.8 | 25.9 | 41.8 | 185 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Independents | 2004 | 27.9 | 20.4 | 35.4 | 195 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Independents | 2014 | 12.6 | 7.6 | 17.6 | 231 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Independents | 2024 | 12.8 | 8.2 | 17.4 | 366 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Republicans | 1996 | 33.5 | 28.7 | 38.4 | 446 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Republicans | 2004 | 21.0 | 16.7 | 25.3 | 469 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Republicans | 2014 | 25.8 | 20.7 | 30.9 | 382 |
| All interviews | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Republicans | 2024 | 28.8 | 23.4 | 34.2 | 521 |
| In person | Reduce the number of immigrants | Democrats | 1996 | 60.4 | 55.7 | 65.1 | 531 |
| In person | Reduce the number of immigrants | Democrats | 2004 | 47.8 | 41.8 | 53.9 | 373 |
| In person | Reduce the number of immigrants | Democrats | 2014 | 36.0 | 30.9 | 41.2 | 442 |
| In person | Reduce the number of immigrants | Independents | 1996 | 65.1 | 56.4 | 73.8 | 160 |
| In person | Reduce the number of immigrants | Independents | 2004 | 57.3 | 48.1 | 66.5 | 149 |
| In person | Reduce the number of immigrants | Independents | 2014 | 39.1 | 30.3 | 47.9 | 165 |
| In person | Reduce the number of immigrants | Republicans | 1996 | 66.9 | 62.0 | 71.9 | 427 |
| In person | Reduce the number of immigrants | Republicans | 2004 | 60.5 | 54.6 | 66.3 | 351 |
| In person | Reduce the number of immigrants | Republicans | 2014 | 52.5 | 46.0 | 59.1 | 301 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 1996 | 49.3 | 44.9 | 53.8 | 610 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 2004 | 39.4 | 33.8 | 45.0 | 416 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 2014 | 31.3 | 26.6 | 36.0 | 493 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 2022 | 18.1 | 12.6 | 23.7 | 432 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Democrats | 2024 | 15.5 | 9.6 | 21.4 | 286 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Independents | 1996 | 52.6 | 44.2 | 61.0 | 185 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Independents | 2004 | 51.2 | 42.3 | 60.0 | 163 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Independents | 2014 | 34.1 | 26.4 | 41.9 | 200 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 1996 | 46.1 | 41.0 | 51.1 | 460 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 2004 | 39.4 | 33.8 | 45.0 | 385 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 2014 | 38.6 | 32.5 | 44.6 | 334 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 2022 | 36.8 | 27.8 | 45.7 | 324 |
| In person | Immigrants take jobs away | Republicans | 2024 | 48.7 | 40.2 | 57.3 | 256 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 1996 | 37.4 | 33.0 | 41.8 | 596 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 2004 | 22.6 | 17.8 | 27.4 | 416 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 2014 | 16.6 | 12.8 | 20.3 | 497 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 2022 | 6.9 | 3.2 | 10.5 | 433 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Democrats | 2024 | 18.3 | 12.0 | 24.7 | 281 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Independents | 1996 | 34.5 | 26.5 | 42.5 | 186 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Independents | 2004 | 34.1 | 25.6 | 42.6 | 160 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Independents | 2014 | 23.7 | 16.7 | 30.7 | 196 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 1996 | 32.6 | 27.9 | 37.4 | 457 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 2004 | 28.2 | 23.0 | 33.4 | 379 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 2014 | 23.3 | 18.0 | 28.6 | 325 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 2022 | 40.0 | 30.9 | 49.1 | 320 |
| In person | Immigrants increase crime rates | Republicans | 2024 | 53.5 | 44.9 | 62.1 | 251 |
| In person | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Democrats | 1996 | 33.1 | 28.8 | 37.3 | 594 |
| In person | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Democrats | 2004 | 21.0 | 16.3 | 25.7 | 409 |
| In person | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Democrats | 2014 | 16.9 | 13.0 | 20.7 | 492 |
| In person | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Independents | 1996 | 33.8 | 25.9 | 41.8 | 185 |
| In person | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Independents | 2004 | 28.0 | 20.0 | 36.0 | 160 |
| In person | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Independents | 2014 | 13.2 | 7.6 | 18.9 | 193 |
| In person | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Republicans | 1996 | 33.5 | 28.7 | 38.4 | 446 |
| In person | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Republicans | 2004 | 22.6 | 17.8 | 27.4 | 381 |
| In person | Immigrants are not good for the economy | Republicans | 2014 | 26.4 | 20.9 | 31.8 | 331 |

Views: All interviews (view = All interviews); In person (view = In person).

Note: Restrictive answers: reduce the number (letin1, reduced a little or a lot), agree or agree strongly that immigrants take jobs away and that they increase crime rates, and disagree or disagree strongly that immigrants are good for America's economy.

Note: The jobs and crime items were also asked in 2022. In the in-person view a party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100, so some points are missing.

Source: General Social Survey, 1994-2024; weighted (weight_use)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/gss_items.json

### Table 7. Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats on every CES item in every year, with independents between them

Share giving the restrictive answer to nine CES immigration policy items, by party identification including leaners, 2007 to 2021; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

| Item | Group | Year | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2007 | 39.8 | 37.8 | 41.8 | 4,372 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2010 | 46.3 | 45.3 | 47.3 | 24,407 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2011 | 42.1 | 40.6 | 43.6 | 9,349 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2012 | 41.0 | 40.0 | 41.9 | 25,295 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2013 | 38.6 | 37.1 | 40.2 | 7,527 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2014 | 43.7 | 42.7 | 44.6 | 25,737 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2015 | 39.0 | 37.3 | 40.6 | 6,681 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2016 | 35.5 | 34.7 | 36.3 | 31,139 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2017 | 26.1 | 24.7 | 27.5 | 8,585 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2018 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2019 | 47.3 | 45.8 | 48.8 | 8,237 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2020 | 37.5 | 36.7 | 38.3 | 29,329 |
| Support more border patrols | Democrats | 2021 | 47.6 | 46.4 | 48.8 | 12,445 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2007 | 57.7 | 53.0 | 62.4 | 837 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2010 | 58.0 | 56.0 | 59.9 | 5,978 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2011 | 51.7 | 48.7 | 54.8 | 2,782 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2012 | 55.7 | 54.0 | 57.5 | 6,205 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2013 | 55.8 | 53.3 | 58.4 | 2,946 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2014 | 58.4 | 56.7 | 60.1 | 8,683 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2015 | 51.0 | 48.0 | 53.9 | 2,202 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2016 | 51.8 | 50.5 | 53.2 | 10,493 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2017 | 45.0 | 42.4 | 47.6 | 3,193 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2018 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2019 | 66.3 | 63.6 | 69.0 | 2,640 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2020 | 63.2 | 61.6 | 64.8 | 8,853 |
| Support more border patrols | Independents | 2021 | 66.7 | 64.8 | 68.6 | 4,352 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2007 | 68.8 | 66.7 | 70.8 | 3,773 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2010 | 78.4 | 77.5 | 79.2 | 23,454 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2011 | 71.7 | 70.2 | 73.1 | 7,346 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2012 | 76.0 | 75.1 | 76.8 | 20,552 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2013 | 75.5 | 73.9 | 77.1 | 5,307 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2014 | 78.0 | 77.2 | 78.9 | 19,039 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2015 | 76.4 | 74.9 | 78.0 | 4,878 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2016 | 74.7 | 73.9 | 75.5 | 20,847 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2017 | 72.3 | 70.7 | 73.9 | 5,775 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2018 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2019 | 92.8 | 92.0 | 93.6 | 6,435 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2020 | 90.5 | 90.0 | 91.1 | 20,403 |
| Support more border patrols | Republicans | 2021 | 92.8 | 92.1 | 93.5 | 8,139 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2007 | 52.1 | 50.1 | 54.2 | 4,372 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2010 | 42.1 | 41.1 | 43.1 | 24,407 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2011 | 39.6 | 38.1 | 41.0 | 9,349 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2012 | 35.4 | 34.5 | 36.3 | 25,295 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2013 | 36.6 | 35.1 | 38.2 | 7,527 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2014 | 33.1 | 32.3 | 34.0 | 25,737 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2015 | 31.9 | 30.3 | 33.5 | 6,681 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2016 | 27.9 | 27.2 | 28.6 | 31,139 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2017 | 24.6 | 23.3 | 25.9 | 8,585 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2018 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2019 | 15.3 | 14.3 | 16.4 | 8,260 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2020 | 11.5 | 11.0 | 12.1 | 29,339 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Democrats | 2021 | 12.6 | 11.8 | 13.4 | 12,445 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2007 | 71.2 | 66.8 | 75.5 | 837 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2010 | 63.6 | 61.8 | 65.5 | 5,978 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2011 | 61.2 | 58.3 | 64.1 | 2,782 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2012 | 57.7 | 55.9 | 59.4 | 6,205 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2013 | 59.8 | 57.3 | 62.4 | 2,946 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2014 | 60.4 | 58.8 | 62.1 | 8,683 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2015 | 58.1 | 55.2 | 61.1 | 2,202 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2016 | 51.8 | 50.4 | 53.2 | 10,493 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2017 | 53.1 | 50.5 | 55.8 | 3,193 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2018 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2019 | 38.8 | 36.1 | 41.5 | 2,647 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2020 | 32.0 | 30.5 | 33.6 | 8,853 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Independents | 2021 | 37.7 | 35.7 | 39.6 | 4,352 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2007 | 79.3 | 77.5 | 81.0 | 3,773 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2010 | 79.4 | 78.6 | 80.2 | 23,454 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2011 | 72.5 | 71.1 | 74.0 | 7,346 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2012 | 74.1 | 73.2 | 75.0 | 20,552 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2013 | 72.8 | 71.1 | 74.4 | 5,307 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2014 | 72.6 | 71.7 | 73.6 | 19,039 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2015 | 70.9 | 69.2 | 72.6 | 4,878 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2016 | 65.3 | 64.4 | 66.1 | 20,847 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2017 | 68.6 | 66.9 | 70.3 | 5,775 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2018 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2019 | 58.8 | 57.3 | 60.2 | 6,437 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2020 | 54.2 | 53.3 | 55.1 | 20,385 |
| Oppose legal status for long-term residents | Republicans | 2021 | 60.7 | 59.3 | 62.0 | 8,139 |
| Support fines for employers | Democrats | 2007 | 55.4 | 53.4 | 57.5 | 4,372 |
| Support fines for employers | Democrats | 2010 | 63.2 | 58.4 | 68.0 | 921 |
| Support fines for employers | Democrats | 2011 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support fines for employers | Democrats | 2012 | 51.6 | 50.6 | 52.5 | 25,295 |
| Support fines for employers | Democrats | 2013 | 51.1 | 49.5 | 52.7 | 7,527 |
| Support fines for employers | Democrats | 2014 | 52.3 | 51.4 | 53.3 | 25,737 |
| Support fines for employers | Democrats | 2015 | 49.3 | 47.6 | 51.0 | 6,681 |
| Support fines for employers | Democrats | 2016 | 51.1 | 49.3 | 52.9 | 6,113 |
| Support fines for employers | Democrats | 2017 | 39.4 | 37.9 | 40.9 | 8,585 |
| Support fines for employers | Independents | 2007 | 70.1 | 65.8 | 74.5 | 837 |
| Support fines for employers | Independents | 2010 | 63.6 | 54.7 | 72.4 | 263 |
| Support fines for employers | Independents | 2011 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support fines for employers | Independents | 2012 | 64.4 | 62.7 | 66.1 | 6,205 |
| Support fines for employers | Independents | 2013 | 63.1 | 60.6 | 65.6 | 2,946 |
| Support fines for employers | Independents | 2014 | 62.0 | 60.4 | 63.7 | 8,683 |
| Support fines for employers | Independents | 2015 | 56.0 | 53.1 | 58.9 | 2,202 |
| Support fines for employers | Independents | 2016 | 70.0 | 67.2 | 72.8 | 2,195 |
| Support fines for employers | Independents | 2017 | 53.7 | 51.1 | 56.3 | 3,193 |
| Support fines for employers | Republicans | 2007 | 75.7 | 73.9 | 77.6 | 3,773 |
| Support fines for employers | Republicans | 2010 | 82.1 | 78.3 | 86.0 | 1,018 |
| Support fines for employers | Republicans | 2011 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support fines for employers | Republicans | 2012 | 76.6 | 75.7 | 77.5 | 20,552 |
| Support fines for employers | Republicans | 2013 | 76.7 | 75.1 | 78.3 | 5,307 |
| Support fines for employers | Republicans | 2014 | 74.3 | 73.4 | 75.2 | 19,039 |
| Support fines for employers | Republicans | 2015 | 74.5 | 72.9 | 76.1 | 4,878 |
| Support fines for employers | Republicans | 2016 | 80.3 | 78.9 | 81.8 | 4,762 |
| Support fines for employers | Republicans | 2017 | 72.7 | 71.1 | 74.3 | 5,775 |
| Support police questioning | Democrats | 2010 | 24.1 | 23.3 | 25.0 | 24,407 |
| Support police questioning | Democrats | 2011 | 24.8 | 23.5 | 26.2 | 9,349 |
| Support police questioning | Democrats | 2012 | 19.7 | 18.9 | 20.4 | 25,295 |
| Support police questioning | Democrats | 2013 | 20.0 | 18.7 | 21.4 | 7,527 |
| Support police questioning | Democrats | 2014 | 20.8 | 20.0 | 21.6 | 25,737 |
| Support police questioning | Democrats | 2015 | 19.9 | 18.6 | 21.3 | 6,681 |
| Support police questioning | Democrats | 2016 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support police questioning | Democrats | 2017 | 11.7 | 10.7 | 12.7 | 8,585 |
| Support police questioning | Independents | 2010 | 46.4 | 44.4 | 48.3 | 5,978 |
| Support police questioning | Independents | 2011 | 38.4 | 35.4 | 41.3 | 2,782 |
| Support police questioning | Independents | 2012 | 40.5 | 38.8 | 42.3 | 6,205 |
| Support police questioning | Independents | 2013 | 37.1 | 34.5 | 39.6 | 2,946 |
| Support police questioning | Independents | 2014 | 37.5 | 35.9 | 39.2 | 8,683 |
| Support police questioning | Independents | 2015 | 34.6 | 31.8 | 37.4 | 2,202 |
| Support police questioning | Independents | 2016 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support police questioning | Independents | 2017 | 31.2 | 28.7 | 33.6 | 3,193 |
| Support police questioning | Republicans | 2010 | 69.9 | 69.0 | 70.8 | 23,454 |
| Support police questioning | Republicans | 2011 | 63.5 | 62.0 | 65.1 | 7,346 |
| Support police questioning | Republicans | 2012 | 63.1 | 62.1 | 64.1 | 20,552 |
| Support police questioning | Republicans | 2013 | 59.2 | 57.3 | 61.0 | 5,307 |
| Support police questioning | Republicans | 2014 | 56.5 | 55.4 | 57.5 | 19,039 |
| Support police questioning | Republicans | 2015 | 56.1 | 54.3 | 57.9 | 4,878 |
| Support police questioning | Republicans | 2016 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support police questioning | Republicans | 2017 | 54.8 | 53.0 | 56.6 | 5,775 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Democrats | 2014 | 37.3 | 36.4 | 38.2 | 25,737 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Democrats | 2015 | 30.8 | 29.3 | 32.4 | 6,681 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Democrats | 2016 | 23.5 | 22.9 | 24.2 | 31,139 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Democrats | 2017 | 18.4 | 17.2 | 19.6 | 8,585 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Independents | 2014 | 60.4 | 58.7 | 62.1 | 8,683 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Independents | 2015 | 55.9 | 53.0 | 58.9 | 2,202 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Independents | 2016 | 47.8 | 46.4 | 49.2 | 10,493 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Independents | 2017 | 42.3 | 39.7 | 44.9 | 3,193 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Republicans | 2014 | 78.0 | 77.2 | 78.9 | 19,039 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Republicans | 2015 | 74.2 | 72.6 | 75.8 | 4,878 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Republicans | 2016 | 66.6 | 65.7 | 67.4 | 20,847 |
| Support identifying and deporting | Republicans | 2017 | 67.0 | 65.2 | 68.7 | 5,775 |
| Support barring services | Democrats | 2012 | 18.0 | 17.2 | 18.7 | 25,295 |
| Support barring services | Democrats | 2013 | 18.4 | 17.2 | 19.7 | 7,527 |
| Support barring services | Independents | 2012 | 36.5 | 34.8 | 38.2 | 6,205 |
| Support barring services | Independents | 2013 | 35.6 | 33.1 | 38.1 | 2,946 |
| Support barring services | Republicans | 2012 | 47.2 | 46.2 | 48.2 | 20,552 |
| Support barring services | Republicans | 2013 | 45.6 | 43.7 | 47.4 | 5,307 |
| Support reducing legal immigration | Democrats | 2018 | 21.4 | 20.7 | 22.2 | 26,987 |
| Support reducing legal immigration | Democrats | 2019 | 20.0 | 18.8 | 21.1 | 8,226 |
| Support reducing legal immigration | Democrats | 2020 | 20.2 | 19.6 | 20.9 | 29,328 |
| Support reducing legal immigration | Independents | 2018 | 42.2 | 40.4 | 43.9 | 8,338 |
| Support reducing legal immigration | Independents | 2019 | 41.7 | 38.9 | 44.4 | 2,638 |
| Support reducing legal immigration | Independents | 2020 | 41.4 | 39.7 | 43.0 | 8,851 |
| Support reducing legal immigration | Republicans | 2018 | 72.0 | 71.2 | 72.9 | 21,228 |
| Support reducing legal immigration | Republicans | 2019 | 61.7 | 60.2 | 63.1 | 6,425 |
| Support reducing legal immigration | Republicans | 2020 | 66.3 | 65.4 | 67.2 | 20,380 |
| Support police reporting | Democrats | 2017 | 18.2 | 17.0 | 19.4 | 8,585 |
| Support police reporting | Democrats | 2018 | 20.3 | 19.6 | 21.1 | 27,589 |
| Support police reporting | Democrats | 2019 | 17.9 | 16.7 | 19.0 | 8,248 |
| Support police reporting | Democrats | 2020 | 23.0 | 22.3 | 23.8 | 29,335 |
| Support police reporting | Democrats | 2021 | 26.8 | 25.8 | 27.9 | 12,445 |
| Support police reporting | Independents | 2017 | 43.7 | 41.1 | 46.3 | 3,193 |
| Support police reporting | Independents | 2018 | 48.1 | 46.4 | 49.9 | 8,518 |
| Support police reporting | Independents | 2019 | 45.6 | 42.8 | 48.4 | 2,647 |
| Support police reporting | Independents | 2020 | 48.3 | 46.6 | 50.0 | 8,855 |
| Support police reporting | Independents | 2021 | 51.5 | 49.5 | 53.5 | 4,352 |
| Support police reporting | Republicans | 2017 | 70.7 | 69.0 | 72.3 | 5,775 |
| Support police reporting | Republicans | 2018 | 82.6 | 81.9 | 83.3 | 21,702 |
| Support police reporting | Republicans | 2019 | 81.9 | 80.7 | 83.1 | 6,445 |
| Support police reporting | Republicans | 2020 | 75.5 | 74.7 | 76.3 | 20,397 |
| Support police reporting | Republicans | 2021 | 71.7 | 70.5 | 72.9 | 8,139 |
| Support the border wall | Democrats | 2017 | 5.9 | 5.2 | 6.7 | 8,585 |
| Support the border wall | Democrats | 2018 | 11.9 | 11.3 | 12.4 | 27,478 |
| Support the border wall | Democrats | 2019 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support the border wall | Democrats | 2020 | 13.1 | 12.6 | 13.7 | 29,337 |
| Support the border wall | Democrats | 2021 | 15.4 | 14.5 | 16.2 | 12,445 |
| Support the border wall | Independents | 2017 | 31.0 | 28.6 | 33.4 | 3,193 |
| Support the border wall | Independents | 2018 | 39.2 | 37.5 | 40.9 | 8,468 |
| Support the border wall | Independents | 2019 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support the border wall | Independents | 2020 | 40.8 | 39.1 | 42.4 | 8,848 |
| Support the border wall | Independents | 2021 | 44.9 | 42.9 | 46.9 | 4,352 |
| Support the border wall | Republicans | 2017 | 62.9 | 61.2 | 64.7 | 5,775 |
| Support the border wall | Republicans | 2018 | 82.6 | 81.9 | 83.3 | 21,625 |
| Support the border wall | Republicans | 2019 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Support the border wall | Republicans | 2020 | 82.6 | 81.9 | 83.3 | 20,399 |
| Support the border wall | Republicans | 2021 | 85.6 | 84.7 | 86.6 | 8,139 |

Note: Panel titles name the restrictive answer. Through 2017 the items were check-all-that-apply, and an unchecked item cannot be told from an explicit oppose; from 2018 respondents supported or opposed each item. Several items change wording by year, as the wording table shows.

Note: The 2018 wave has only the reduce legal immigration, police reporting and wall items. A line breaks where an item was not asked.

Note: Each party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. The CES is an opt-in panel, so the intervals rest on a model.

Source: Cooperative Election Study cumulative policy preferences, 2007-2021; weighted (single-wave weight), opt-in panel

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/ces_items.json

### Table 8. Nationscape respondents divided by party on every immigration item in every week of 2019 and 2020

Weekly share giving the restrictive answer to four Nationscape immigration items, by party identification without leaners, July 2019 to early 2021; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

| Item | Group | Week of | Left out of pooled estimates | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-07-15 | no | 12.9 | 9.9 | 15.9 | 1,516 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-07-22 | no | 14.6 | 11.7 | 17.5 | 1,959 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-07-29 | no | 14.9 | 12.1 | 17.7 | 2,053 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-08-05 | no | 14.0 | 11.1 | 16.9 | 1,739 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-08-12 | no | 10.4 | 7.8 | 13.0 | 1,744 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-08-19 | no | 13.2 | 10.8 | 15.7 | 2,402 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-08-26 | no | 13.9 | 11.1 | 16.7 | 1,764 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-02 | no | 13.9 | 11.2 | 16.6 | 1,882 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-09 | no | 14.1 | 11.1 | 17.0 | 1,775 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-16 | no | 14.0 | 11.1 | 16.9 | 1,913 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-23 | no | 16.0 | 12.9 | 19.1 | 1,784 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-30 | no | 14.6 | 12.2 | 16.9 | 2,857 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-10-07 | no | 14.8 | 11.5 | 18.0 | 1,518 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-10-14 | no | 17.1 | 13.4 | 20.9 | 1,219 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-10-21 | no | 16.6 | 13.6 | 19.6 | 2,037 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-10-28 | no | 14.5 | 11.7 | 17.3 | 2,134 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-11-04 | no | 11.6 | 9.0 | 14.1 | 1,710 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-11-11 | no | 12.9 | 10.5 | 15.2 | 2,245 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-11-18 | no | 19.2 | 14.9 | 23.6 | 1,010 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-11-25 | no | 15.1 | 12.4 | 17.7 | 2,256 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-02 | no | 11.0 | 8.2 | 13.8 | 1,363 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-09 | no | 15.6 | 13.2 | 18.1 | 2,349 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-16 | no | 14.0 | 11.5 | 16.5 | 1,996 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-23 | no | 15.1 | 12.4 | 17.8 | 1,670 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-30 | no | 12.7 | 10.7 | 14.7 | 2,778 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-01-06 | no | 18.9 | 15.5 | 22.3 | 1,376 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-01-13 | no | 13.4 | 10.8 | 15.9 | 1,903 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-01-20 | no | 12.7 | 10.3 | 15.1 | 2,061 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-01-27 | no | 15.1 | 12.0 | 18.1 | 1,509 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-02-03 | no | 15.6 | 12.7 | 18.5 | 1,834 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-02-10 | no | 16.7 | 13.7 | 19.7 | 1,668 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-02-17 | no | 15.6 | 13.0 | 18.2 | 2,062 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-02-24 | no | 13.4 | 10.7 | 16.1 | 1,584 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-02 | no | 18.6 | 15.7 | 21.5 | 1,971 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-09 | no | 13.7 | 11.1 | 16.4 | 1,781 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-16 | no | 16.8 | 14.2 | 19.5 | 1,979 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-23 | no | 18.2 | 15.4 | 21.0 | 1,814 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-30 | no | 19.6 | 17.5 | 21.7 | 3,180 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-04-06 | no | 15.7 | 13.9 | 17.4 | 3,967 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-04-13 | no | 18.1 | 15.2 | 21.0 | 1,598 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-04-20 | no | 15.1 | 12.4 | 17.8 | 1,592 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-04-27 | no | 13.5 | 10.8 | 16.1 | 1,533 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-05-04 | no | 16.8 | 14.3 | 19.3 | 2,216 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-05-11 | no | 18.0 | 15.0 | 21.0 | 1,482 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-05-18 | no | 16.1 | 13.8 | 18.3 | 2,421 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-05-25 | no | 20.7 | 17.6 | 23.8 | 1,522 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-01 | no | 13.6 | 11.2 | 16.1 | 1,759 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-08 | no | 14.1 | 11.7 | 16.6 | 1,903 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-15 | no | 13.8 | 11.5 | 16.2 | 1,931 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-22 | no | 14.5 | 12.1 | 16.9 | 1,991 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-29 | no | 15.1 | 12.4 | 17.7 | 1,709 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-07-06 | no | 15.2 | 12.3 | 18.2 | 1,429 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-07-13 | no | 18.2 | 16.2 | 20.2 | 3,579 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-07-20 | no | 14.9 | 12.9 | 16.8 | 3,104 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-07-27 | no | 16.0 | 13.7 | 18.3 | 2,312 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-03 | no | 13.3 | 10.7 | 16.0 | 1,504 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-10 | no | 13.4 | 10.8 | 16.0 | 1,602 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-17 | no | 13.5 | 11.0 | 16.0 | 1,997 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-24 | no | 14.2 | 11.3 | 17.1 | 1,595 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-31 | no | 18.3 | 15.2 | 21.4 | 1,628 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-09-07 | no | 16.9 | 14.0 | 19.9 | 1,696 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-09-14 | no | 19.2 | 16.4 | 22.1 | 2,088 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-09-21 | no | 16.6 | 13.4 | 19.8 | 1,571 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-09-28 | no | 17.5 | 14.1 | 20.9 | 1,424 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-10-05 | no | 16.6 | 13.7 | 19.5 | 1,891 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-10-12 | no | 16.8 | 13.9 | 19.8 | 1,804 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-10-19 | no | 18.7 | 15.4 | 22.0 | 1,611 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-10-26 | no | 18.7 | 15.9 | 21.6 | 2,019 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-02 | no | 15.0 | 12.3 | 17.7 | 1,758 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-09 | no | 21.0 | 18.1 | 24.0 | 1,886 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-16 | no | 19.2 | 16.0 | 22.3 | 1,698 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-23 | no | 19.0 | 16.3 | 21.7 | 2,147 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-30 | no | 20.8 | 18.1 | 23.6 | 2,303 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-12-07 | no | 17.9 | 14.6 | 21.2 | 1,398 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-12-14 | no | 19.1 | 16.5 | 21.6 | 2,365 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-12-21 | no | 18.0 | 15.4 | 20.5 | 2,102 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2020-12-28 | no | 16.8 | 13.4 | 20.2 | 1,166 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2021-01-11 | yes | 26.7 | 22.7 | 30.6 | 1,405 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2021-01-18 | yes | 39.3 | 35.6 | 43.1 | 1,522 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2021-01-25 | yes | 19.7 | 16.1 | 23.2 | 1,150 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Democrats | 2021-02-01 | yes | 21.4 | 15.9 | 26.9 | 530 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-07-15 | no | 39.5 | 34.4 | 44.5 | 1,148 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-07-22 | no | 39.1 | 34.5 | 43.7 | 1,476 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-07-29 | no | 34.8 | 30.6 | 39.0 | 1,527 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-08-05 | no | 39.0 | 34.6 | 43.5 | 1,372 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-08-12 | no | 37.0 | 32.3 | 41.6 | 1,342 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-08-19 | no | 40.0 | 36.2 | 43.8 | 1,876 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-08-26 | no | 42.6 | 38.0 | 47.1 | 1,277 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-02 | no | 42.3 | 38.0 | 46.6 | 1,404 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-09 | no | 39.6 | 35.0 | 44.1 | 1,273 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-16 | no | 39.6 | 35.0 | 44.2 | 1,445 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-23 | no | 40.5 | 36.0 | 45.0 | 1,418 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-30 | no | 39.2 | 35.6 | 42.9 | 2,104 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-10-07 | no | 38.8 | 33.9 | 43.7 | 1,089 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-10-14 | no | 41.1 | 35.8 | 46.3 | 916 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-10-21 | no | 39.1 | 34.9 | 43.4 | 1,628 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-10-28 | no | 35.3 | 31.2 | 39.4 | 1,772 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-11-04 | no | 40.6 | 36.3 | 45.0 | 1,354 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-11-11 | no | 38.2 | 34.3 | 42.1 | 1,716 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-11-18 | no | 37.1 | 31.5 | 42.8 | 861 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-11-25 | no | 32.2 | 28.4 | 36.1 | 1,879 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-02 | no | 43.1 | 38.2 | 47.9 | 1,152 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-09 | no | 39.0 | 35.3 | 42.7 | 1,863 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-16 | no | 36.8 | 32.9 | 40.8 | 1,589 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-23 | no | 35.9 | 31.7 | 40.1 | 1,250 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-30 | no | 38.1 | 34.9 | 41.3 | 2,298 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-01-06 | no | 36.9 | 32.2 | 41.6 | 1,011 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-01-13 | no | 37.0 | 33.0 | 41.1 | 1,490 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-01-20 | no | 39.9 | 35.9 | 44.0 | 1,450 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-01-27 | no | 36.7 | 32.0 | 41.3 | 1,101 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-02-03 | no | 38.0 | 33.7 | 42.2 | 1,506 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-02-10 | no | 39.3 | 34.7 | 43.9 | 1,235 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-02-17 | no | 36.7 | 32.7 | 40.7 | 1,470 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-02-24 | no | 42.5 | 37.8 | 47.2 | 1,071 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-02 | no | 35.1 | 30.9 | 39.2 | 1,416 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-09 | no | 39.2 | 34.9 | 43.5 | 1,349 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-16 | no | 39.5 | 35.3 | 43.7 | 1,338 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-23 | no | 41.8 | 37.4 | 46.1 | 1,272 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-30 | no | 41.5 | 38.3 | 44.7 | 2,046 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-04-06 | no | 37.5 | 34.7 | 40.2 | 2,717 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-04-13 | no | 40.6 | 36.3 | 44.9 | 1,168 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-04-20 | no | 37.7 | 33.4 | 42.0 | 1,123 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-04-27 | no | 39.4 | 35.2 | 43.7 | 1,177 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-05-04 | no | 39.4 | 35.4 | 43.4 | 1,363 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-05-11 | no | 36.8 | 32.2 | 41.4 | 981 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-05-18 | no | 36.0 | 32.5 | 39.5 | 1,663 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-05-25 | no | 39.2 | 34.7 | 43.8 | 1,028 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-01 | no | 37.1 | 33.1 | 41.1 | 1,297 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-08 | no | 37.5 | 33.7 | 41.3 | 1,462 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-15 | no | 35.8 | 31.9 | 39.8 | 1,329 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-22 | no | 38.3 | 34.5 | 42.0 | 1,512 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-29 | no | 35.5 | 31.5 | 39.5 | 1,321 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-07-06 | no | 38.2 | 33.5 | 42.9 | 1,062 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-07-13 | no | 37.7 | 34.6 | 40.9 | 2,372 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-07-20 | no | 38.3 | 35.2 | 41.5 | 2,194 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-07-27 | no | 39.1 | 35.4 | 42.8 | 1,569 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-03 | no | 38.3 | 33.8 | 42.9 | 990 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-10 | no | 36.0 | 31.6 | 40.4 | 1,107 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-17 | no | 39.8 | 35.8 | 43.8 | 1,488 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-24 | no | 37.6 | 32.8 | 42.4 | 1,037 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-31 | no | 38.3 | 33.8 | 42.8 | 1,160 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-09-07 | no | 35.9 | 31.5 | 40.3 | 1,185 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-09-14 | no | 38.3 | 34.0 | 42.5 | 1,418 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-09-21 | no | 36.3 | 31.4 | 41.2 | 1,089 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-09-28 | no | 38.5 | 33.6 | 43.4 | 1,053 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-10-05 | no | 37.7 | 33.4 | 42.1 | 1,332 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-10-12 | no | 38.8 | 34.2 | 43.3 | 1,295 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-10-19 | no | 34.7 | 29.8 | 39.5 | 1,109 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-10-26 | no | 40.2 | 36.0 | 44.4 | 1,451 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-02 | no | 38.2 | 33.9 | 42.5 | 1,254 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-09 | no | 37.7 | 33.6 | 41.8 | 1,314 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-16 | no | 33.6 | 28.7 | 38.5 | 1,031 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-23 | no | 39.9 | 35.7 | 44.1 | 1,400 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-30 | no | 37.7 | 33.7 | 41.8 | 1,529 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-12-07 | no | 39.5 | 34.0 | 45.0 | 818 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-12-14 | no | 38.6 | 34.5 | 42.6 | 1,432 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-12-21 | no | 42.0 | 38.0 | 45.9 | 1,375 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2020-12-28 | no | 33.9 | 28.5 | 39.2 | 674 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2021-01-11 | yes | 45.2 | 39.6 | 50.9 | 837 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2021-01-18 | yes | 45.6 | 40.9 | 50.4 | 994 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2021-01-25 | yes | 40.1 | 34.9 | 45.3 | 797 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Independents | 2021-02-01 | yes | 36.3 | 29.1 | 43.5 | 381 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-07-15 | no | 85.5 | 82.2 | 88.8 | 1,297 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-07-22 | no | 85.1 | 82.0 | 88.2 | 1,581 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-07-29 | no | 83.2 | 80.0 | 86.3 | 1,593 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-08-05 | no | 84.1 | 81.0 | 87.2 | 1,460 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-08-12 | no | 84.7 | 81.4 | 87.9 | 1,386 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-08-19 | no | 84.8 | 82.2 | 87.5 | 1,900 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-08-26 | no | 83.9 | 80.7 | 87.0 | 1,406 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-02 | no | 82.7 | 79.6 | 85.9 | 1,512 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-09 | no | 81.5 | 78.1 | 84.9 | 1,466 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-16 | no | 86.0 | 82.8 | 89.1 | 1,528 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-23 | no | 83.6 | 80.3 | 86.8 | 1,546 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-30 | no | 80.8 | 77.9 | 83.7 | 2,290 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-10-07 | no | 82.5 | 78.8 | 86.1 | 1,225 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-10-14 | no | 82.9 | 79.1 | 86.6 | 1,110 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-10-21 | no | 82.4 | 79.1 | 85.6 | 1,696 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-10-28 | no | 80.4 | 77.2 | 83.7 | 1,801 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-11-04 | no | 81.3 | 78.1 | 84.6 | 1,545 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-11-11 | no | 83.8 | 81.1 | 86.5 | 1,942 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-11-18 | no | 84.4 | 80.6 | 88.1 | 1,025 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-11-25 | no | 80.3 | 77.3 | 83.3 | 2,044 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-02 | no | 80.6 | 77.0 | 84.2 | 1,330 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-09 | no | 86.2 | 83.6 | 88.7 | 2,038 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-16 | no | 81.7 | 78.8 | 84.7 | 1,755 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-23 | no | 78.6 | 75.2 | 81.9 | 1,370 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-30 | no | 81.7 | 79.4 | 84.0 | 2,482 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-01-06 | no | 85.0 | 81.9 | 88.1 | 1,243 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-01-13 | no | 79.6 | 76.4 | 82.8 | 1,612 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-01-20 | no | 85.0 | 82.4 | 87.7 | 1,731 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-01-27 | no | 81.7 | 78.3 | 85.1 | 1,248 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-02-03 | no | 81.3 | 78.1 | 84.5 | 1,669 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-02-10 | no | 79.6 | 76.3 | 82.9 | 1,638 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-02-17 | no | 84.2 | 81.5 | 86.9 | 1,741 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-02-24 | no | 82.9 | 79.9 | 85.9 | 1,468 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-02 | no | 82.2 | 79.0 | 85.4 | 1,561 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-09 | no | 83.2 | 80.2 | 86.1 | 1,599 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-16 | no | 82.4 | 79.4 | 85.4 | 1,609 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-23 | no | 80.5 | 77.6 | 83.3 | 1,702 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-30 | no | 83.7 | 81.6 | 85.7 | 2,759 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-04-06 | no | 81.3 | 79.4 | 83.3 | 3,446 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-04-13 | no | 82.8 | 79.9 | 85.7 | 1,462 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-04-20 | no | 80.1 | 77.0 | 83.3 | 1,360 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-04-27 | no | 80.4 | 77.4 | 83.4 | 1,477 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-05-04 | no | 80.5 | 77.8 | 83.1 | 1,879 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-05-11 | no | 79.7 | 76.5 | 82.9 | 1,364 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-05-18 | no | 77.9 | 75.3 | 80.5 | 2,189 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-05-25 | no | 83.2 | 80.4 | 86.0 | 1,386 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-01 | no | 78.4 | 75.3 | 81.4 | 1,521 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-08 | no | 79.7 | 76.9 | 82.5 | 1,776 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-15 | no | 80.8 | 78.1 | 83.6 | 1,634 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-22 | no | 80.5 | 77.8 | 83.3 | 1,734 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-29 | no | 79.3 | 76.2 | 82.3 | 1,586 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-07-06 | no | 82.0 | 78.7 | 85.3 | 1,280 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-07-13 | no | 77.6 | 75.3 | 80.0 | 2,934 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-07-20 | no | 79.1 | 76.9 | 81.4 | 2,977 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-07-27 | no | 78.6 | 75.9 | 81.2 | 2,090 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-03 | no | 78.8 | 75.6 | 82.1 | 1,311 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-10 | no | 78.0 | 74.8 | 81.2 | 1,436 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-17 | no | 82.0 | 79.3 | 84.7 | 1,938 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-24 | no | 77.7 | 74.1 | 81.4 | 1,334 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-31 | no | 78.1 | 74.9 | 81.3 | 1,647 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-09-07 | no | 77.6 | 74.2 | 81.0 | 1,443 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-09-14 | no | 79.3 | 76.3 | 82.3 | 1,802 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-09-21 | no | 79.8 | 76.3 | 83.3 | 1,417 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-09-28 | no | 76.4 | 72.7 | 80.1 | 1,418 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-10-05 | no | 81.2 | 78.1 | 84.3 | 1,764 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-10-12 | no | 76.6 | 73.2 | 80.1 | 1,629 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-10-19 | no | 78.9 | 75.3 | 82.5 | 1,447 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-10-26 | no | 80.6 | 77.7 | 83.5 | 2,059 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-02 | no | 79.4 | 76.2 | 82.6 | 1,578 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-09 | no | 81.2 | 78.2 | 84.3 | 1,563 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-16 | no | 82.0 | 78.7 | 85.4 | 1,299 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-23 | no | 81.6 | 78.7 | 84.5 | 1,800 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-30 | no | 78.3 | 75.2 | 81.3 | 1,888 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-12-07 | no | 78.0 | 73.8 | 82.2 | 973 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-12-14 | no | 81.6 | 78.8 | 84.3 | 1,845 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-12-21 | no | 81.5 | 78.8 | 84.2 | 1,735 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2020-12-28 | no | 79.4 | 75.3 | 83.6 | 810 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2021-01-11 | yes | 78.7 | 74.6 | 82.8 | 1,075 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2021-01-18 | yes | 68.0 | 64.0 | 71.9 | 1,189 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2021-01-25 | yes | 79.0 | 75.2 | 82.7 | 1,017 |
| Build a wall (agree) | Republicans | 2021-02-01 | yes | 78.1 | 72.0 | 84.1 | 418 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-07-15 | no | 23.0 | 19.2 | 26.9 | 1,456 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-07-22 | no | 19.6 | 16.3 | 22.9 | 1,922 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-07-29 | no | 23.5 | 20.1 | 26.9 | 1,948 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-08-05 | no | 18.4 | 15.1 | 21.8 | 1,653 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-08-12 | no | 22.3 | 18.7 | 25.9 | 1,661 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-08-19 | no | 18.2 | 15.3 | 21.0 | 2,300 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-08-26 | no | 21.3 | 18.0 | 24.7 | 1,715 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-02 | no | 18.4 | 15.3 | 21.5 | 1,783 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-09 | no | 18.5 | 15.1 | 22.0 | 1,675 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-16 | no | 20.5 | 17.1 | 23.9 | 1,861 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-23 | no | 21.4 | 17.8 | 24.9 | 1,714 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-09-30 | no | 22.4 | 19.5 | 25.2 | 2,765 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-10-07 | no | 21.4 | 17.6 | 25.2 | 1,464 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-10-14 | no | 25.5 | 21.1 | 29.9 | 1,189 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-10-21 | no | 23.5 | 20.0 | 27.1 | 1,917 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-10-28 | no | 22.5 | 19.1 | 25.9 | 2,044 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-11-04 | no | 20.4 | 17.1 | 23.7 | 1,679 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-11-11 | no | 19.6 | 16.7 | 22.5 | 2,153 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-11-18 | no | 27.1 | 22.2 | 32.0 | 972 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-11-25 | no | 23.4 | 20.1 | 26.6 | 2,164 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-02 | no | 19.8 | 16.2 | 23.5 | 1,309 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-09 | no | 22.6 | 19.7 | 25.6 | 2,247 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-16 | no | 21.5 | 18.4 | 24.6 | 1,901 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-23 | no | 25.3 | 22.0 | 28.7 | 1,624 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2019-12-30 | no | 21.2 | 18.7 | 23.8 | 2,628 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-01-06 | no | 25.1 | 21.3 | 28.9 | 1,336 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-01-13 | no | 17.8 | 14.9 | 20.8 | 1,845 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-01-20 | no | 20.7 | 17.7 | 23.7 | 1,935 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-01-27 | no | 23.7 | 20.0 | 27.4 | 1,453 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-02-03 | no | 22.6 | 19.2 | 26.0 | 1,807 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-02-10 | no | 25.1 | 21.6 | 28.7 | 1,620 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-02-17 | no | 21.3 | 18.3 | 24.3 | 1,989 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-02-24 | no | 21.4 | 18.0 | 24.8 | 1,464 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-02 | no | 24.7 | 21.5 | 28.0 | 1,882 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-09 | no | 17.3 | 14.3 | 20.3 | 1,691 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-16 | no | 25.0 | 21.8 | 28.2 | 1,898 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-23 | no | 24.4 | 21.2 | 27.7 | 1,720 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-03-30 | no | 27.3 | 24.9 | 29.7 | 3,079 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-04-06 | no | 25.7 | 23.6 | 27.9 | 3,769 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-04-13 | no | 25.7 | 22.3 | 29.0 | 1,543 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-04-20 | no | 23.7 | 20.5 | 27.0 | 1,549 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-04-27 | no | 20.8 | 17.6 | 24.0 | 1,465 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-05-04 | no | 21.4 | 18.6 | 24.2 | 2,111 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-05-11 | no | 24.6 | 21.1 | 28.1 | 1,426 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-05-18 | no | 26.8 | 24.1 | 29.6 | 2,325 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-05-25 | no | 27.5 | 24.0 | 30.9 | 1,476 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-01 | no | 20.6 | 17.6 | 23.6 | 1,664 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-08 | no | 22.3 | 19.3 | 25.3 | 1,838 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-15 | no | 18.3 | 15.6 | 21.0 | 1,837 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-22 | no | 21.6 | 18.7 | 24.5 | 1,946 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-06-29 | no | 20.8 | 17.7 | 23.9 | 1,645 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-07-06 | no | 20.3 | 17.0 | 23.7 | 1,382 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-07-13 | no | 23.8 | 21.5 | 26.1 | 3,482 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-07-20 | no | 21.9 | 19.5 | 24.2 | 2,948 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-07-27 | no | 19.6 | 17.1 | 22.2 | 2,210 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-03 | no | 19.9 | 16.7 | 23.0 | 1,485 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-10 | no | 21.6 | 18.3 | 24.8 | 1,552 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-17 | no | 19.9 | 16.9 | 22.9 | 1,920 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-24 | no | 20.2 | 16.8 | 23.5 | 1,539 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-08-31 | no | 22.4 | 19.0 | 25.8 | 1,559 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-09-07 | no | 22.1 | 18.8 | 25.5 | 1,616 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-09-14 | no | 26.0 | 22.7 | 29.2 | 2,038 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-09-21 | no | 24.8 | 21.0 | 28.7 | 1,500 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-09-28 | no | 21.5 | 17.8 | 25.2 | 1,374 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-10-05 | no | 26.8 | 23.2 | 30.3 | 1,810 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-10-12 | no | 24.0 | 20.7 | 27.4 | 1,757 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-10-19 | no | 23.2 | 19.5 | 26.9 | 1,564 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-10-26 | no | 25.5 | 22.3 | 28.7 | 2,007 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-02 | no | 20.8 | 17.7 | 24.0 | 1,665 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-09 | no | 25.0 | 21.8 | 28.3 | 1,810 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-16 | no | 26.6 | 23.0 | 30.2 | 1,607 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-23 | no | 25.3 | 22.2 | 28.3 | 2,086 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-11-30 | no | 24.8 | 21.7 | 27.8 | 2,167 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-12-07 | no | 27.8 | 23.9 | 31.7 | 1,340 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-12-14 | no | 26.5 | 23.5 | 29.4 | 2,256 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-12-21 | no | 25.3 | 22.3 | 28.2 | 1,982 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2020-12-28 | no | 24.5 | 20.5 | 28.5 | 1,111 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2021-01-11 | yes | 29.7 | 25.5 | 33.8 | 1,343 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2021-01-18 | yes | 47.8 | 44.0 | 51.6 | 1,561 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2021-01-25 | yes | 25.7 | 21.8 | 29.7 | 1,104 |
| Deport all (agree) | Democrats | 2021-02-01 | yes | 24.7 | 18.7 | 30.6 | 496 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-07-15 | no | 46.6 | 41.3 | 51.9 | 1,111 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-07-22 | no | 42.3 | 37.5 | 47.1 | 1,395 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-07-29 | no | 36.3 | 31.9 | 40.7 | 1,401 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-08-05 | no | 38.9 | 34.3 | 43.5 | 1,274 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-08-12 | no | 37.7 | 32.9 | 42.4 | 1,280 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-08-19 | no | 38.1 | 34.3 | 41.9 | 1,821 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-08-26 | no | 39.8 | 35.1 | 44.5 | 1,200 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-02 | no | 44.4 | 39.8 | 48.9 | 1,299 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-09 | no | 35.6 | 31.0 | 40.2 | 1,218 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-16 | no | 40.5 | 35.7 | 45.2 | 1,343 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-23 | no | 39.6 | 34.9 | 44.2 | 1,337 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-09-30 | no | 38.6 | 34.9 | 42.4 | 1,995 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-10-07 | no | 45.1 | 39.9 | 50.3 | 1,025 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-10-14 | no | 40.5 | 35.0 | 45.9 | 831 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-10-21 | no | 40.2 | 35.7 | 44.7 | 1,521 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-10-28 | no | 37.6 | 33.4 | 41.9 | 1,677 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-11-04 | no | 42.5 | 37.9 | 47.1 | 1,247 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-11-11 | no | 37.0 | 32.9 | 41.0 | 1,617 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-11-18 | no | 37.7 | 31.9 | 43.5 | 807 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-11-25 | no | 35.6 | 31.5 | 39.7 | 1,761 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-02 | no | 43.1 | 38.1 | 48.1 | 1,105 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-09 | no | 43.2 | 39.3 | 47.1 | 1,757 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-16 | no | 36.9 | 32.8 | 40.9 | 1,537 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-23 | no | 35.5 | 31.2 | 39.8 | 1,184 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2019-12-30 | no | 39.7 | 36.4 | 43.0 | 2,126 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-01-06 | no | 38.1 | 33.3 | 43.0 | 963 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-01-13 | no | 38.2 | 34.0 | 42.5 | 1,352 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-01-20 | no | 39.8 | 35.6 | 44.0 | 1,372 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-01-27 | no | 38.6 | 33.8 | 43.5 | 1,037 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-02-03 | no | 40.4 | 36.0 | 44.8 | 1,432 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-02-10 | no | 41.7 | 37.0 | 46.5 | 1,198 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-02-17 | no | 38.1 | 33.9 | 42.2 | 1,389 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-02-24 | no | 44.3 | 39.4 | 49.1 | 1,023 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-02 | no | 41.2 | 36.7 | 45.7 | 1,317 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-09 | no | 40.9 | 36.5 | 45.4 | 1,264 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-16 | no | 40.5 | 36.1 | 44.8 | 1,276 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-23 | no | 44.8 | 40.3 | 49.3 | 1,186 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-03-30 | no | 43.8 | 40.5 | 47.1 | 1,916 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-04-06 | no | 42.3 | 39.4 | 45.2 | 2,560 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-04-13 | no | 46.5 | 42.0 | 51.0 | 1,092 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-04-20 | no | 38.3 | 33.9 | 42.8 | 1,063 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-04-27 | no | 42.7 | 38.3 | 47.1 | 1,126 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-05-04 | no | 38.8 | 34.7 | 43.0 | 1,252 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-05-11 | no | 40.9 | 36.1 | 45.6 | 964 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-05-18 | no | 39.9 | 36.2 | 43.6 | 1,557 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-05-25 | no | 42.9 | 38.1 | 47.7 | 954 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-01 | no | 38.9 | 34.8 | 43.1 | 1,205 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-08 | no | 39.1 | 35.2 | 43.1 | 1,378 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-15 | no | 38.3 | 34.2 | 42.5 | 1,221 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-22 | no | 38.2 | 34.3 | 42.0 | 1,429 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-06-29 | no | 34.0 | 29.9 | 38.0 | 1,277 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-07-06 | no | 39.0 | 34.1 | 43.9 | 992 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-07-13 | no | 39.0 | 35.7 | 42.3 | 2,218 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-07-20 | no | 40.0 | 36.8 | 43.3 | 2,103 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-07-27 | no | 37.8 | 33.9 | 41.6 | 1,478 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-03 | no | 35.9 | 31.4 | 40.5 | 960 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-10 | no | 36.8 | 32.2 | 41.3 | 1,013 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-17 | no | 37.9 | 33.8 | 42.0 | 1,407 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-24 | no | 35.7 | 31.0 | 40.4 | 1,002 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-08-31 | no | 36.3 | 31.7 | 41.0 | 1,092 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-09-07 | no | 36.1 | 31.6 | 40.6 | 1,139 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-09-14 | no | 36.8 | 32.5 | 41.1 | 1,364 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-09-21 | no | 39.3 | 34.1 | 44.5 | 1,012 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-09-28 | no | 34.4 | 29.5 | 39.4 | 996 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-10-05 | no | 37.7 | 33.2 | 42.3 | 1,223 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-10-12 | no | 34.2 | 29.6 | 38.8 | 1,200 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-10-19 | no | 34.7 | 29.8 | 39.7 | 1,042 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-10-26 | no | 39.0 | 34.6 | 43.4 | 1,361 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-02 | no | 37.2 | 32.7 | 41.7 | 1,137 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-09 | no | 35.9 | 31.6 | 40.1 | 1,223 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-16 | no | 26.7 | 22.2 | 31.2 | 1,012 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-23 | no | 39.6 | 35.3 | 43.9 | 1,329 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-11-30 | no | 38.2 | 34.0 | 42.4 | 1,421 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-12-07 | no | 36.1 | 30.5 | 41.7 | 776 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-12-14 | no | 37.3 | 33.1 | 41.5 | 1,304 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-12-21 | no | 40.9 | 36.8 | 45.0 | 1,277 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2020-12-28 | no | 35.0 | 29.3 | 40.6 | 617 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2021-01-11 | yes | 43.4 | 37.6 | 49.2 | 790 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2021-01-18 | yes | 56.5 | 51.8 | 61.2 | 989 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2021-01-25 | yes | 37.4 | 31.9 | 42.9 | 711 |
| Deport all (agree) | Independents | 2021-02-01 | yes | 39.2 | 31.4 | 47.0 | 341 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-07-15 | no | 76.8 | 72.6 | 80.9 | 1,189 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-07-22 | no | 75.2 | 71.3 | 79.2 | 1,466 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-07-29 | no | 74.7 | 70.9 | 78.5 | 1,493 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-08-05 | no | 71.7 | 67.7 | 75.7 | 1,345 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-08-12 | no | 69.9 | 65.6 | 74.3 | 1,275 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-08-19 | no | 72.5 | 69.0 | 76.0 | 1,768 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-08-26 | no | 72.4 | 68.4 | 76.3 | 1,308 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-02 | no | 72.7 | 68.9 | 76.6 | 1,389 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-09 | no | 70.5 | 66.3 | 74.7 | 1,334 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-16 | no | 75.5 | 71.4 | 79.5 | 1,402 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-23 | no | 70.2 | 66.0 | 74.4 | 1,447 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-09-30 | no | 68.6 | 65.0 | 72.1 | 2,088 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-10-07 | no | 74.8 | 70.4 | 79.2 | 1,124 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-10-14 | no | 74.5 | 69.9 | 79.0 | 1,029 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-10-21 | no | 72.0 | 68.0 | 76.0 | 1,569 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-10-28 | no | 71.0 | 67.1 | 74.9 | 1,658 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-11-04 | no | 67.7 | 63.7 | 71.7 | 1,449 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-11-11 | no | 70.7 | 67.2 | 74.2 | 1,803 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-11-18 | no | 70.3 | 65.4 | 75.2 | 967 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-11-25 | no | 68.8 | 65.2 | 72.4 | 1,924 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-02 | no | 69.3 | 64.8 | 73.7 | 1,203 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-09 | no | 72.0 | 68.5 | 75.4 | 1,897 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-16 | no | 74.1 | 70.6 | 77.6 | 1,639 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-23 | no | 68.8 | 64.9 | 72.7 | 1,278 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2019-12-30 | no | 71.1 | 68.3 | 74.0 | 2,275 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-01-06 | no | 70.7 | 66.6 | 74.9 | 1,151 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-01-13 | no | 68.3 | 64.5 | 72.2 | 1,488 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-01-20 | no | 73.3 | 69.9 | 76.7 | 1,606 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-01-27 | no | 70.0 | 65.8 | 74.1 | 1,178 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-02-03 | no | 71.5 | 67.7 | 75.3 | 1,550 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-02-10 | no | 72.1 | 68.2 | 75.9 | 1,517 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-02-17 | no | 72.4 | 69.0 | 75.9 | 1,619 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-02-24 | no | 73.0 | 69.3 | 76.7 | 1,349 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-02 | no | 72.5 | 68.7 | 76.4 | 1,461 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-09 | no | 73.2 | 69.6 | 76.9 | 1,476 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-16 | no | 71.2 | 67.5 | 74.8 | 1,504 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-23 | no | 72.2 | 68.8 | 75.5 | 1,604 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-03-30 | no | 73.1 | 70.6 | 75.7 | 2,577 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-04-06 | no | 74.2 | 71.9 | 76.5 | 3,170 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-04-13 | no | 75.7 | 72.4 | 79.1 | 1,347 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-04-20 | no | 70.6 | 67.0 | 74.2 | 1,297 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-04-27 | no | 72.4 | 68.9 | 75.9 | 1,367 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-05-04 | no | 71.9 | 68.7 | 75.1 | 1,735 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-05-11 | no | 66.2 | 62.3 | 70.1 | 1,252 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-05-18 | no | 69.1 | 66.1 | 72.1 | 2,046 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-05-25 | no | 69.3 | 65.7 | 72.9 | 1,291 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-01 | no | 66.3 | 62.7 | 70.0 | 1,420 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-08 | no | 70.9 | 67.7 | 74.1 | 1,635 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-15 | no | 68.2 | 64.8 | 71.5 | 1,545 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-22 | no | 67.9 | 64.5 | 71.2 | 1,568 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-06-29 | no | 67.6 | 64.0 | 71.2 | 1,458 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-07-06 | no | 67.0 | 62.7 | 71.2 | 1,158 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-07-13 | no | 65.5 | 62.7 | 68.3 | 2,754 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-07-20 | no | 67.9 | 65.2 | 70.5 | 2,757 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-07-27 | no | 66.2 | 63.0 | 69.4 | 1,928 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-03 | no | 64.4 | 60.5 | 68.4 | 1,213 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-10 | no | 64.7 | 60.8 | 68.5 | 1,315 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-17 | no | 71.5 | 68.2 | 74.8 | 1,791 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-24 | no | 65.4 | 61.1 | 69.7 | 1,231 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-08-31 | no | 67.5 | 63.7 | 71.3 | 1,510 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-09-07 | no | 66.0 | 62.0 | 70.0 | 1,327 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-09-14 | no | 69.8 | 66.3 | 73.3 | 1,693 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-09-21 | no | 67.8 | 63.5 | 72.0 | 1,291 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-09-28 | no | 69.5 | 65.4 | 73.6 | 1,328 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-10-05 | no | 68.9 | 65.1 | 72.7 | 1,612 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-10-12 | no | 65.4 | 61.3 | 69.4 | 1,484 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-10-19 | no | 62.3 | 57.8 | 66.7 | 1,320 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-10-26 | no | 68.3 | 64.7 | 71.8 | 1,909 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-02 | no | 65.5 | 61.6 | 69.4 | 1,471 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-09 | no | 67.6 | 63.8 | 71.5 | 1,419 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-16 | no | 68.0 | 63.8 | 72.3 | 1,191 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-23 | no | 70.1 | 66.5 | 73.6 | 1,649 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-11-30 | no | 69.5 | 65.9 | 73.0 | 1,758 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-12-07 | no | 64.4 | 59.3 | 69.5 | 899 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-12-14 | no | 70.3 | 66.9 | 73.8 | 1,643 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-12-21 | no | 70.2 | 66.8 | 73.6 | 1,603 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2020-12-28 | no | 71.2 | 66.3 | 76.1 | 726 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2021-01-11 | yes | 68.4 | 63.5 | 73.4 | 985 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2021-01-18 | yes | 76.7 | 73.1 | 80.3 | 1,156 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2021-01-25 | yes | 70.8 | 66.3 | 75.2 | 914 |
| Deport all (agree) | Republicans | 2021-02-01 | yes | 71.5 | 64.6 | 78.4 | 389 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-07-15 | no | 16.9 | 13.4 | 20.4 | 1,434 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-07-22 | no | 15.8 | 12.7 | 18.8 | 1,897 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-07-29 | no | 19.6 | 16.4 | 22.8 | 1,978 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-08-05 | no | 16.5 | 13.3 | 19.7 | 1,646 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-08-12 | no | 18.6 | 15.2 | 22.1 | 1,654 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-08-19 | no | 14.4 | 11.8 | 17.0 | 2,302 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-08-26 | no | 19.1 | 15.9 | 22.4 | 1,707 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-09-02 | no | 16.5 | 13.5 | 19.4 | 1,803 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-09-09 | no | 17.1 | 13.8 | 20.4 | 1,689 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-09-16 | no | 18.0 | 14.8 | 21.3 | 1,857 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-09-23 | no | 18.9 | 15.6 | 22.3 | 1,742 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-09-30 | no | 19.4 | 16.7 | 22.1 | 2,729 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-10-07 | no | 18.2 | 14.7 | 21.8 | 1,494 |
| Path for all (disagree) | Democrats | 2019-10-14 | no | 19.8 | 15.8 | 23.9 | 1,200 |

The first 500 of 972 rows; every row is in https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/nationscape.json.

Views: Build a wall (agree) (item = Build a wall (agree)); Deport all (agree) (item = Deport all (agree)); Path for all (disagree) (item = Path for all (disagree)); Path for those brought as children (disagree) (item = Path for those brought as children (disagree)).

Note: Party is the three-category party question (Democrat, Republican, independent), so Democrats and Republicans exclude leaners and independents include them. A week is drawn when it has at least 500 respondents on the item and at least 100 respondents with an effective sample of at least 100 in each of the two parties.

Note: Open points are weeks after 28 December 2020. In the week of 18 January 2021 the Democratic and Republican shares move toward an even split on three of the four items, and the file does not say why.

Source: Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape, July 2019 to February 2021; weighted (weight), opt-in panel

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/nationscape.json

### Table 9. Republicans were more restrictive than Democrats on every 2024 ANES immigration item, most on the border wall

Share giving the restrictive answer to the 2024 ANES immigration items, by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; rows ordered by the all-respondent gap; 95% intervals

| Respondents | Item | Group | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents counted |
| --- | --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| All respondents | Favor a border wall | Democrats | 15.6 | 13.4 | 17.7 | 2,332 |
| All respondents | Favor a border wall | Independents | 28.0 | 20.6 | 35.4 | 302 |
| All respondents | Favor a border wall | Republicans | 76.5 | 73.9 | 79.1 | 2,094 |
| All respondents | Illegal immigration increases crime | Democrats | 34.8 | 32.0 | 37.6 | 2,312 |
| All respondents | Illegal immigration increases crime | Independents | 62.7 | 54.7 | 70.7 | 301 |
| All respondents | Illegal immigration increases crime | Republicans | 89.0 | 87.1 | 90.9 | 2,079 |
| All respondents | Immigration likely takes jobs | Democrats | 12.6 | 10.7 | 14.6 | 2,323 |
| All respondents | Immigration likely takes jobs | Independents | 36.5 | 28.5 | 44.5 | 300 |
| All respondents | Immigration likely takes jobs | Republicans | 52.6 | 49.5 | 55.6 | 2,079 |
| All respondents | Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back | Democrats | 8.0 | 6.4 | 9.6 | 2,327 |
| All respondents | Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back | Independents | 20.4 | 13.7 | 27.1 | 300 |
| All respondents | Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back | Republicans | 41.7 | 38.6 | 44.7 | 2,084 |
| All respondents | Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important | Democrats | 37.6 | 34.8 | 40.5 | 2,325 |
| All respondents | Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important | Independents | 50.3 | 42.0 | 58.5 | 301 |
| All respondents | Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important | Republicans | 67.1 | 64.2 | 70.0 | 2,078 |
| All respondents | Decrease immigration levels | Democrats | 29.8 | 27.2 | 32.5 | 2,390 |
| All respondents | Decrease immigration levels | Independents | 44.5 | 36.6 | 52.5 | 318 |
| All respondents | Decrease immigration levels | Republicans | 58.7 | 55.8 | 61.7 | 2,170 |
| All respondents | Favor ending birthright citizenship | Democrats | 14.8 | 12.7 | 16.9 | 2,334 |
| All respondents | Favor ending birthright citizenship | Independents | 18.8 | 12.3 | 25.3 | 300 |
| All respondents | Favor ending birthright citizenship | Republicans | 40.7 | 37.7 | 43.8 | 2,090 |
| All respondents | Immigrants are bad for the economy | Democrats | 5.4 | 4.1 | 6.7 | 2,322 |
| All respondents | Immigrants are bad for the economy | Independents | 26.0 | 18.7 | 33.2 | 301 |
| All respondents | Immigrants are bad for the economy | Republicans | 30.0 | 27.2 | 32.8 | 2,069 |
| All respondents | Oppose a path to citizenship | Democrats | 7.2 | 5.7 | 8.7 | 2,326 |
| All respondents | Oppose a path to citizenship | Independents | 21.2 | 14.4 | 27.9 | 302 |
| All respondents | Oppose a path to citizenship | Republicans | 30.3 | 27.4 | 33.1 | 2,075 |
| All respondents | Children brought illegally should be sent back | Democrats | 4.9 | 3.6 | 6.2 | 2,331 |
| All respondents | Children brought illegally should be sent back | Independents | 14.0 | 8.2 | 19.8 | 299 |
| All respondents | Children brought illegally should be sent back | Republicans | 24.6 | 22.0 | 27.3 | 2,053 |
| In person | Favor a border wall | Democrats | 14.2 | 9.6 | 18.7 | 465 |
| In person | Favor a border wall | Republicans | 78.4 | 72.7 | 84.1 | 395 |
| In person | Illegal immigration increases crime | Democrats | 39.8 | 33.4 | 46.3 | 459 |
| In person | Illegal immigration increases crime | Republicans | 92.9 | 89.3 | 96.5 | 393 |
| In person | Immigration likely takes jobs | Democrats | 11.7 | 7.5 | 15.9 | 465 |
| In person | Immigration likely takes jobs | Republicans | 47.3 | 40.3 | 54.2 | 395 |
| In person | Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back | Democrats | 4.8 | 2.0 | 7.6 | 464 |
| In person | Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back | Republicans | 32.5 | 26.0 | 38.9 | 392 |
| In person | Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important | Democrats | 30.7 | 24.7 | 36.7 | 468 |
| In person | Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important | Republicans | 62.5 | 55.8 | 69.2 | 394 |
| In person | Decrease immigration levels | Democrats | 25.2 | 19.5 | 30.9 | 460 |
| In person | Decrease immigration levels | Republicans | 44.6 | 37.6 | 51.5 | 389 |
| In person | Favor ending birthright citizenship | Democrats | 11.9 | 7.7 | 16.2 | 466 |
| In person | Favor ending birthright citizenship | Republicans | 33.5 | 27.0 | 40.1 | 391 |
| In person | Immigrants are bad for the economy | Democrats | 4.2 | 1.6 | 6.8 | 466 |
| In person | Immigrants are bad for the economy | Republicans | 24.7 | 18.6 | 30.7 | 388 |
| In person | Oppose a path to citizenship | Democrats | 6.2 | 3.1 | 9.4 | 468 |
| In person | Oppose a path to citizenship | Republicans | 24.4 | 18.5 | 30.4 | 390 |
| In person | Children brought illegally should be sent back | Democrats | 0.6 | 0.0 | 1.6 | 467 |
| In person | Children brought illegally should be sent back | Republicans | 11.9 | 7.3 | 16.4 | 381 |
| Web | Favor a border wall | Democrats | 17.6 | 14.1 | 21.1 | 855 |
| Web | Favor a border wall | Republicans | 76.1 | 72.0 | 80.1 | 746 |
| Web | Illegal immigration increases crime | Democrats | 32.7 | 28.3 | 37.0 | 846 |
| Web | Illegal immigration increases crime | Republicans | 87.6 | 84.4 | 90.7 | 739 |
| Web | Immigration likely takes jobs | Democrats | 12.6 | 9.5 | 15.7 | 848 |
| Web | Immigration likely takes jobs | Republicans | 55.7 | 51.0 | 60.5 | 739 |
| Web | Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back | Democrats | 10.3 | 7.5 | 13.1 | 854 |
| Web | Make unauthorized immigrants felons and send them back | Republicans | 45.0 | 40.3 | 49.7 | 743 |
| Web | Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important | Democrats | 38.3 | 33.7 | 42.8 | 849 |
| Web | Adapting to US customs is very or extremely important | Republicans | 68.7 | 64.2 | 73.1 | 737 |
| Web | Decrease immigration levels | Democrats | 29.3 | 25.1 | 33.5 | 847 |
| Web | Decrease immigration levels | Republicans | 63.3 | 58.6 | 67.9 | 736 |
| Web | Favor ending birthright citizenship | Democrats | 17.0 | 13.5 | 20.5 | 856 |
| Web | Favor ending birthright citizenship | Republicans | 44.6 | 39.9 | 49.4 | 746 |
| Web | Immigrants are bad for the economy | Democrats | 5.7 | 3.6 | 7.9 | 848 |
| Web | Immigrants are bad for the economy | Republicans | 32.0 | 27.5 | 36.5 | 737 |
| Web | Oppose a path to citizenship | Democrats | 8.6 | 6.0 | 11.1 | 849 |
| Web | Oppose a path to citizenship | Republicans | 31.6 | 27.1 | 36.0 | 738 |
| Web | Children brought illegally should be sent back | Democrats | 7.5 | 5.1 | 9.9 | 854 |
| Web | Children brought illegally should be sent back | Republicans | 29.7 | 25.4 | 34.1 | 738 |

Views: All respondents (view = All respondents); In person (view = In person); Web (view = Web).

Note: All items use the post-election weight and respondents with a post-election interview, including the four items asked before the election, whose gaps with the pre-election weight are compared in the text; the in-person and web views use the post-election mode weights of the fresh in-person and fresh web samples, which leave out the panel and paper respondents.

Note: An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100, so the in-person view has no independent dots.

Note: Answers of neither favor nor oppose and the middle answers count as not restrictive. Don't know and refusals are left out.

Source: ANES 2024 Time Series; weighted (post-election weight V240107b, mode weights V240101b and V240102b)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/anes2024_items.json

## All estimates

Every fact in facts.json (226), sorted by id.

| Fact id | Value | Unit | Estimand | Population | Period | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Note |
| --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| a_between_1624_n | 3 | studies | count of studies in which the independent share lies between the Democratic and Republican shares | ANES studies from 2016 to 2024 | 2016-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_a_1992 | 48.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | all respondents who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 | 95% CI 46.6% to 50.8% | 2,168 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_a_2020 | 28.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | all respondents who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 | 95% CI 27.0% to 29.8% | 7,350 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_a_2024 | 42.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | all respondents who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 95% CI 40.9% to 45.0% | 4,898 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_d_1992 | 46.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 | 95% CI 43.8% to 49.8% | 1,080 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_d_2008 | 42.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008 | 95% CI 38.7% to 45.9% | 1,203 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_d_2008_ftf | 42.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008, in-person interviews | 95% CI 38.7% to 45.9% | 1,203 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_d_2016 | 28.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 | 95% CI 25.7% to 31.0% | 1,664 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_d_2016_ftf | 23.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016, in-person interviews | 95% CI 18.3% to 27.7% | 475 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_d_2020 | 14.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 | 95% CI 12.4% to 15.6% | 3,443 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_d_2024 | 29.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 95% CI 26.6% to 31.9% | 2,390 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_i_2008 | 50.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008 | 95% CI 41.9% to 58.2% | 227 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_r_1992 | 50.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 | 95% CI 46.7% to 53.5% | 818 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_r_2008 | 47.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008 | 95% CI 43.2% to 52.5% | 596 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_r_2008_ftf | 47.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008, in-person interviews | 95% CI 43.2% to 52.5% | 596 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_r_2016 | 62.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 | 95% CI 59.7% to 65.6% | 1,476 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_r_2016_ftf | 54.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016, in-person interviews | 95% CI 48.5% to 59.9% | 455 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_r_2020 | 44.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 | 95% CI 42.3% to 46.9% | 3,043 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_r_2024 | 57.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 95% CI 54.6% to 60.6% | 2,170 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_r_2024_ftf | 44.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI 37.6% to 51.3% | 389 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_dec_r_2024_web | 63.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024, web interviews | 95% CI 59.2% to 68.3% | 736 | weight_web (web mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_1992 | 3.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 | 95% CI −1.2 to 7.9 | 1,898 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2000 | 8.0 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2000 | 95% CI 2.4 to 13.6 | 1,515 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2008_ftf | 5.6 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008, in-person interviews | 95% CI −0.3 to 11.5 | 1,799 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2012 | 15.1 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2012 | 95% CI 11.2 to 18.9 | 4,664 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2016 | 34.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 | 95% CI 30.4 to 38.3 | 3,140 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2016_ftf | 31.2 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016, in-person interviews | 95% CI 23.8 to 38.6 | 930 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2020 | 30.6 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 | 95% CI 27.7 to 33.4 | 6,486 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2020_post | 29.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share with the post-election weight; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 | 95% CI 26.4 to 32.3 | 6,486 | weight_postelection (VCF9999) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2024 | 28.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 95% CI 24.3 to 32.4 | 4,560 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2024_ftf | 20.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI 11.5 to 29.1 | 849 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2024_post | 28.9 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share with the post-election weight; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 95% CI 25.0 to 32.9 | 4,560 | weight_postelection (VCF9999) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gap_2024_web | 34.5 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024, web interviews | 95% CI 28.3 to 40.6 | 1,583 | weight_web (web mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_gss_r_2024_diff | 18.8 | percentage points | GSS Republican share reduced minus ANES Republican share decreased (two surveys, different questions) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 2024 | 95% CI 14.2 to 23.4 | 3,259 | weight_use (GSS) and weight (VCF0009z, ANES) | General Social Survey |   |
| a_gss_r_2024_diff_ftf | 33.6 | percentage points | GSS in-person Republican share reduced minus ANES in-person Republican share decreased (two surveys, different questions) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 2024 | 95% CI 24.7 to 42.4 | 767 | weight_use (GSS) and weight_ftf (ANES) | General Social Survey |   |
| a_inc_d_1992 | 10.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer increased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 | 95% CI 8.4% to 12.0% | 1,080 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_inc_d_2020 | 46.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer increased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 | 95% CI 44.2% to 48.8% | 3,443 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_inc_d_2024 | 24.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer increased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 95% CI 21.9% to 26.9% | 2,390 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_inc_r_2020 | 11.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer increased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 | 95% CI 9.9% to 12.8% | 3,043 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_web_share_2016 | 70% | share of respondents | share interviewed by web (count, unweighted) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 |   |   | none (respondent count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| c_d_border_2007 | 39.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the CES item on more border patrols, support | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2007 | 95% CI 37.8% to 41.8% | 4,372 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_d_border_2017 | 26.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the CES item on more border patrols, support | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2017 | 95% CI 24.7% to 27.5% | 8,585 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_d_wall_2021 | 15.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the CES item on the border wall, support | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2021 | 95% CI 14.5% to 16.2% | 12,445 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_border_2007 | 28.9 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on more border patrols, support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2007 | 95% CI 26.1 to 31.8 | 8,145 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_border_2017 | 46.2 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on more border patrols, support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2017 | 95% CI 44.1 to 48.3 | 14,360 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_border_2019 | 45.5 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on more border patrols, support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2019 | 95% CI 43.8 to 47.1 | 14,672 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_border_2021 | 45.2 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on more border patrols, support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2021 | 95% CI 43.8 to 46.6 | 20,584 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_legalize_2007 | 27.2 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on legal status for long-term residents, oppose | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2007 | 95% CI 24.4 to 29.9 | 8,145 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_legalize_2017 | 44.0 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on legal status for long-term residents, oppose | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2017 | 95% CI 41.9 to 46.2 | 14,360 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_legalize_2019 | 43.4 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on legal status for long-term residents, oppose | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2019 | 95% CI 41.6 to 45.2 | 14,697 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_legalize_2021 | 48.0 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on legal status for long-term residents, oppose | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2021 | 95% CI 46.5 to 49.6 | 20,584 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_wall_2017 | 57.0 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on the border wall, support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2017 | 95% CI 55.1 to 58.9 | 14,360 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_wall_2018 | 70.7 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on the border wall, support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2018 | 95% CI 69.8 to 71.6 | 49,103 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_wall_2020 | 69.5 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on the border wall, support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2020 | 95% CI 68.6 to 70.4 | 49,736 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_gap_wall_2021 | 70.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the CES item on the border wall, support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2021 | 95% CI 69.0 to 71.5 | 20,584 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_ind_above_n | 56 | item-years | count of item-years in which the independent share exceeds the Democratic share with an interval above zero | CES immigration policy items | 2007-2021 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_ind_below_n | 57 | item-years | count of item-years in which the Republican share exceeds the independent share with an interval above zero | CES immigration policy items | 2007-2021 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_r_wall_2021 | 85.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the CES item on the border wall, support | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2021 | 95% CI 84.7% to 86.6% | 8,139 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| g_between_n | 9 | surveys | count of surveys in which the independent share lies between the Democratic and Republican shares | GSS surveys with a reliable independent estimate | 2004-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_between_tot | 10 | surveys | count of surveys in which an independent cell clears the suppression floor | GSS surveys with a reliable independent estimate | 2004-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_d_2004 | 47.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2004 | 95% CI 41.4% to 53.3% | 389 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_d_2008 | 51.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2008 | 95% CI 46.5% to 55.9% | 641 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_d_2016 | 26.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2016 | 95% CI 23.2% to 30.5% | 862 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_d_2021 | 15.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2021 | 95% CI 12.6% to 17.7% | 1,220 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_d_2024 | 28.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2024 | 95% CI 25.3% to 32.5% | 1,212 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_r_2016 | 61.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2016 | 95% CI 56.7% to 65.8% | 617 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_r_2022 | 59.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2022 | 95% CI 54.6% to 64.0% | 1,103 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_r_2022_ftf | 54.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2022, in-person interviews | 95% CI 47.6% to 61.9% | 500 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_r_2024 | 76.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2024 | 95% CI 72.9% to 79.8% | 1,089 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_dec_r_2024_ftf | 78.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI 72.4% to 83.6% | 378 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_gap_1994 | 6.5 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the earlier GSS form of the question on the number of immigrants (letin in 1994 and 2000, letin1 in 1996), answer decreased or reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 1994 | 95% CI 0.3 to 12.6 | 1,174 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_gap_1996 | 6.5 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the earlier GSS form of the question on the number of immigrants (letin in 1994 and 2000, letin1 in 1996), answer decreased or reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 1996 | 95% CI −0.3 to 13.4 | 958 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_gap_2000 | 3.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the earlier GSS form of the question on the number of immigrants (letin in 1994 and 2000, letin1 in 1996), answer decreased or reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2000 | 95% CI −3.5 to 10.1 | 1,027 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_gap_2004 | 10.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2004 | 95% CI 1.8 to 18.8 | 735 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_gap_2012 | 12.8 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2012 | 95% CI 4.8 to 20.7 | 994 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_gap_2016 | 34.4 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2016 | 95% CI 28.5 to 40.2 | 1,479 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_gap_2022 | 41.6 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2022 | 95% CI 35.9 to 47.2 | 2,511 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_gap_2024 | 47.5 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2024 | 95% CI 42.5 to 52.5 | 2,301 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_overlap_share_2014 | 65% | share of respondents | share of letin1 respondents who also answered letin1a (count, unweighted) | GSS respondents who answered letin1 | 2014 |   |   | none (respondent count) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_overlap_share_2024 | 99% | share of respondents | share of letin1 respondents who also answered letin1a (count, unweighted) | GSS respondents who answered letin1 | 2024 |   |   | none (respondent count) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_variant_max | 7.2 | percentage points | largest absolute difference between the gap on letin1 and the gap on letin1a (the two forms went to different respondents in 2004 and partly to the same respondents in 2014 and 2024) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2004, 2014 and 2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_crime_d_1996 | 37.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 1996 | 95% CI 33.0% to 41.8% | 596 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_crime_d_2024 | 11.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 8.7% to 15.0% | 828 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_crime_gap_2004 | 6.5 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2004 | 95% CI 0.1 to 12.9 | 976 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_crime_gap_2024 | 43.0 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 37.2 to 48.9 | 1,563 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_crime_r_1996 | 32.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 1996 | 95% CI 27.9% to 37.4% | 457 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_crime_r_2024 | 54.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants increase crime rates (immcrime), answer agree or agree strongly | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 50.0% to 59.8% | 735 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_economy_gap_2024 | 22.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS item that immigrants are good for America's economy (immameco), answer disagree or disagree strongly | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 16.2 to 28.4 | 1,125 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_fewer_gap_2004 | 11.6 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants (letin1), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2004 | 95% CI 4.0 to 19.3 | 903 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_fewer_gap_2024 | 48.8 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants (letin1), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 41.5 to 56.1 | 1,075 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_jobs_d_1996 | 49.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 1996 | 95% CI 44.9% to 53.8% | 610 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_jobs_d_2024 | 11.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 8.4% to 14.6% | 833 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_jobs_gap_2024 | 35.1 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 29.3 to 40.8 | 1,578 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_jobs_r_1996 | 46.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 1996 | 95% CI 41.0% to 51.1% | 460 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_jobs_r_2024 | 46.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS item that immigrants take jobs away (immjobs), answer agree or agree strongly | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 41.7% to 51.4% | 745 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_web_2021 | 88% | share of interviews | share of interviews by web (count) | GSS 2021 respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 2021 |   |   | none (interview count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_a_early | 7 | studies | count of study years with the item | ANES studies from 1992 to 2008 | 1992-2008 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_a_i_above | 5 | studies | count of studies in which the independent share is above both party shares | ANES studies before 2016 with an independent estimate | 1992-2012 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_a_i_pre | 7 | studies | count of studies in which an independent cell clears the suppression floor | ANES studies before 2016 with an independent estimate | 1992-2012 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_a_zero | 6 | studies | count of studies in which the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap includes zero | ANES studies from 1992 to 2008 | 1992-2008 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_anes_item | 32,751 | respondents | count of respondents with a usable answer (increased, same or decreased) | ANES respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 1992-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_anes_waves | 11 | studies | count of study years with the item | ANES studies that asked the question | 1992-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_ces_items | 9 | items | count of immigration policy items in the cumulative policy file | CES immigration policy items | 2007-2021 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| n_ces_itemyears | 57 | item-years | count of item-years with a Republican minus Democratic gap | CES immigration policy items | 2007-2021 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| n_gss_item | 21,070 | respondents | count of respondents with a usable answer to letin1a | GSS respondents who answered the question on the number of immigrants nowadays | 2004-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_gss_items | 4 | items | count of items in the GSS module comparison | GSS immigration module items used | 1996-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_gss_waves | 11 | surveys | count of survey years with the item | GSS survey years that asked letin1a | 2004-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_ns_weeks | 77 | weeks | count of weeks with at least 500 respondents and enough respondents in each party on the wall item | Nationscape weekly waves | July 2019 to December 2020 |   |   | none (count) | Nationscape |   |
| n_t_items | 10 | items | count of items in the 2024 comparison | 2024 ANES immigration items used | 2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| n_th_studies | 9 | studies | count of study years with the rating and enough respondents in both parties | ANES studies with the illegal immigrants thermometer | 1988-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ns_chg_deport | −6.1 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap, weeks pooled within each half year; share who agree with deporting all undocumented immigrants | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July to December 2019 compared with July to December 2020 | 95% CI −7.5 to −4.7 | 170,810 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_chg_wall | −6.5 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap, weeks pooled within each half year; share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July to December 2019 compared with July to December 2020 | 95% CI −7.6 to −5.3 | 181,095 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_d19_wall | 14.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border, weeks pooled | Democrats (no leaners) who answered the item | July to December 2019 | 95% CI 13.6% to 14.7% | 47,673 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_d20_wall | 17.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border, weeks pooled | Democrats (no leaners) who answered the item | July to December 2020 | 95% CI 16.7% to 17.8% | 49,677 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_d_path_dream | 9.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who disagree with a path to citizenship for those brought here as children | Democrats (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 9.1% to 9.6% | 152,999 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_d_wall | 15.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border | Democrats (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 15.5% to 16.1% | 147,696 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_d_wall_jan18 | 39.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border | Democrats (no leaners) who answered the wall item | week of 18 January 2021 | 95% CI 35.6% to 43.1% | 1,522 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_gap_deport | 47.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share who agree with deporting all undocumented immigrants | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 46.8 to 47.9 | 260,334 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_gap_path_all | 37.1 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share who disagree with a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 36.6 to 37.7 | 262,675 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_gap_path_dream | 22.0 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share who disagree with a path to citizenship for those brought here as children | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 21.5 to 22.5 | 274,792 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_gap_wall | 65.4 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 64.9 to 65.8 | 275,835 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_i_wall | 38.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border | independents who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 37.8% to 38.8% | 106,663 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_r19_wall | 82.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border, weeks pooled | Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July to December 2019 | 95% CI 82.2% to 83.5% | 40,328 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_r20_path_all | 52.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who disagree with a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants, weeks pooled | Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July to December 2020 | 95% CI 51.8% to 53.3% | 40,655 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_r20_wall | 79.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border, weeks pooled | Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July to December 2020 | 95% CI 78.8% to 80.0% | 43,417 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_r_path_dream | 31.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who disagree with a path to citizenship for those brought here as children | Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 30.9% to 31.8% | 121,793 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_r_path_jan18 | 44.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who disagree with a path to citizenship for all undocumented immigrants | Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | week of 18 January 2021 | 95% CI 40.0% to 48.5% | 1,166 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_r_wall | 81.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who agree with building a wall on the southern US border | Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 80.8% to 81.5% | 128,139 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_wall_max | 74.3 | percentage points | highest across weeks of the weekly Republican minus Democratic gap in agreeing with a wall on the southern border | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the wall item | weekly, July 2019 to December 2020 |   |   | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_wall_min | 57.4 | percentage points | lowest across weeks of the weekly Republican minus Democratic gap in agreeing with a wall on the southern border | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the wall item | weekly, July 2019 to December 2020 |   |   | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_wk_jan | 18 January 2021 | date | Monday that starts the field week in which the party shares move toward an even split on three of the four items | Nationscape weekly waves | 2021 |   |   | none (count) | Nationscape |   |
| rule_sd | 0.25 | standard deviations of the answer | threshold of the sort-date rule of the chapter Sort dates by attitude | the party gap on an attitude | all study years |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sort_bound | 2016 | year | first study year in which the lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the z-score exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later study | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants | 1992-2024 |   |   | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sort_point | 2012 | year | first study year in which the point estimate of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the z-score exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later study | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants | 1992-2024 |   |   | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_d_0816 | −13.9 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008 to 2016 | 95% CI −18.4 to −9.5 | 2,867 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_d_1620 | −14.3 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 to 2020 | 95% CI −17.4 to −11.2 | 5,107 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_d_2024 | 15.2 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI 12.1 to 18.3 | 5,833 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_d_9224 | −17.6 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 to 2024 | 95% CI −21.6 to −13.6 | 3,470 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_ftf_1216 | 21.4 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question, in-person respondents | 2012 to 2016 | 95% CI 11.4 to 31.4 | 2,562 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_gap_1216 | 19.3 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap (two separate samples); the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 2012 to 2016 | 95% CI 13.8 to 24.8 | 7,804 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_gap_1620 | −3.8 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap (two separate samples); the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 2016 to 2020 | 95% CI −8.6 to 1.1 | 9,626 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_gap_1620_lo | −8.6 | percentage points | lower end of the 95% interval of the later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap (two separate samples); the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 2016 to 2020 |   | 9,626 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_gap_2024 | −2.2 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap (two separate samples); the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI −7.2 to 2.7 | 11,046 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_gap_2024_post | −0.4 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap with the post-election weight; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI −5.4 to 4.6 | 11,046 | weight_postelection (VCF9999) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_gss_r_0816 | 12.4 | percentage points | change in the Republican share wanting fewer immigrants among all ANES respondents minus the change in the GSS (different questions, separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 2008 to 2016 | 95% CI 3.3 to 21.4 | 3,122 | weight, weight_ftf (ANES) and weight_use (GSS) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_a_ir_2008 | 2.2 | percentage points | weighted independent share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers and independents who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008 | 95% CI −7.2 to 11.6 | 823 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_modegap_2012 | 8.2 | percentage points | web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2012 | 95% CI 0.0 to 16.4 | 4,664 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_modegap_2016 | 4.8 | percentage points | web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 | 95% CI −3.9 to 13.5 | 3,140 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_modegap_2016_hi | 13.5 | percentage points | upper end of the 95% interval of the web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 |   | 3,140 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_modegap_2024 | 14.2 | percentage points | web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 95% CI 3.4 to 25.0 | 2,432 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_moder_2012 | 9.3 | percentage points | web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2012 | 95% CI 3.0 to 15.7 | 1,827 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_moder_2016 | 12.1 | percentage points | web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 | 95% CI 5.5 to 18.7 | 1,476 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_moder_2024 | 19.3 | percentage points | web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 95% CI 11.1 to 27.5 | 1,125 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_moderd_2012 | 1.1 | percentage points | web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2012 | 95% CI −4.0 to 6.3 | 2,837 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_moderd_2016 | 7.3 | percentage points | web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 | 95% CI 1.7 to 13.0 | 1,664 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_moderd_2024 | 5.1 | percentage points | web share minus in-person share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2024 | 95% CI −1.8 to 12.1 | 1,307 | weight_ftf and weight_web (mode weights) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_r_0816 | 14.8 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008 to 2016 | 95% CI 9.3 to 20.3 | 2,072 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_r_1620 | −18.1 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 to 2020 | 95% CI −21.8 to −14.3 | 4,519 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_r_2024 | 13.0 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI 9.2 to 16.8 | 5,213 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_r_9224 | 7.5 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 to 2024 | 95% CI 2.9 to 12.1 | 2,988 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_web_1216 | 18.0 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES immigration level question, web respondents | 2012 to 2016 | 95% CI 11.4 to 24.6 | 5,242 | weight_web (web mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_af_d_0816 | −19.3 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008 to 2016 | 95% CI −25.2 to −13.4 | 1,678 | weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008 | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_af_d_9224 | −22.7 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 to 2024 | 95% CI −29.0 to −16.3 | 1,540 | weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008 | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_af_gss_r_0816 | 3.9 | percentage points | change in the Republican share wanting fewer immigrants among in-person ANES respondents minus the change in the GSS (different questions, separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the question on the number of immigrants | 2008 to 2016 | 95% CI −6.4 to 14.2 | 2,101 | weight, weight_ftf (ANES) and weight_use (GSS) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_af_r_0816 | 6.3 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2008 to 2016 | 95% CI −1.0 to 13.7 | 1,051 | weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008 | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_af_r_1624 | −9.8 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question | 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −18.6 to −0.9 | 844 | weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008 | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_af_r_9224 | −5.7 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share, in-person respondents only; the ANES question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a), answer decreased (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES immigration level question | 1992 to 2024 | 95% CI −13.3 to 2.0 | 1,207 | weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008 | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_c_d_border_0717 | −13.7 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the CES item on more border patrols, support (check-all-that-apply format; two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2007 to 2017 | 95% CI −16.1 to −11.3 | 12,957 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| st_c_r_border_0717 | 3.5 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the CES item on more border patrols, support (check-all-that-apply format; two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2007 to 2017 | 95% CI 0.9 to 6.1 | 9,548 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| st_g_d_0816 | −24.3 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2008 to 2016 | 95% CI −30.2 to −18.3 | 1,503 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_d_1622 | −9.1 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2016 to 2022 | 95% CI −13.9 to −4.3 | 2,270 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_d_2224 | 11.1 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2022 to 2024 | 95% CI 6.4 to 15.9 | 2,620 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_ftf_2224 | 6.6 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants, in-person respondents | 2022 to 2024 | 95% CI −5.5 to 18.6 | 1,909 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_ftfr_2224 | 23.3 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted Republican share within one mode; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants, in-person respondents | 2022 to 2024 | 95% CI 14.2 to 32.3 | 878 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_modegap_2022 | 13.5 | percentage points | web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2022 | 95% CI 2.0 to 25.0 | 2,266 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_modegap_2024 | 7.6 | percentage points | web gap minus in-person gap, Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2024 | 95% CI −3.2 to 18.4 | 2,032 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_moder_2022 | 12.6 | percentage points | web share minus in-person share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2022 | 95% CI 3.0 to 22.2 | 996 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_moder_2024 | −0.4 | percentage points | web share minus in-person share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2024 | 95% CI −7.7 to 6.9 | 972 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_r_0816 | 2.4 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2008 to 2016 | 95% CI −4.7 to 9.6 | 1,050 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_r_0816_hi | 9.6 | percentage points | upper end of the 95% interval of the later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2008 to 2016 |   | 1,050 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_r_1618 | −8.9 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2016 to 2018 | 95% CI −16.3 to −1.6 | 1,130 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_r_1622 | −1.9 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2016 to 2022 | 95% CI −8.5 to 4.6 | 1,720 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_r_1624 | 15.1 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI 9.4 to 20.8 | 1,706 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_r_2224 | 17.0 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted share; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2022 to 2024 | 95% CI 11.2 to 22.9 | 2,192 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_variant_2004 | 1.3 | percentage points | gap on letin1 minus gap on letin1a (Republican minus Democratic share; different respondents in 2004) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants | 2004 | 95% CI −10.1 to 12.7 | 1,638 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_web_2224 | 0.7 | percentage points | later minus earlier Republican minus Democratic gap within one mode; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants, web respondents | 2022 to 2024 | 95% CI −9.6 to 10.9 | 2,389 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_webr_2224 | 10.2 | percentage points | later minus earlier weighted Republican share within one mode; the GSS question on the number of immigrants nowadays (letin1a), answer reduced a little or a lot | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on the number of immigrants, web respondents | 2022 to 2024 | 95% CI 2.3 to 18.1 | 1,090 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_th_d_8824 | 17.1 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | later minus earlier weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 to 2024 | 95% CI 14.8 to 19.3 | 3,079 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_th_gap_8824 | 22.2 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | later minus earlier warmth gap (Democratic mean rating of illegal immigrants minus Republican mean rating), two separate samples | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 to 2024 | 95% CI 19.0 to 25.4 | 5,843 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_th_r_8824 | −5.2 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | later minus earlier weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 to 2024 | 95% CI −7.4 to −2.9 | 2,764 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_thf_r_8824 | −3.6 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | later minus earlier weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants, in-person respondents only (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who rated illegal immigrants | 1988 to 2024 | 95% CI −7.2 to 0.0 | 1,084 | weight before 2008 (in person by design) and weight_ftf from 2008 | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_thh_d_8824 | 14.2 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | later minus earlier weighted mean rating of Hispanics (two separate samples) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 to 2024 | 95% CI 12.2 to 16.1 | 3,075 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_thh_gap_8824 | 1.9 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | later minus earlier warmth gap (Democratic mean rating of Hispanics minus Republican mean rating), two separate samples | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 to 2024 | 95% CI −0.9 to 4.7 | 5,809 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_thh_r_8824 | 12.2 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | later minus earlier weighted mean rating of Hispanics (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 to 2024 | 95% CI 10.2 to 14.2 | 2,734 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| t_d_children | 4.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share giving the restrictive answer: children brought illegally should be sent back | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 3.6% to 6.2% | 2,331 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_birthright | 25.9 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: favor ending birthright citizenship | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 22.3 to 29.6 | 4,424 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_children | 19.7 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: children brought illegally should be sent back | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 16.8 to 22.7 | 4,384 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_crime | 54.2 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: illegal immigration increases crime | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 50.8 to 57.6 | 4,391 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_economy | 24.6 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: immigrants are bad for the economy | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 21.5 to 27.8 | 4,391 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_jobs | 39.9 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: immigration likely takes jobs | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 36.3 to 43.6 | 4,402 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_levels | 28.9 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: decrease immigration levels | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 25.0 to 32.9 | 4,560 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_levels_ftf | 19.4 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: decrease immigration levels | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI 10.4 to 28.4 | 849 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_levels_web | 33.9 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: decrease immigration levels | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024, web interviews | 95% CI 27.7 to 40.2 | 1,583 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_nopath | 23.1 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: oppose a path to citizenship | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 19.8 to 26.3 | 4,401 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_wall | 60.9 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share giving the restrictive answer: favor a border wall | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 57.6 to 64.3 | 4,426 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_mode_max_other | 11.0 | percentage points | largest absolute difference between the web gap and the in-person gap (Republican minus Democratic) across the nine items other than immigration levels | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 4.1 to 17.8 | 2,440 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_pre_weight_max | 0.3 | percentage points | largest absolute difference, over the four pre-election items, between the gap weighted with the post-election weight and the gap weighted with the pre-election weight (V240107a) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 |   |   | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_r_children | 24.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share giving the restrictive answer: children brought illegally should be sent back | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2024 | 95% CI 22.0% to 27.3% | 2,053 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| th_d_1988 | 39.7 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 | 95% CI 37.9 to 41.5 | 776 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| th_d_2024 | 56.8 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 2024 | 95% CI 55.4 to 58.2 | 2,303 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| th_gap_1988 | 7.7 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants among Democrats minus the mean among Republicans (warmth gap) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 | 95% CI 5.3 to 10.1 | 1,473 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| th_gap_2024 | 29.9 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean rating of illegal immigrants among Democrats minus the mean among Republicans (warmth gap) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 2024 | 95% CI 27.8 to 32.0 | 4,370 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| th_r_1988 | 32.0 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 | 95% CI 30.4 to 33.6 | 697 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| th_r_2004 | 35.0 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 2004 | 95% CI 32.6 to 37.4 | 435 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| th_r_2020 | 33.7 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 2020 | 95% CI 32.5 to 34.9 | 2,914 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| th_r_2024 | 26.9 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of illegal immigrants (illegal aliens in the cumulative file label) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 2024 | 95% CI 25.3 to 28.4 | 2,067 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| thh_d_1988 | 59.7 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of Hispanics | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 | 95% CI 58.2 to 61.2 | 763 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| thh_d_2024 | 73.9 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of Hispanics | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 2024 | 95% CI 72.6 to 75.2 | 2,312 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| thh_gap_1988 | 5.4 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean rating of Hispanics among Democrats minus the mean among Republicans (warmth gap) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 | 95% CI 3.3 to 7.5 | 1,447 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| thh_gap_2024 | 7.3 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean rating of Hispanics among Democrats minus the mean among Republicans (warmth gap) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 2024 | 95% CI 5.4 to 9.2 | 4,362 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| thh_r_1988 | 54.4 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of Hispanics | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 1988 | 95% CI 52.9 to 55.8 | 684 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| thh_r_2024 | 66.6 | points on the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer | weighted mean feeling thermometer rating of Hispanics | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who rated the group | 2024 | 95% CI 65.2 to 67.9 | 2,050 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| z_gap_2012_ftf | 0.237 | standard deviations of the answer | Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of the five-category answer (VCF0879), standardized within the mode | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants | 2012 | 95% CI 0.102 to 0.372 | 1,632 | weight_ftf | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| z_gap_2012_web | 0.372 | standard deviations of the answer | Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of the five-category answer (VCF0879), standardized within the mode | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed on the web who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants | 2012 | 95% CI 0.280 to 0.464 | 3,032 | weight_web | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| z_lo_2012 | 0.248 | standard deviations of the answer | lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of the five-category answer (VCF0879) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants | 2012 |   | 4,664 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| z_lo_2012_part | 0.2500 | standard deviations of the answer | lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the z-score of the five-category answer (VCF0879) standardized among party identifiers only | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the five-category ANES question on the number of immigrants | 2012 |   | 4,664 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |

## Definitions

- Percentage point: The unit for the difference between two percentages. A change from one share to another is stated in points, not in percent, so that absolute and relative change are not confused.
- Partisan leaner: A respondent who first says they are independent but, when asked, says they lean toward one party. Most figures group leaners with the party they lean toward, and each chapter says which grouping it uses.
- Confidence interval: A range around an estimate that would contain the true value in 95% of repeated samples if the sampling model held. The book reports 95% intervals unless it says otherwise.
- Effective sample size: The number of equally weighted respondents that would give the same precision as the weighted sample. It is smaller than the raw count when the weights vary a lot, and it sets how wide the confidence interval is.
- Survey weights: Numbers that scale each respondent so the sample matches the population on known traits such as age, race, education and region. A weighted average counts a respondent with a large weight for more than one with a small weight.
- Standard deviation: A measure of how far values typically fall from their average. A larger standard deviation means the values are more spread out.
- Survey mode: How respondents were interviewed: in person, by phone, on paper or online. Mode can change answers, so a change in mode can look like a change in opinion.
- Feeling thermometer: A 0 to 100 rating of a group or person, where 0 is the coldest feeling and 100 the warmest. The American National Election Studies ask respondents to rate parties, candidates and social groups this way.

## Methods

Sample. ANES Cumulative Data File respondents who gave an increased, same or decreased answer to the question on the number of immigrants (VCF0879a; don't know is missing): 32,751 respondents in 11 studies from 1992 to 2024. GSS respondents who answered letin1a, the number of immigrants nowadays should be (asked in 11 surveys from 2004 to 2024, none in 2020): 21,070 respondents. CES respondents who answered at least one of nine immigration policy items between 2007 and 2021: 474,358. Nationscape respondents who answered at least one of four policy items in the weeks from July 2019 to 28 December 2020: 456,979. ANES 2024 Time Series respondents with a post-election weight: 4,964.

Party and estimand. Democrats and Republicans include leaners (ANES and CES seven-point party identification 1 to 3 and 5 to 7; GSS partyid 0 to 2 and 4 to 6); independents are those who lean toward neither party (ANES and CES 4, GSS 3). Nationscape uses the three-category party question, so its Democrats and Republicans exclude leaners and its independents include them. Members of other parties are in the all-respondent line only. Every outcome is the restrictive answer (wanting fewer immigrants, favoring a restrictive policy, or saying immigrants have a bad effect), as the wording table lists. The party gap is the Republican share minus the Democratic share in percentage points, the sign used in the chapter Sort dates by attitude. The thermometer gap is signed the other way (Democrats minus Republicans in warmth).

Coding. Coding is read from the stored value labels and never from a correlation with party: ANES VCF0879 1 increased a lot to 5 decreased a lot and VCF0879a 1 increased, 3 same, 5 decreased; GSS letin1a, letin1 and letin 1 increased a lot to 5 reduced a lot and immjobs, immcrime and immameco 1 agree strongly to 5 disagree strongly (checked against the file labels in the build). CES items are 1 for support; the restrictive answer is support except for legal status, where it is oppose. Nationscape items are agree (1) or disagree (2) with not sure missing; the restrictive answer is agree except for the two path to citizenship items, where it is disagree.

Weights. ANES weight VCF0009z, with weight_ftf and weight_web for in-person and web respondents in 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024 (2008 was a single-mode in-person study; 2020 has no mode weights). GSS weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004); the GSS mode is joined from the raw file. CES weight, the single-wave weight. Nationscape weight. The cumulative file weight VCF0009z is the full-sample weight, and the questions on the number of immigrants and the thermometers are post-election items. The file also has a post-election weight (VCF9999, weight_postelection) for 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2016, 2020 and 2024 among the studies with the question; the gap with that weight differs from the gap shown by at most 1.2 points (largest in 2020), and the text gives the 2020 and 2024 gaps with it. The file has no post-election mode weights, so the ANES in-person and web estimates use weight_ftf and weight_web. The 2024 Time Series items use the post-election weight V240107b, and the mode views use the post-election mode weights V240101b and V240102b of the fresh in-person and fresh web samples, which leave out the panel and paper respondents. The four items asked before the election (V241386, V241387, V241390, V241393) use the post-election weight like the others; with the pre-election weight V240107a their gaps differ by at most 0.3 points.

In-person ANES view. The in-person series combines the studies of 1992 to 1998 and 2004 (in person by design; weight VCF0009z) with the in-person samples of 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024 (mode ftf; weight_ftf). The 2000 study, which mixed in-person and telephone interviews with no interview-form variable in the file, and the telephone study of 2002 are left out, and 2020 had no in-person interviews.

Intervals. 95% intervals use the Kish effective sample size with a normal approximation, treat the weighted sample as a simple random sample and ignore the strata and clusters of the designs. A gap, a change between surveys and a mode difference combine the two standard errors in quadrature, treating the two estimates as independent. Adjacent ANES studies are treated as independent although the 2020 and 2024 studies re-interviewed some earlier respondents. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, so their intervals rest on a model. In 2004 the GSS letin1 and letin1a forms went to different respondents; in 2014 and 2024 most respondents who answered letin1 also answered letin1a, so the two forms are compared by their point estimates in those years.

Suppression. A Democratic or Republican cell in a yearly series needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100; an independent or all-respondent cell, and every cell in a mode, item, CES or 2024 split, needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. A gap needs both party cells to clear the floor. A Nationscape week needs at least 500 respondents on the item.

Dating by reference. The date of the opening applies the rule of the chapter Sort dates by attitude to the five-category ANES answer (VCF0879, 1 increased a lot to 5 decreased a lot; 2000 is not coded to five answers): the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score (weighted mean and standard deviation of all respondents with the item that year), a threshold of 0.25 standard deviations, the point-estimate date as the first study from which the estimate stays above it and the lower-bound date as the first study from which the lower end of the 95% interval stays above it. The z-score standardizes among all respondents with the item, as the code of that chapter does; standardizing among party identifiers only, the lower end of the 2012 interval is 0.2500, at the mark. The 2012 in-person and web gaps standardize within each mode.

CES. Weights and cells use the single-wave weight. Items are check-all-that-apply through 2017 and support or oppose from 2018 according to the guide to the cumulative policy file, so the figure breaks between 2017 and 2019 and no level or gap is compared across the break. The per-year sign check recomputes the Republican minus Democratic gap in the restrictive direction for every item-year and finds it above zero in all of them, so the 2014 reversal of the ACA repeal item has no counterpart in these items.

Nationscape. Weekly bins are the Monday of the field week. Weeks after 28 December 2020 are drawn as open points and left out of the pooled and half-year estimates: only four 2021 weeks have 500 respondents on the items, and in the weeks of 11 and 18 January 2021 the party shares are far from the 2019 and 2020 weeks; the week of 18 January moves toward an even split on three of the four items. Half-year estimates pool the weeks of July to December 2019 and of July to December 2020.

## What these data cannot show

- Each survey interviews a new sample, so a change in a party's share can come from people changing their view, changing their party or being replaced by new adults, and these data cannot separate them.
- Party identification is itself an answer, and people may change it because of their views on immigration or change their views because of their party.
- Abrajano and Hajnal [3] argue for the first order, and these data can neither support nor reject it.
- The party lines also combine people of every origin, so changes in who belongs to each party are not separated from changes in what they say.
- Chapter 3.3, Hispanic, Black and Asian voters (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/hispanic-black-and-asian-voters; planned) is planned to follow group differences in the vote.
- Levels cannot be compared across surveys.
- The ANES and the GSS differ by 18.8 (95% CI 14.2 to 23.4) points in the Republican share wanting fewer immigrants in 2024, and by 33.6 (95% CI 24.7 to 42.4) points among in-person respondents in each, and the chapter does not say which is closer to the truth.
- The ANES question has five answers that the chapter collapses to decreased against the rest, the GSS question has five answers collapsed the same way, and the CES, Nationscape and 2024 ANES policy items measure different things on different scales.
- The mode checks are limited to the years that have mode weights or a mode variable.
- The 2020 ANES levels and the 2021 GSS, which was mostly web, cannot be split, and the cumulative file has no post-election mode weights, so the in-person and web ANES estimates use the full-sample mode weights.
- The CES changes format and wording across years, so changes that cross 2018 are not read, and the Nationscape file has no leaner question for most weeks.
- The chapter has no measure of behavior, of elite positions or of the size of the foreign-born population.
- It does not ask whether the American gap is unusual.
- The European Social Survey has immigration questions in many countries but no party vote in the file used for this book, and a comparison on left-right placement would need an American question that matches theirs.
- Planned, Immigration and local context (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration-and-local-context; planned) is planned to take up the local foreign-born share.
- No result here shows that immigration attitudes changed party loyalty or that party loyalty changed attitudes.

## References

1. Kish, Leslie (1965). Survey Sampling. John Wiley and Sons.
2. Hainmueller, Jens; Hopkins, Daniel J. (2014). Public Attitudes Toward Immigration. Annual Review of Political Science 17: 225-249. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-102512-194818
3. Abrajano, Marisa; Hajnal, Zoltan L. (2015). White Backlash: Immigration, Race, and American Politics. Princeton University Press. https://doi.org/10.1515/9781400866489
4. American National Election Studies (2022). ANES 2020 Time Series Study Full Release: User Guide and Codebook. Stanford University and the University of Michigan. https://electionstudies.org/data-center/2020-time-series-study/
5. Dagonel, Angelo (2023). Guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences. Harvard Dataverse, Cumulative CES Policy Preferences, version 3 (guide last updated 2023-01-18). https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/OSXDQO
6. Tausanovitch, Chris; Vavreck, Lynn (2023). Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape Project (data version 20211215). Harvard Dataverse, version 1. https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/CQFP3Z

## Provenance

- Pipeline version: 1.0.0
- Build script: book3/chapters/immigration/build.py (sha256 9cd550d4f71faa93ffba738c7915f90f98452566fcca4088ea80d10c1f3e8aee)
- Built on: 2026-10-03
- Site commit: 16414b2c7257546a7042d0b1734657f208999f60

Inputs:

| File | Size (bytes) | SHA-256, first 1 MB | SHA-256, last 1 MB |
| --- | ---: | --- | --- |
| data/anes/anes2024_ts/anes_timeseries_2024_spss_20260519.sav | 12,757,094 | 3107c838755f88353d0e3e39b2c3d5f76a2888cf56a179e3acac84ab431335d2 | bb318a018a39b4cf87ccc91b50a5b7c5b41746d28c0226f4a6c176e8c74966d6 |
| data/anes/anes_cdf_clean.parquet | 15,640,720 | b3f0c2d8ae5673b2c40cf6df71318ea3f712cd845c4f1aad0460f28d1b022643 | 04f06dae56b65649291caf6cf77aab9767d9c92d0c2669c6d3655d9063970583 |
| data/cces/cces_clean.parquet | 53,454,868 | 9430e88b3196c9ca2250bdda1908d3920e80e276ca0c529c514e2fc2bdd00806 | f61097c727c38fd8d7c8e53fe86935fb626f351a64d99ccb1ae0b56715b2c405 |
| data/gss/gss_all_raw2024.parquet | 35,044,704 | 6f6560d1929e8a100f576317a296ee88f777ca061ab7dbc1471cbdc7b3563538 | 5c3294f206beb53d9a8387fccb1983bf3088818df090bd8ed3f378adadafcf9b |
| data/nationscape/nationscape_clean.parquet | 43,528,088 | 6a7904b0ca979052a375585356a3e4fb85129f4902770bee653b54e95fc936e4 | 8dc1daf282a9fa90033abf3be0312eb5d1bf351a6a0b719c43204c904af86a44 |

Outputs:

| File | SHA-256 |
| --- | --- |
| facts.json | b326bd417926a3687d53257acf8c726208d41b0a6ffcc664fb3470f99ca61b1a |
| figures/anes2024_items.json | feee72560ed2dfa7942db30e692d2df9079f477f7479133a4113efe55125d7f9 |
| figures/ces_items.json | c312155fa65d40f27d7d3c24e2c987f08f2766d8bede18e56aa57069ee7f6920 |
| figures/gap_by_year.json | 94caff9dd9c507ec26d04a4ccf1240bb873242242682cb21736225eeb7a8a0c2 |
| figures/gss_items.json | 456d58dbb97caffe19733ae92f451b68a8fe78134c690b50b40d0cb1cdaa9d87 |
| figures/mode_check.json | bc6621248be16c210778f80d370d198f68d368b4deeef572cc75d86dda81c8aa |
| figures/nationscape.json | 8e803d653f2cd72e851fbdc6e28791ab387d441dc6dc3d59c59f1276389e323d |
| figures/share_by_party.json | 77b98d6fba71fa7868b51c347f844216999747cb7edcc0e8463ffefed4bccae3 |
| figures/thermometers.json | 6a9956c304fe49dbdb3adf561986e5af3c06862d7af299a3429f639086443e70 |
| figures/wording.json | a15b3d2b64c11e55b427946dfc2a8192d69d8c5827f8806f89a93323dc3b6d09 |
| meta.json | 6e7e48b607261bf784f16674c5d8cee313958d443dd0ad1207f795394e1b889c |
| refs.json | 96bea85e2f46fdd9ae61d0e74441065b2756880c8febb9a2eafc091990372914 |

## Machine formats

- Report (HTML): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration/report
- Report (Markdown): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration/report.md
- Every estimate (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/facts.json
- Table 1, figure "wording" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/wording.json
- Table 2, figure "gap_by_year" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/gap_by_year.json
- Table 3, figure "share_by_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/share_by_party.json
- Table 4, figure "mode_check" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/mode_check.json
- Table 5, figure "thermometers" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/thermometers.json
- Table 6, figure "gss_items" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/gss_items.json
- Table 7, figure "ces_items" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/ces_items.json
- Table 8, figure "nationscape" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/nationscape.json
- Table 9, figure "anes2024_items" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/immigration/figures/anes2024_items.json
- Index of every report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms.txt; all reports in one file: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms-full.txt