Chapter 4.3 · Report

Guns

In the General Social Survey, the share living in a household with a gun was 6.8 points higher among Republicans than Democrats in 1973 to 1980 and 27.7 points higher in 2016 to 2024.

Author: Vishal Singh
Affiliation: NYU Stern
Published: 3 October 2026

Every estimate of the chapter with its interval and every figure as a table, generated from the chapter's data files. Table n of this report is figure n of the chapter. The same report as Markdown: report.md.

Identification

Title

Guns

Chapter

4.3 (Part IV, Issues move on different schedules; Coalitions and political differences)

Question

How have gun ownership and gun-policy attitudes sorted by party?

Dek

In the General Social Survey, the share living in a household with a gun was 6.8 points higher among Republicans than Democrats in 1973 to 1980 and 27.7 points higher in 2016 to 2024.

Grain

individuals

Status

draft

Published

3 October 2026

Updated

not revised

Data sources

General Social Survey. Raw file 1972-2024: gun in the home (owngun), personally owns (rowngun), police permit (gunlaw), census region, community type (xnorcsiz), race, strata and primary sampling units (vstrat and vpsu); interview mode from the raw file; years: 1972-2024 (35 study years); weights: weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)
ANES Cumulative Data File. Cumulative Data File 1948-2024, the question on buying a gun (VCF9238) in the six studies from 2000 to 2020; mode weights for 2012 and 2016; years: 1948-2024 (33 study years; even years only after 2004; no 2006, 2010 or 2014 study); weights: weight (VCF0009z); weight_ftf and weight_web for the mode split
ANES 2024 Time Series. 2024 Time Series: buying a gun (V242325), background checks (V242326), assault-style rifles (V242329) and guns in the household (V241583); years: 2024 (pre-election and post-election interviews); weights: V240107b (post-election); V240107a for the household item; V240101b and V240102b for the mode views
Cooperative Election Study. Cumulative CES policy items 2010-2021: sale laws (guns_scale, 2010 and 2012), background checks, assault rifles, concealed carry and owners' names (2013-2021); years: 2006-2024 (every year; self-reported turnout is available in the 10 even years); weights: weight (single-wave weight)
Nationscape. Weekly waves July 2019 to December 2020: household gun and six gun policy items, party with the follow-up question on leaners; years: 2019-07-18 to 2021-04-15 (85 weekly waves); weights: weight

Canonical URL

https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns

Markdown

https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns/report.md

BibTeX

@misc{singh2026guns,
  author = {Singh, Vishal},
  title = {Guns},
  year = {2026},
  url = {https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns},
  note = {In The Public Mind. Published 3 October 2026.}
}

Principal estimates

The facts the dek and the opening prose cite, in order of appearance. Every fact is in the table of all estimates below.

Estimand	Population	Period	Value	Interval	n	Weights	Source	Fact id
weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	6.8	95% CI 4.0 to 9.7	6,274	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_gap_e
weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	27.7	95% CI 24.9 to 30.4	8,833	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_gap_l
weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	53.0%	95% CI 50.8% to 55.2%	3,622	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_r_l
weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	25.3%	95% CI 23.7% to 26.9%	5,211	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_d_l
weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	54.2%	95% CI 51.9% to 56.5%	2,220	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_r_e
weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	47.3%	95% CI 45.6% to 49.1%	4,054	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_d_e
fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	22.0	95% CI 19.7 to 24.4	9,265	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_fall_d
late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	−1.2	95% CI −4.4 to 2.0	5,842	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_chg_r
rise in the weighted share, late period minus early period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	7.8	95% CI 5.9 to 9.8	10,024	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	gm_rise_d
fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	17.5	95% CI 14.5 to 20.4	6,418	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	gm_fall_r
weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled)	4.1	95% CI 1.8 to 6.5	7,473	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	gm_gap_e
weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	29.4	95% CI 26.9 to 32.0	8,969	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	gm_gap_l
count of respondents with a yes or no answer to owngun	GSS respondents who answered the gun in the home question	1973-2024	47,521			none (count)	General Social Survey	n_g_own
count of survey years with the item	GSS survey years that asked the gun in the home question	1973-2024	30			none (count)	General Social Survey	n_g_own_waves
count of respondents with a favor or oppose answer to gunlaw	GSS respondents who answered the police permit question	1972-2024	50,498			none (count)	General Social Survey	n_g_perm
count of survey years with the item	GSS survey years that asked the police permit question	1972-2024	32			none (count)	General Social Survey	n_g_perm_waves
count of respondents with a usable answer to VCF9238	ANES respondents who answered the question on buying a gun	2000-2020	22,800			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File	n_a_item
count of study years with the item	ANES studies that asked the question on buying a gun	2000-2020	6			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File	n_a_waves
count of respondents with an answer to at least one of the five gun items	CES respondents who answered at least one gun item	2010-2021	443,846			none (count)	Cooperative Election Study	n_ces_resp
count of respondents in the weeks through 28 December 2020 with an answer to at least one of the seven gun items	Nationscape respondents who answered at least one gun item	July 2019 to December 2020	476,723			none (count)	Nationscape	n_ns_resp
weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share, with a design-based interval (Taylor linearisation with the GSS strata and primary sampling units); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	6.8	95% CI 3.9 to 9.8	6,274	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_gap_e_design
weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share, with a design-based interval (Taylor linearisation with the GSS strata and primary sampling units); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	27.7	95% CI 25.0 to 30.3	8,833	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey	go_gap_l_design

Findings

In the General Social Survey (GSS), 53.0% of Republican identifiers and 25.3% of Democratic identifiers lived in a household with a gun in 2016 to 2024, a gap of 27.7 (95% CI 24.9 to 30.4) points. In 1973 to 1980 the shares were 54.2% and 47.3%, a gap of 6.8 (95% CI 4.0 to 9.7) points. Between the two periods the Democratic share fell by 22.0 (95% CI 19.7 to 24.4) points, while the Republican share changed by −1.2 (95% CI −4.4 to 2.0) points, an interval that includes zero. The GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun moved mostly on the Republican side. The Democratic share in favor rose by 7.8 (95% CI 5.9 to 9.8) points and the Republican share fell by 17.5 (95% CI 14.5 to 20.4) points, which took the gap from 4.1 (95% CI 1.8 to 6.5) to 29.4 (95% CI 26.9 to 32.0) points.

Each question counts one answer: that a household has a gun, that the respondent owns one, or that the respondent favors a policy. A gap is the difference between the parties in the share giving that answer, in points, written so that a positive gap means the party that favors that side is higher. For stricter rules the gap is the Democratic share minus the Republican share, and for owning a gun, easing concealed carry and prohibiting the publication of owners' names it is the Republican share minus the Democratic share. Party includes leaners, independents are the respondents who lean toward neither party, and every interval is a 95% confidence interval. In person means interviewed in person, which covers every GSS respondent before 2004. Each survey words its questions in its own way (Table 1), so no line in this chapter joins two surveys. The American National Election Studies (ANES), the Cooperative Election Study (CES) and Nationscape ask about other policies, and each shows a party gap in the expected direction on every item it asks.Shares use the survey weights and cover respondents who answered the item: 47,521 in 30 GSS surveys for a gun in the home, 50,498 in 32 for the police permit, 22,800 in 6 ANES studies for the question on buying a gun, and 443,846 CES and 476,723 Nationscape respondents on at least one gun item. Intervals use the Kish effective sample size [1] and treat the weighted sample as if respondents had been drawn one by one. A design-based interval that uses the GSS strata and primary sampling units, which the survey records from 1975, is 6.8 (95% CI 3.9 to 9.8) for the 1973 to 1980 ownership gap and 27.7 (95% CI 25.0 to 30.3) for 2016 to 2024, against 6.8 (95% CI 4.0 to 9.7) and 27.7 (95% CI 24.9 to 30.4) here, so the simplification changes them little; the 1973 and 1974 respondents have no design variables. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, so their intervals rest on a model and say nothing about who chose to join.

Schuman and Presser asked why national surveys showed strong support for gun registration while legislatures did not enact it. They found that question wording matters and that opponents hold their views more strongly than supporters, and that neither fully explains the difference [2]. Joslyn and coauthors used the GSS from 1972 to 2012 and report that owning a firearm is associated with voting for Republican presidential candidates across the election cycles they examine [3]. The GSS measures ownership from one respondent's report about the home, and Smith, Laken and Son find that husbands report a gun in the home more often than wives [4]. This chapter describes how ownership and policy answers line up with party, a case of party sorting in which an answer that once cut across the parties comes to follow them, and it does not test either account. Chapter 4.1, The abortion sort and Chapter 4.2, Immigration follow two other issues in the same way.

Table 1. Each survey words its gun questions differently and counts a different answer

Ownership fell among Democrats and independents and changed less among Republicans

Table 2 plots the share with a gun in the home in each GSS survey year. Pooled over 1973 to 1980 the Democratic share was 47.3% and the independent share 48.5%. Pooled over 2016 to 2024 they were 25.3% and 27.4%, falls of 22.0 (95% CI 19.7 to 24.4) and 21.1 (95% CI 16.7 to 25.5) points. The Republican share was 54.2% and then 53.0%, and its change has an interval that includes zero and excludes a fall as large as either of the other two. The gap between Republicans and Democrats therefore grew by 20.8 (95% CI 16.8 to 24.8) points as Democrats and independents fell and Republicans changed less.

Table 2. Household gun ownership fell among Democrats and independents and changed less among Republicans

The pooled Republican comparison hides a dip and depends on how the data are cut. The Republican share was between 44.0% and 47.6% in the surveys of 1998 to 2006, and pooled over them it was 45.9%, a change of −8.2 (95% CI −11.4 to −5.1) points from 1973 to 1980. It was back near its early level from 2008 on. Among respondents interviewed in person in 2016 to 2024 the Republican change is −4.6 (95% CI −8.9 to −0.3) points and the gap is 24.7 (95% CI 20.4 to 29.1) points. Among those interviewed on the web the change is +1.6 (95% CI −2.2 to 5.5) points and the gap 29.6 (95% CI 25.7 to 33.4) points, a web minus in-person difference in the gap of 4.8 (95% CI −1.0 to 10.7) points that includes zero. Counting every refusal as a nonowner gives a Republican change of −3.7 (95% CI −6.9 to −0.6) points, and counting every refusal as an owner gives +1.1 (95% CI −2.1 to 4.2). The same two rules put the 2016 to 2024 gap between 25.1 and 29.5 points. The cuts disagree on whether the Republican change differs from zero, and all of them put it far below the Democratic fall.

The Democratic fall came in steps. The share was 39.2% in 1996 and 29.1% in 2000, a fall of 10.1 (95% CI 5.0 to 15.2) points, and it was 21.3% in 2010. From 22.0% in 2016 to 27.4% in 2024 it changed by +5.4 (95% CI −0.2 to 10.9) points, an interval that includes zero. Chapter 4.7, Sort dates by attitude dates a party gap by the survey year in which it passes 0.25 standard deviations (SD) of the answers and stays above that mark. Applied to a gun in the home, the point estimate passes the mark in 1998 and the lower end of the interval in 2008, and the upper end of the interval has stayed above it since 1993, so the data allow dates from 1993 to 2008. This chapter standardizes over the Democratic and Republican identifiers in each survey, and that chapter standardizes over all respondents with the item. The dates are the same either way.

The personal ownership question gives a different Republican result. It is a follow-up that asks respondents who report a gun in the home whether any gun belongs to them, and it starts in 1980. In 1980 the share personally owning a gun was 29.6% among Democrats and 31.5% among Republicans, and in 2016 to 2024 it was 15.8% and 38.6%. The Democratic share fell by 13.8 (95% CI 9.5 to 18.1) points and the Republican share changed by +7.1 (95% CI 1.5 to 12.8) points, so the gap grew from 1.8 (95% CI −4.8 to 8.4) to 22.8 (95% CI 20.2 to 25.3) points. The Republican change depends on mode. It is +3.5 (95% CI −2.7 to 9.8) points among respondents interviewed in person, an interval that includes zero, and +9.7 (95% CI 3.7 to 15.8) points among those interviewed on the web. The in-person Republican share runs from 33.1% to 38.3% across the 2016 to 2024 surveys and the web share from 40.0% to 42.7%, so the Republican rise in personal ownership coincides with the web surveys and is not an established change.

Republican respondents refuse the household question more often than Democrats. In 2016 to 2024 5.4% of Republican respondents refused or skipped it against 1.0% of Democrats, and in 1973 to 1980 the shares were 0.5% and 0.6%. The estimates above drop these respondents. Smith, Laken and Son estimate that most respondents who refused the question in the surveys of 1973 to 2012 were gun owners [4]. That estimate does not cover 2016 to 2024, but if it carries over, the dropped-refusal gap is more likely to be too low than too high, and the range from 25.1 to 29.5 points does not change the pattern.

Support for a police permit fell among Republicans

The GSS has asked whether respondents favor a law requiring a police permit before buying a gun in 32 surveys since 1972. In 1973 to 1980 75.1% of Democrats and 71.0% of Republicans were in favor, a gap of 4.1 (95% CI 1.8 to 6.5) points. In 2016 to 2024 the shares were 82.9% and 53.5% (Table 3). The Republican share fell by 17.5 (95% CI 14.5 to 20.4) points, the Democratic share rose by 7.8 (95% CI 5.9 to 9.8) points, and the independent share changed by −5.9 (95% CI −9.8 to −2.0) points. Among respondents interviewed in person the Republican fall is 12.6 (95% CI 8.7 to 16.6) points and the Democratic rise 6.7 (95% CI 4.1 to 9.2) points, so the gap is 23.4 (95% CI 19.3 to 27.5) points in person against 34.5 (95% CI 30.9 to 38.1) on the web, a web minus in-person difference of 11.1 (95% CI 5.6 to 16.5) points. That comparison mixes mode and survey year. The interval for the Republican share in 2016 to 2024 lies above an even split, so most Republican identifiers still favor a permit in these data, and so do 68.7% of all respondents, against 73.6% in 1973 to 1980. Majority support for a gun measure in surveys is the setting of the study by Schuman and Presser [2], who asked how strongly respondents hold their views. The GSS has no measure of strength.

Table 3. Support for a police permit to buy a gun rose among Democrats and fell among Republicans

Table 4 puts the ownership gap, the permit gap and the ANES gap on one axis. By the dating rule of Chapter 4.7, Sort dates by attitude, the gap in opposing a permit passes 0.25 SD by its point estimate in 2000 and by its lower bound in 2014, against 1998 and 2008 for ownership. The point-estimate dates fall in adjacent surveys, and the upper end of the interval stays above the mark from 1993 for the permit item as it does for ownership. The difference between the two z-scored gaps, ownership minus permit, has an interval that excludes zero in 1987, 2021 and 2022 and in no survey from 1993 to 2018, so the data do not order the two openings.

The ANES asks whether the government should make buying a gun more difficult, easier, or leave the rules as they are, in six studies from 2000 to 2020. The Democratic share saying more difficult was 68.9% in 2000 and 75.3% in 2020, a change of +6.4 (95% CI 2.5 to 10.4) points. The Republican share was 44.5% and 22.4%, a fall of 22.2 (95% CI 17.6 to 26.7) points, and the gap grew from 24.4 (95% CI 19.0 to 29.7) to 53.0 (95% CI 50.2 to 55.8) points. The ANES gap is already above the mark in its first study, where the lower end of the 2000 interval is 0.38 SD, so the ANES cannot say when the gap opened. The cumulative file does not have the item for 2024, and the 2024 Time Series, a separate file, asks it with the same three answers. In it 82.2% of Democrats and 31.5% of Republicans favor making buying a gun more difficult, a gap of 50.7 (95% CI 47.0 to 54.3) points. From 2020 to 2024 the Democratic share changed by +6.9 (95% CI 3.9 to 9.9) points, the Republican share by +9.1 (95% CI 5.7 to 12.6) points and the gap by −2.3 (95% CI −6.9 to 2.3) points, an interval that includes zero. The 2020 study had no in-person interviews and the 2024 study mixes modes, so that change mixes mode and time.

Table 4. The party gaps on gun ownership and gun permits were at most 13.2 points through 1996 and at least 17.4 points from 2008

The permit gap holds among owners and nonowners

A party difference in support for a permit could be a difference in who owns guns. Among respondents who answered both questions, the gap in favoring a permit in 2016 to 2024 was 28.1 (95% CI 23.8 to 32.4) points among respondents with a gun in the home and 22.1 (95% CI 18.5 to 25.6) points among those without one, so it is larger among owners than among nonowners by 6.0 (95% CI 0.5 to 11.6) points. In 1973 to 1980 the two gaps were 0.9 (95% CI −3.1 to 4.9) and 3.2 (95% CI 0.2 to 6.3) points. Within each party, owners are less likely than nonowners to favor a permit. Among Democrats the shares are 75.3% and 85.8%, a difference of −10.6 (95% CI −14.0 to −7.2) points, and among Republicans 47.2% and 63.8%, a difference of −16.6 (95% CI −21.0 to −12.2) points. A Democratic owner is more likely to favor a permit than a Republican nonowner, by 11.5 (95% CI 7.1 to 15.9) points, which is the amount by which the party gap among nonowners exceeds the owner difference among Democrats. Against the owner difference among Republicans the nonowner gap is larger by 5.5 (95% CI −1.8 to 12.8) points, an interval that includes zero.

The ownership gap appears within regions and kinds of community

Ownership differs by place, so the party gap could be a place gap. Table 5 compares the parties within four census regions and four community types. In 2016 to 2024 the Republican share is higher in every row, by between 14.0 and 29.3 points. The gap is smallest in point terms in rural areas (14.0 (95% CI 4.5 to 23.5)), where Democrats are most likely to have a gun (57.1%). The rural cells are small. The Democratic cell has 267 respondents, 4.4% of Democratic respondents in 2016 to 2024. In 1973 to 1980 the gap ran from −1.5 to 16.8 points and its interval included zero in 4 of 8 rows. It was largest in the Northeast (16.8 (95% CI 11.0 to 22.5)), where Democrats were least likely to have a gun (22.7%), and near zero in rural areas (2.1 (95% CI −3.2 to 7.5)) and in the West and in small cities and towns.

Table 5. Republicans were more likely than Democrats to live in a household with a gun in every region and kind of community

Place relates to ownership within each party. In 2016 to 2024 57.1% of Democrats in rural areas had a gun in the home against 18.9% in central cities, a difference of 38.2 (95% CI 30.4 to 46.0) points, and among Republicans the shares were 71.1% and 39.6%, a difference of 31.5 (95% CI 23.7 to 39.3) points. Democrats in rural areas were more likely to have a gun than Republicans in central cities by 17.5 (95% CI 8.5 to 26.6) points, and the difference was 31.9 (95% CI 25.9 to 38.0) points in 1973 to 1980.

The place mix of the Democratic Party also changed. The share of Democratic respondents living in suburbs rose from 36.9% to 57.1%, and the share in rural areas fell from 16.5% to 4.4%. Because rural respondents are most likely to have a gun, part of the Democratic fall could be a change in where Democrats live. Net of region and community type, in a linear probability model with the region by community interaction and HC3 errors, the Democratic change is −18.7 (95% CI −21.0 to −16.3) points against −22.0 (95% CI −24.4 to −19.7) without them, and the Republican change is −1.2 (95% CI −4.4 to 2.1) points. The gap in 2016 to 2024 net of place is 23.6 (95% CI 20.9 to 26.4) points against 27.7 (95% CI 24.9 to 30.4) raw, and in 1973 to 1980 it is 4.5 (95% CI 1.8 to 7.3) against 6.8 (95% CI 4.0 to 9.7). Adjusting for place lowers each gap by a few points and leaves most of both. The same model puts the 2016 to 2024 permit gap at 28.0 (95% CI 25.3 to 30.7) points against 29.4 (95% CI 26.9 to 32.0) raw.

The racial mix of the Democratic Party also changed, from 84.2% White among Democratic respondents in 1973 to 1980 to 64.7% in 2016 to 2024. Among White respondents alone, the Democratic share with a gun in the home fell from 49.4% to 28.1%, a change of −21.3 (95% CI −24.1 to −18.6) points, and the Republican share changed by +1.7 (95% CI −1.6 to 5.0) points, so the Democratic fall holds among White respondents. Chapter 8.3, Party and place compares party gaps on the CES gun item with gaps between counties of different partisan lean.

The size of the gap depends on the policy item

Table 6 plots five CES items. Background checks draw support from both parties, 95.9% of Democrats and 81.5% of Republicans in 2021, a gap of 14.3 (95% CI 13.2 to 15.5) points that is smaller than the gap of 17.2 (95% CI 15.5 to 18.9) points in 2013. The gap on banning assault rifles grew from 42.1 (95% CI 39.9 to 44.3) points in 2013 to 55.8 (95% CI 54.3 to 57.3) in 2021, and the Republican share in support fell by 10.5 (95% CI 8.3 to 12.7) points while the Democratic share changed by +3.2 (95% CI 1.7 to 4.7) points. The items that favor the gun side moved on the Democratic side. On easier concealed-carry permits the gap grew from 36.4 (95% CI 34.1 to 38.7) to 44.1 (95% CI 42.6 to 45.7) points, with a Democratic change of −6.2 (95% CI −7.8 to −4.5) points and a Republican change of +1.6 (95% CI −0.7 to 3.8) points. On prohibiting the publication of owners' names the gap grew from 22.6 (95% CI 20.2 to 24.9) points in 2013 to 30.8 (95% CI 29.6 to 31.9) in 2020, with a Democratic change of −9.4 (95% CI −11.3 to −7.6) points and a Republican change of −1.2 (95% CI −3.1 to 0.6) points.

Table 6. In the CES the party gap grew on assault rifles, concealed carry and owners' names and did not grow on background checks

The cumulative CES file reverses the coding of one health care item in 2014. A check of every gun item in every year found no reversal. The party expected to favor each item is higher in all 34 item-years, with an interval above zero. The wording and coding follow the guide to the cumulative file [5]. The CES stems change in 2016, 2019 and 2021, and the file has no gun item in 2022 to 2024.

Nationscape interviewed adults every week from July 2019 [6], and Table 7 pools the weeks through December 2020. In Nationscape 29.5% of Democrats and 51.5% of Republicans lived in a household with a gun, a gap of 22.0 (95% CI 21.5 to 22.5) points. That is smaller than the 2016 to 2024 GSS gap and about equal to the ANES 2024 gap of 23.6 (95% CI 19.6 to 27.7) points, where the shares were 28.6% and 52.2%. Background checks drew 95.0% of Democrats and 89.2% of Republicans, a gap of 5.8 (95% CI 5.5 to 6.1) points. The gaps were 34.6 (95% CI 34.1 to 35.1) on banning assault rifles, 35.5 (95% CI 34.4 to 36.6) on putting control over ownership above the right to own, and 21.0 (95% CI 20.6 to 21.5) on banning all guns, which 32.8% of Democrats and 11.8% of Republicans favored. Between July to December 2019 and July to December 2020 no gap changed by more than 2.2 points. Levels differ across surveys with the answers offered. The Republican share favoring background checks is 81.5% in the 2021 CES, 80.4% in the 2024 ANES, where neither favor nor oppose is an answer, and 89.2% in Nationscape.

Table 7. In Nationscape the parties differed on every gun item and differed least on background checks

The gaps are above zero within each interview mode

The GSS moved from in-person interviews to the web. Of the 2021 respondents who answered the household question, 87% were interviewed on the web, and the 2022 and 2024 surveys used both modes. The ANES added a web sample in 2012, and the 2020 study had no in-person interviews and no separate weights by mode [7]. Table 8 splits the gaps by interview mode. Every gap is above zero in every mode, and web and in-person gaps differ by more than sampling error in one of 7 comparisons, the 2024 GSS permit gap, which is 34.2 (95% CI 26.2 to 42.3) points on the web and 18.4 (95% CI 7.6 to 29.1) in person, a difference of 15.9 (95% CI 2.4 to 29.3) points.

Table 8. Every party gap is above zero within each interview mode, and web and in-person gaps differ by more than sampling error only on the 2024 GSS permit item

The in-person GSS ownership gap was 27.3 (95% CI 19.9 to 34.6) points in 2018 and 25.9 (95% CI 14.4 to 37.3) in 2024, and the web gap was 28.7 (95% CI 24.2 to 33.3) in 2021 and 34.1 (95% CI 25.2 to 43.1) in 2024, so the ownership gap is present in each mode. Pooled over 2016 to 2024 the in-person ownership gap is 24.7 (95% CI 20.4 to 29.1) points, and the in-person Republican change from 1973 to 1980 is −4.6 (95% CI −8.9 to −0.3) points. The latest movement in the permit gap depends on mode more clearly. Pooled over 2016 to 2024 the permit gap is 23.4 (95% CI 19.3 to 27.5) points in person and 34.5 (95% CI 30.9 to 38.1) on the web. The mostly web survey of 2021 gives a permit gap of 35.4 (95% CI 31.1 to 39.7) points against 22.8 (95% CI 16.0 to 29.7) among in-person respondents in 2018, a difference of 12.6 (95% CI 4.5 to 20.7) points that mixes mode and time. In person, neither the 2022 nor the 2024 permit gap differs from the 2018 gap by more than sampling error, so the rise from 2018 to 2021 is not matched by an in-person rise.

The ANES gap on buying a gun was 45.4 (95% CI 38.7 to 52.1) points in person and 42.2 (95% CI 38.0 to 46.3) on the web in 2016. It rose by 9.9 (95% CI 5.4 to 14.4) points from 2016 to 2020, the year of the mode change, and the 2020 study has no weights by mode, so the ANES cannot separate that rise from the change of mode.

Democrats changed more on owning guns and Republicans on regulating sales

Each survey shows its change mostly on one side of the issue (Table 9). On the household gun item the Democratic share changed by −22.0 (95% CI −24.4 to −19.7) points and the Republican share by −1.2 (95% CI −4.4 to 2.0). On concealed carry the Democratic share changed by −6.2 (95% CI −7.8 to −4.5) points against +1.6 (95% CI −0.7 to 3.8) for Republicans, and on owners' names by −9.4 (95% CI −11.3 to −7.6) against −1.2 (95% CI −3.1 to 0.6). The Democratic change is larger in size than the Republican change on these items, by 20.8 (95% CI 16.8 to 24.8), 4.6 (95% CI 1.8 to 7.4) and 8.2 (95% CI 5.6 to 10.8) points. On the items about regulating sales the larger change is Republican. The GSS permit share changed by −17.5 (95% CI −20.4 to −14.5) points among Republicans against +7.8 (95% CI 5.9 to 9.8) among Democrats, the ANES share saying buying a gun should be more difficult by −22.2 (95% CI −26.7 to −17.6) against +6.4 (95% CI 2.5 to 10.4), and the CES assault rifle share by −10.5 (95% CI −12.7 to −8.3) against +3.2 (95% CI 1.7 to 4.7). The Republican change is larger in size by 9.6 (95% CI 6.1 to 13.1), 15.7 (95% CI 9.7 to 21.8) and 7.2 (95% CI 4.6 to 9.9) points. Independents moved with the party that moved. Their household ownership share fell by 21.1 (95% CI 16.7 to 25.5) points, like Democrats, and their ANES share saying buying a gun should be more difficult changed by −15.5 (95% CI −24.1 to −6.8) points, closer to the Republican change.

Table 9. Democrats changed more on owning and carrying guns and Republicans changed more on regulating sales, except for personal ownership and background checks

Personal ownership and background checks do not follow the pattern. Personal ownership changed by −13.8 (95% CI −18.1 to −9.5) points among Democrats and +7.1 (95% CI 1.5 to 12.8) among Republicans, and the sizes of the two changes differ by 6.7 (95% CI −0.4 to 13.8) points, an interval that includes zero. The CES background check share rose by +3.8 (95% CI 1.9 to 5.7) points among Republicans and +1.0 (95% CI 0.1 to 1.8) among Democrats, so the Republican change runs the opposite way to the Republican falls on the other items about regulating sales.

What these data cannot show

Each survey draws a new sample, so a change in a party's share can come from people changing their view, changing their party or being replaced by new adults, and these data cannot separate the three. A Democratic fall in gun ownership could be Democrats who gave up a gun, gun owners who left the party, or younger Democrats who never owned one. The ownership results are not evidence that ownership changed party loyalty or that party loyalty changed ownership, which Joslyn and coauthors study with vote choice [3]. The chapter has no birth cohort breakdown and does not date when any individual changed.

The ownership measures are reports. One respondent answers for the home, so the household share depends on who answers, and Smith, Laken and Son show that husbands and wives report differently [4]. Refusals are about 5.4% of Republican respondents in 2016 to 2024, and the bounds treat them as all owners or none, which leaves the Republican change in household ownership uncertain. The items count guns in the home or owned, not how many guns, what kind, whether they are carried or how they are stored. The policy items each name one proposal, so the chapter says nothing about other debates such as laws on carrying a gun without a permit or on removing guns from people judged to be dangerous, and it has no measure of how strongly respondents hold a view, which was the question in the study by Schuman and Presser [2].

Wording limits every comparison across surveys. The CES items are for or against a proposal in a list, the ANES 2024 items offer a middle answer, and the Nationscape items offer not sure, so the levels differ by survey even where the gaps agree. The ANES 2024 buying a gun point comes from the separate Time Series file, and the GSS and ANES samples after 2020 mix or change interview mode, which affects the latest permit result, the Republican personal ownership rise and the 2020 ANES step. The GSS intervals treat respondents as drawn one by one; the design-based check above changes the pooled gaps little. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, and the gun items in the CES end in 2021. Place is the respondent's own community type and census region, which are not the county and say nothing about rural counties as a whole. The chapter has no result on firearm deaths, which Planned, Firearm deaths and the vote (planned) is planned to take up.

Tables

Table 1. Each survey words its gun questions differently and counts a different answer

Question wording or file label, answers offered, years used, the answer counted and the direction of the gap, by survey and item

Survey	Item	Question wording or file label	Answers	Years used	Answer counted	Gap
GSS	Gun in the home (owngun)	Do you happen to have in your home (if house: or garage) any guns or revolvers?	Yes, no (refused is missing)	1973, 1974, 1976, 1977, 1980, 1982, 1984, 1985, 1987 to 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024	Yes	Republican minus Democratic
GSS	Gun owned by the respondent (rowngun)	Do any of these guns personally belong to you? Asked of respondents who report a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning	Yes, no (refused is missing)	1980, 1982, 1984, 1985, 1987 to 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024	Yes	Republican minus Democratic
GSS	Police permit (gunlaw)	Would you favor or oppose a law which would require a person to obtain a police permit before he or she could buy a gun?	Favor, oppose	1972 to 1977, 1980, 1982, 1984, 1985, 1987 to 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024	Favor	Democratic minus Republican
ANES cumulative file	Buying a gun (VCF9238)	Should the government make it more difficult or easier to buy a gun, or should the rules stay the same as they are now? (file label)	More difficult, keep the rules about the same, make it easier	2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020	More difficult	Democratic minus Republican
ANES 2024	Buying a gun (V242325)	Should federal government make it more difficult or easier to buy a gun (file label; the cumulative file lacks this item for 2024)	More difficult, easier, keep these rules about the same	2024	More difficult	Democratic minus Republican
ANES 2024	Background checks (V242326)	Favor or oppose background checks for gun purchases (file label)	Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose	2024	Favor	Democratic minus Republican
ANES 2024	Assault-style rifles (V242329)	Favor or oppose banning 'assault-style' rifles (file label)	Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose	2024	Favor	Democratic minus Republican
ANES 2024	Guns in the household (V241583)	How many guns in household (file label; asked before the election)	A number of guns, 0 for none	2024	One or more	Republican minus Democratic
CES	Firearm sale laws (guns_scale)	In general, do you feel that the laws covering the sale of firearms should be made more strict, less strict, or kept as they are?	More strict, less strict, kept as they are	2010, 2012	More strict	Democratic minus Republican
CES	Background checks (guns_bgchecks)	On the issue of gun regulation, are you for or against each of the following proposals? Background checks for all sales, including at gun shows and over the Internet (2016: support or oppose; 2019: the item alone; 2021: Require criminal background checks on all gun sales)	For or support, against or oppose	2013 to 2019, 2021	Support	Democratic minus Republican
CES	Assault rifles (guns_assaultban)	Ban assault rifles (same stem as the background checks item)	For or support, against or oppose	2013 to 2021	Support	Democratic minus Republican
CES	Concealed carry (guns_permits)	Make it easier for people to obtain concealed-carry permit (2014: concealed weapons permits)	For or support, against or oppose	2013 to 2021	Support	Republican minus Democratic
CES	Owners' names (guns_names)	Prohibit state and local governments from publishing the names and addresses of all gun owners	For or support, against or oppose	2013 to 2017, 2020	Support	Republican minus Democratic
Nationscape	Household gun (gun_household)	Respondent or household member owns a gun (file description)	Yes, no	77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020	Yes	Republican minus Democratic
Nationscape	Background checks	Require background checks for all gun purchases (file description)	Agree, disagree, not sure	77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020	Agree	Democratic minus Republican
Nationscape	Registry	Create a public government registry of gun ownership (file description)	Agree, disagree, not sure	77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020	Agree	Democratic minus Republican
Nationscape	Assault rifles	Ban assault rifles (file description)	Agree, disagree, not sure	77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020	Agree	Democratic minus Republican
Nationscape	Magazines	Limit gun magazines to 10 bullets (file description)	Agree, disagree, not sure	77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020	Agree	Democratic minus Republican
Nationscape	Ban all guns	Ban all guns (file description)	Agree, disagree, not sure	77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020	Agree	Democratic minus Republican
Nationscape	Control over rights	It is more important for government to control who owns guns than to protect the right to own guns (file description)	Four answers from strongly agree to strongly disagree	65 weekly waves, Sep 2019 to Dec 2020	Agree or agree strongly	Democratic minus Republican

Note: A gap is written so that it is positive when the party that favors that side is higher: Democratic minus Republican for the gun control answers and Republican minus Democratic for owning a gun, easing concealed carry and prohibiting publication of owners' names.

Note: CES wording is quoted from the guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences file; the file's own item labels are shorter. ANES and Nationscape rows give the file label or description because the full question text was not checked. The cumulative-file label for the buying-a-gun item says the government and the 2024 label says the federal government; the chapter does not claim the questions differ, and the answers are the same three in a different code order.

Note: The CES gun items are for or against each proposal in a list, so a middle answer is not offered; the ANES 2024 background check and assault rifle items offer neither favor nor oppose, which counts as not favoring.

Source: General Social Survey, ANES Cumulative Data File and 2024 Time Series, CES cumulative policy preferences guide and Nationscape codebook; question wording only, no weights apply

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/wording.json

Table 2. Household gun ownership fell among Democrats and independents and changed less among Republicans

Share of respondents with a gun in the home, by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; General Social Survey, 1973 to 2024; 95% intervals

Measure	Group	Year	Share (%)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
Household has a gun	Democrats	1973	43.8	40.0	47.5	797
Household has a gun	Democrats	1974	44.0	40.3	47.8	817
Household has a gun	Democrats	1976	47.8	44.0	51.6	823
Household has a gun	Democrats	1977	51.8	48.0	55.5	868
Household has a gun	Democrats	1980	49.1	44.7	53.5	749
Household has a gun	Democrats	1982	48.2	44.2	52.1	1,098
Household has a gun	Democrats	1984	42.1	37.7	46.5	748
Household has a gun	Democrats	1985	45.9	41.4	50.5	747
Household has a gun	Democrats	1987	44.0	40.2	47.9	1,020
Household has a gun	Democrats	1988	39.0	34.1	43.9	481
Household has a gun	Democrats	1989	42.4	37.4	47.5	478
Household has a gun	Democrats	1990	40.3	34.8	45.9	385
Household has a gun	Democrats	1991	43.6	38.2	49.0	425
Household has a gun	Democrats	1993	41.0	36.2	45.9	503
Household has a gun	Democrats	1994	39.1	35.6	42.7	937
Household has a gun	Democrats	1996	39.2	35.6	42.9	874
Household has a gun	Democrats	1998	32.1	28.6	35.7	879
Household has a gun	Democrats	2000	29.1	25.5	32.7	819
Household has a gun	Democrats	2002	32.3	27.0	37.7	408
Household has a gun	Democrats	2004	30.3	25.0	35.6	394
Household has a gun	Democrats	2006	29.0	25.2	32.8	845
Household has a gun	Democrats	2008	27.7	23.4	31.9	634
Household has a gun	Democrats	2010	21.3	17.1	25.5	571
Household has a gun	Democrats	2012	25.9	21.6	30.2	597
Household has a gun	Democrats	2014	25.5	21.8	29.1	781
Household has a gun	Democrats	2016	22.0	18.5	25.4	894
Household has a gun	Democrats	2018	23.8	19.8	27.8	705
Household has a gun	Democrats	2021	25.4	22.9	27.9	1,819
Household has a gun	Democrats	2022	27.7	23.4	32.1	963
Household has a gun	Democrats	2024	27.4	23.0	31.7	830
Household has a gun	Independents	1973	56.5	47.3	65.7	138
Household has a gun	Independents	1974	47.4	38.3	56.5	144
Household has a gun	Independents	1976	46.1	39.0	53.3	235
Household has a gun	Independents	1977	48.9	40.7	57.1	174
Household has a gun	Independents	1980	46.6	38.7	54.5	246
Household has a gun	Independents	1982	49.7	41.5	57.9	219
Household has a gun	Independents	1984	37.2	28.6	45.7	160
Household has a gun	Independents	1987	42.5	34.3	50.6	197
Household has a gun	Independents	1989	44.9	35.3	54.5	124
Household has a gun	Independents	1994	37.8	30.9	44.7	246
Household has a gun	Independents	1996	40.9	34.7	47.0	305
Household has a gun	Independents	1998	30.1	24.3	36.0	311
Household has a gun	Independents	2000	28.4	23.2	33.7	361
Household has a gun	Independents	2002	28.8	20.5	37.2	166
Household has a gun	Independents	2004	31.9	23.2	40.6	145
Household has a gun	Independents	2006	29.2	23.9	34.5	413
Household has a gun	Independents	2008	27.6	20.7	34.5	221
Household has a gun	Independents	2010	31.7	24.1	39.3	225
Household has a gun	Independents	2012	26.7	19.7	33.6	252
Household has a gun	Independents	2014	22.9	17.5	28.3	316
Household has a gun	Independents	2016	31.8	25.2	38.4	304
Household has a gun	Independents	2018	31.3	24.2	38.5	267
Household has a gun	Independents	2021	25.4	21.6	29.1	785
Household has a gun	Independents	2022	23.5	17.7	29.3	535
Household has a gun	Independents	2024	29.9	24.4	35.4	544
Household has a gun	Republicans	1973	54.7	49.9	59.6	473
Household has a gun	Republicans	1974	52.3	47.1	57.4	428
Household has a gun	Republicans	1976	54.0	48.7	59.3	410
Household has a gun	Republicans	1977	55.6	50.6	60.6	461
Household has a gun	Republicans	1980	54.1	48.5	59.6	448
Household has a gun	Republicans	1982	53.5	48.0	59.0	495
Household has a gun	Republicans	1984	55.3	49.9	60.8	522
Household has a gun	Republicans	1985	47.4	42.5	52.3	607
Household has a gun	Republicans	1987	51.7	46.9	56.5	563
Household has a gun	Republicans	1988	51.2	45.5	56.9	358
Household has a gun	Republicans	1989	52.5	47.2	57.9	417
Household has a gun	Republicans	1990	49.3	43.8	54.8	409
Household has a gun	Republicans	1991	45.8	40.5	51.0	416
Household has a gun	Republicans	1993	52.5	47.0	58.0	418
Household has a gun	Republicans	1994	51.5	47.5	55.6	733
Household has a gun	Republicans	1996	49.6	45.6	53.7	703
Household has a gun	Republicans	1998	46.5	42.1	50.8	630
Household has a gun	Republicans	2000	47.1	42.8	51.5	609
Household has a gun	Republicans	2002	47.6	41.2	53.9	319
Household has a gun	Republicans	2004	45.0	38.9	51.1	326
Household has a gun	Republicans	2006	44.0	39.5	48.5	666
Household has a gun	Republicans	2008	50.4	45.0	55.9	441
Household has a gun	Republicans	2010	48.8	42.7	54.8	398
Household has a gun	Republicans	2012	53.6	47.2	59.9	385
Household has a gun	Republicans	2014	52.1	47.1	57.1	502
Household has a gun	Republicans	2016	45.8	40.9	50.7	576
Household has a gun	Republicans	2018	52.1	46.4	57.8	490
Household has a gun	Republicans	2021	54.6	51.2	58.1	1,177
Household has a gun	Republicans	2022	51.7	45.3	58.1	667
Household has a gun	Republicans	2024	58.1	53.1	63.1	712
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1973	43.8	40.0	47.5	797
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1974	44.0	40.3	47.8	817
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1976	47.8	44.0	51.6	823
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1977	51.8	48.0	55.5	868
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1980	49.1	44.7	53.5	749
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1982	48.2	44.2	52.1	1,098
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1984	42.1	37.7	46.5	748
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1985	45.9	41.4	50.5	747
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1987	44.0	40.2	47.9	1,020
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1988	39.0	34.1	43.9	481
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1989	42.4	37.4	47.5	478
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1990	40.3	34.8	45.9	385
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1991	43.6	38.2	49.0	425
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1993	41.0	36.2	45.9	503
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1994	39.1	35.6	42.7	937
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1996	39.2	35.6	42.9	874
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	1998	32.1	28.6	35.7	879
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2000	29.1	25.5	32.7	819
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2002	32.3	27.0	37.7	408
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2004	28.8	22.7	34.9	297
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2006	29.2	25.4	33.0	793
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2008	29.2	24.5	33.8	556
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2010	21.3	16.9	25.8	511
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2012	25.7	21.0	30.3	522
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2014	25.8	21.9	29.8	678
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2016	22.4	18.8	26.0	828
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2018	24.7	20.4	29.0	633
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2022	28.8	22.4	35.3	432
Household has a gun (in person)	Democrats	2024	25.4	18.3	32.5	284
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1973	56.5	47.3	65.7	138
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1974	47.4	38.3	56.5	144
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1976	46.1	39.0	53.3	235
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1977	48.9	40.7	57.1	174
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1980	46.6	38.7	54.5	246
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1982	49.7	41.5	57.9	219
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1984	37.2	28.6	45.7	160
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1987	42.5	34.3	50.6	197
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1989	44.9	35.3	54.5	124
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1994	37.8	30.9	44.7	246
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1996	40.9	34.7	47.0	305
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	1998	30.1	24.3	36.0	311
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	2000	28.4	23.2	33.7	361
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	2002	28.8	20.5	37.2	166
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	2006	27.9	22.4	33.3	389
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	2008	27.3	19.9	34.7	190
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	2010	31.8	23.7	39.9	203
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	2012	26.7	19.2	34.2	221
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	2014	22.9	17.0	28.8	264
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	2016	31.3	24.5	38.1	290
Household has a gun (in person)	Independents	2018	30.9	23.1	38.7	229
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1973	54.7	49.9	59.6	473
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1974	52.3	47.1	57.4	428
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1976	54.0	48.7	59.3	410
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1977	55.6	50.6	60.6	461
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1980	54.1	48.5	59.6	448
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1982	53.5	48.0	59.0	495
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1984	55.3	49.9	60.8	522
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1985	47.4	42.5	52.3	607
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1987	51.7	46.9	56.5	563
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1988	51.2	45.5	56.9	358
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1989	52.5	47.2	57.9	417
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1990	49.3	43.8	54.8	409
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1991	45.8	40.5	51.0	416
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1993	52.5	47.0	58.0	418
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1994	51.5	47.5	55.6	733
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1996	49.6	45.6	53.7	703
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	1998	46.5	42.1	50.8	630
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2000	47.1	42.8	51.5	609
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2002	47.6	41.2	53.9	319
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2004	42.4	35.7	49.1	261
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2006	43.3	38.8	47.9	623
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2008	50.3	44.6	56.0	393
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2010	48.4	42.1	54.7	358
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2012	55.4	48.7	62.0	321
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2014	50.8	45.5	56.1	441
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2016	46.3	41.2	51.4	536
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2018	52.0	46.0	57.9	441
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2022	50.4	40.8	60.0	307
Household has a gun (in person)	Republicans	2024	51.2	42.2	60.3	244
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1980	29.6	25.6	33.7	733
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1982	28.8	25.2	32.4	1,077
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1984	23.9	20.1	27.8	747
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1985	28.9	24.8	33.1	746
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1987	26.8	23.3	30.2	1,013
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1988	25.2	20.8	29.5	479
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1989	25.1	20.7	29.6	477
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1990	25.4	20.5	30.3	385
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1991	30.1	25.1	35.1	423
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1993	28.3	23.9	32.8	503
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1994	25.3	22.2	28.5	937
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1996	24.1	20.9	27.4	870
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	1998	19.6	16.6	22.5	878
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2000	18.3	15.3	21.4	819
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2002	23.4	18.6	28.3	408
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2004	20.6	15.9	25.3	393
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2006	19.0	15.7	22.2	845
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2008	18.4	14.7	22.1	634
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2010	14.3	10.7	17.9	571
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2012	16.9	13.2	20.6	596
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2014	15.8	12.8	18.9	780
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2016	13.9	11.1	16.8	894
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2018	14.6	11.3	18.0	705
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2021	16.7	14.6	18.9	1,818
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2022	17.0	13.4	20.7	963
Respondent owns a gun	Democrats	2024	15.4	11.9	19.0	829
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	1980	26.9	19.8	34.0	240
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	1982	32.8	25.0	40.6	214
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	1984	23.1	15.6	30.5	160
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	1987	28.0	20.6	35.5	195
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	1989	26.4	17.8	34.9	123
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	1994	26.9	20.6	33.2	246
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	1996	25.3	19.9	30.8	304
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	1998	19.2	14.2	24.2	310
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2000	19.1	14.6	23.7	361
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2002	17.4	10.4	24.3	166
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2004	22.9	15.0	30.7	144
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2006	16.7	12.4	21.1	413
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2008	18.0	12.1	24.0	221
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2010	19.0	12.6	25.4	225
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2012	15.6	9.9	21.3	252
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2014	16.5	11.8	21.3	316
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2016	16.9	11.5	22.2	302
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2018	20.3	14.0	26.5	266
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2021	19.0	15.7	22.4	785
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2022	14.8	9.9	19.6	535
Respondent owns a gun	Independents	2024	22.1	17.1	27.1	544
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1980	31.5	26.2	36.7	437
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1982	33.9	28.6	39.2	481
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1984	28.3	23.4	33.2	521
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1985	29.6	25.1	34.1	605
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1987	30.9	26.4	35.4	559
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1988	29.1	23.9	34.3	357
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1989	30.2	25.3	35.2	414
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1990	31.7	26.6	36.8	407
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1991	30.0	25.1	34.9	414
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1993	34.0	28.8	39.2	417
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1994	32.3	28.5	36.1	731
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1996	32.5	28.7	36.2	702
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	1998	30.8	26.7	34.8	627
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2000	31.9	27.8	36.0	608
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2002	37.5	31.4	43.7	319
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2004	30.5	24.8	36.1	326
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2006	28.8	24.7	32.9	665
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2008	33.6	28.5	38.8	441
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2010	32.1	26.5	37.8	397
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2012	36.6	30.4	42.8	384
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2014	38.8	33.9	43.7	501
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2016	32.7	28.1	37.3	575
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2018	34.8	29.3	40.3	490
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2021	41.8	38.4	45.2	1,172
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2022	40.7	34.4	47.0	663
Respondent owns a gun	Republicans	2024	38.7	33.8	43.7	710
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1980	29.6	25.6	33.7	733
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1982	28.8	25.2	32.4	1,077
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1984	23.9	20.1	27.8	747
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1985	28.9	24.8	33.1	746
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1987	26.8	23.3	30.2	1,013
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1988	25.2	20.8	29.5	479
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1989	25.1	20.7	29.6	477
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1990	25.4	20.5	30.3	385
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1991	30.1	25.1	35.1	423
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1993	28.3	23.9	32.8	503
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1994	25.3	22.2	28.5	937
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1996	24.1	20.9	27.4	870
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	1998	19.6	16.6	22.5	878
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2000	18.3	15.3	21.4	819
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2002	23.4	18.6	28.3	408
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2004	20.3	14.9	25.7	296
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2006	19.4	16.0	22.7	793
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2008	19.6	15.6	23.7	556
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2010	15.0	11.1	18.9	511
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2012	16.4	12.4	20.3	521
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2014	15.8	12.5	19.1	677
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2016	14.1	11.1	17.1	828
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2018	15.4	11.8	19.0	633
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2022	16.7	11.4	22.0	432
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Democrats	2024	14.9	9.1	20.8	284
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	1980	26.9	19.8	34.0	240
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	1982	32.8	25.0	40.6	214
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	1984	23.1	15.6	30.5	160
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	1987	28.0	20.6	35.5	195
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	1989	26.4	17.8	34.9	123
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	1994	26.9	20.6	33.2	246
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	1996	25.3	19.9	30.8	304
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	1998	19.2	14.2	24.2	310
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	2000	19.1	14.6	23.7	361
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	2002	17.4	10.4	24.3	166
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	2006	16.5	12.0	21.0	389
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	2008	17.5	11.2	23.8	190
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	2010	19.0	12.2	25.9	203
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	2012	16.4	10.2	22.6	221
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	2014	15.9	10.7	21.0	264
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	2016	16.0	10.6	21.4	288
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Independents	2018	20.7	13.9	27.6	228
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1980	31.5	26.2	36.7	437
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1982	33.9	28.6	39.2	481
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1984	28.3	23.4	33.2	521
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1985	29.6	25.1	34.1	605
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1987	30.9	26.4	35.4	559
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1988	29.1	23.9	34.3	357
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1989	30.2	25.3	35.2	414
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1990	31.7	26.6	36.8	407
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1991	30.0	25.1	34.9	414
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1993	34.0	28.8	39.2	417
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1994	32.3	28.5	36.1	731
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1996	32.5	28.7	36.2	702
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	1998	30.8	26.7	34.8	627
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2000	31.9	27.8	36.0	608
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2002	37.5	31.4	43.7	319
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2004	27.9	21.8	34.0	261
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2006	28.0	23.9	32.1	622
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2008	32.0	26.6	37.3	393
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2010	32.0	26.1	37.9	357
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2012	38.8	32.3	45.3	321
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2014	38.3	33.2	43.5	440
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2016	33.1	28.3	37.9	535
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2018	34.4	28.7	40.1	441
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2022	38.3	28.9	47.6	306
Respondent owns a gun (in person)	Republicans	2024	34.4	25.9	43.0	244

Views: Household has a gun (measure = Household has a gun); Household has a gun (in person) (measure = Household has a gun (in person)); Respondent owns a gun (measure = Respondent owns a gun); Respondent owns a gun (in person) (measure = Respondent owns a gun (in person)).

Note: Household ownership is the answer of one respondent about the home, asked from 1973. Personal ownership is a follow-up to respondents who report a gun in the home, asked from 1980; respondents with no gun in the home count as not owning.

Note: In-person views keep respondents interviewed in person and every survey before 2004, which was in person by design; the 2021 survey has no in-person respondents, so those lines break. A line also breaks where fewer than 150 respondents in a party were interviewed in person.

Note: Refused answers are left out of every view. Republican respondents refused the household question more often than Democrats in 2016 to 2024, and the text bounds the effect. An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Note: GSS interviews were mostly in person through 2018, mostly on the web in 2021, and in both modes in 2022 and 2024.

Source: General Social Survey, 1972-2024; weighted (weight_use)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/own_by_party.json

Table 3. Support for a police permit to buy a gun rose among Democrats and fell among Republicans

Share favoring a police permit to buy a gun (GSS) or favoring making it more difficult to buy a gun (ANES), by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; 95% intervals

Survey and answer	Group	Year	File	Share (%)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Democrats	2000	ANES cumulative file	68.9	65.5	72.3	884
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Democrats	2004	ANES cumulative file	68.2	64.0	72.3	587
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Democrats	2008	ANES cumulative file	55.7	52.2	59.1	1,348
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Democrats	2012	ANES cumulative file	63.1	60.7	65.5	3,094
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Democrats	2016	ANES cumulative file	74.0	71.7	76.4	1,935
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Democrats	2020	ANES cumulative file	75.3	73.3	77.3	3,441
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Democrats	2024	ANES 2024 Time Series	82.2	80.0	84.5	2,319
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Independents	2000	ANES cumulative file	58.3	51.0	65.7	220
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Independents	2008	ANES cumulative file	49.2	41.5	56.9	259
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Independents	2012	ANES cumulative file	46.6	42.0	51.2	780
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Independents	2016	ANES cumulative file	45.9	41.0	50.9	570
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Independents	2020	ANES cumulative file	42.9	38.3	47.4	863
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Independents	2024	ANES 2024 Time Series	48.5	40.3	56.8	302
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Republicans	2000	ANES cumulative file	44.5	40.4	48.7	675
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Republicans	2004	ANES cumulative file	41.8	37.0	46.6	482
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Republicans	2008	ANES cumulative file	35.4	31.1	39.7	652
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Republicans	2012	ANES cumulative file	26.2	23.8	28.7	1,991
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Republicans	2016	ANES cumulative file	30.9	28.3	33.5	1,722
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Republicans	2020	ANES cumulative file	22.4	20.4	24.3	3,050
ANES: more difficult to buy a gun	Republicans	2024	ANES 2024 Time Series	31.5	28.6	34.4	2,070
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1972	GSS	75.2	72.0	78.3	891
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1973	GSS	77.1	73.9	80.3	784
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1974	GSS	77.2	74.1	80.4	818
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1975	GSS	77.5	74.3	80.8	793
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1976	GSS	74.2	70.9	77.5	827
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1977	GSS	73.7	70.4	77.0	862
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1980	GSS	70.8	66.7	74.8	743
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1982	GSS	74.7	71.3	78.2	1,083
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1984	GSS	75.9	72.0	79.7	740
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1985	GSS	77.1	73.3	80.9	743
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1987	GSS	70.4	66.8	74.0	1,008
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1988	GSS	79.9	75.9	84.0	475
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1989	GSS	84.1	80.3	87.9	474
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1990	GSS	84.5	80.3	88.6	377
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1991	GSS	82.2	78.0	86.3	422
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1993	GSS	84.8	81.2	88.3	501
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1994	GSS	83.7	81.0	86.4	935
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1996	GSS	86.2	83.6	88.8	861
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	1998	GSS	86.8	84.3	89.4	874
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2000	GSS	86.8	84.1	89.5	804
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2002	GSS	85.8	81.8	89.8	408
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2004	GSS	84.9	80.8	89.1	397
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2006	GSS	87.2	84.4	90.0	838
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2008	GSS	84.7	81.3	88.2	630
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2010	GSS	83.6	79.8	87.3	580
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2012	GSS	80.8	77.0	84.7	595
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2014	GSS	83.8	80.7	86.9	787
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2016	GSS	79.7	76.4	83.1	894
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2018	GSS	83.4	79.8	86.9	698
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2021	GSS	82.2	80.0	84.5	1,814
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2022	GSS	86.2	82.9	89.6	963
GSS: favor a police permit	Democrats	2024	GSS	83.9	80.3	87.5	828
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1972	GSS	70.7	62.5	78.9	156
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1973	GSS	78.3	70.8	85.9	140
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1974	GSS	73.2	64.9	81.4	139
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1975	GSS	70.2	63.3	77.1	202
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1976	GSS	68.4	61.7	75.2	228
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1977	GSS	72.5	65.2	79.9	171
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1980	GSS	76.0	69.1	82.9	237
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1982	GSS	74.9	67.8	82.0	218
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1984	GSS	71.8	63.6	80.1	151
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1987	GSS	69.4	61.6	77.3	189
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1989	GSS	72.9	64.1	81.6	120
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1994	GSS	79.5	73.7	85.4	239
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1996	GSS	79.8	74.6	84.9	294
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	1998	GSS	84.5	79.7	89.2	299
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2000	GSS	83.5	79.1	87.9	353
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2002	GSS	88.5	82.6	94.4	164
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2004	GSS	82.4	75.4	89.4	149
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2006	GSS	78.2	73.3	83.0	413
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2008	GSS	85.5	80.0	91.0	218
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2010	GSS	78.0	71.3	84.6	231
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2012	GSS	74.2	67.3	81.2	245
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2014	GSS	69.8	63.9	75.7	314
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2016	GSS	69.0	62.4	75.6	299
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2018	GSS	74.5	67.7	81.3	261
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2021	GSS	61.3	57.2	65.4	806
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2022	GSS	70.4	64.2	76.7	535
GSS: favor a police permit	Independents	2024	GSS	68.6	63.0	74.1	538
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1972	GSS	73.5	69.1	77.9	445
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1973	GSS	71.3	66.9	75.7	476
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1974	GSS	74.3	69.8	78.9	423
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1975	GSS	71.6	66.9	76.2	438
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1976	GSS	72.4	67.6	77.1	409
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1977	GSS	69.9	65.3	74.6	452
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1980	GSS	66.8	61.5	72.0	448
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1982	GSS	68.1	63.0	73.2	496
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1984	GSS	64.3	59.0	69.6	513
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1985	GSS	73.4	69.0	77.7	604
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1987	GSS	71.4	67.1	75.8	560
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1988	GSS	70.5	65.3	75.7	355
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1989	GSS	76.4	71.9	81.0	410
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1990	GSS	77.9	73.3	82.4	406
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1991	GSS	79.2	74.9	83.5	417
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1993	GSS	79.2	74.7	83.7	411
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1994	GSS	73.1	69.5	76.8	731
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1996	GSS	77.1	73.7	80.5	696
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	1998	GSS	78.3	74.7	82.0	618
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2000	GSS	72.2	68.3	76.2	609
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2002	GSS	72.7	67.1	78.3	323
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2004	GSS	74.8	69.5	80.1	331
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2006	GSS	73.8	69.8	77.7	665
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2008	GSS	67.0	61.9	72.1	446
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2010	GSS	63.3	57.7	69.0	417
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2012	GSS	63.4	57.4	69.4	397
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2014	GSS	58.3	53.5	63.1	527
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2016	GSS	59.1	54.4	63.9	599
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2018	GSS	60.4	54.8	66.1	510
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2021	GSS	46.9	43.5	50.3	1,229
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2022	GSS	52.3	46.2	58.5	700
GSS: favor a police permit	Republicans	2024	GSS	55.6	50.7	60.6	734
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1972	GSS	75.2	72.0	78.3	891
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1973	GSS	77.1	73.9	80.3	784
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1974	GSS	77.2	74.1	80.4	818
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1975	GSS	77.5	74.3	80.8	793
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1976	GSS	74.2	70.9	77.5	827
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1977	GSS	73.7	70.4	77.0	862
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1980	GSS	70.8	66.7	74.8	743
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1982	GSS	74.7	71.3	78.2	1,083
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1984	GSS	75.9	72.0	79.7	740
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1985	GSS	77.1	73.3	80.9	743
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1987	GSS	70.4	66.8	74.0	1,008
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1988	GSS	79.9	75.9	84.0	475
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1989	GSS	84.1	80.3	87.9	474
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1990	GSS	84.5	80.3	88.6	377
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1991	GSS	82.2	78.0	86.3	422
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1993	GSS	84.8	81.2	88.3	501
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1994	GSS	83.7	81.0	86.4	935
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1996	GSS	86.2	83.6	88.8	861
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	1998	GSS	86.8	84.3	89.4	874
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2000	GSS	86.8	84.1	89.5	804
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2002	GSS	85.8	81.8	89.8	408
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2004	GSS	82.8	77.8	87.8	301
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2006	GSS	86.4	83.4	89.3	787
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2008	GSS	83.7	79.9	87.5	552
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2010	GSS	84.0	80.1	88.0	517
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2012	GSS	81.3	77.2	85.5	520
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2014	GSS	83.0	79.6	86.4	685
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2016	GSS	79.3	75.8	82.8	830
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2018	GSS	83.4	79.6	87.1	628
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2022	GSS	84.5	79.3	89.7	434
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Democrats	2024	GSS	80.5	74.0	87.0	282
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1972	GSS	70.7	62.5	78.9	156
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1973	GSS	78.3	70.8	85.9	140
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1974	GSS	73.2	64.9	81.4	139
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1975	GSS	70.2	63.3	77.1	202
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1976	GSS	68.4	61.7	75.2	228
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1977	GSS	72.5	65.2	79.9	171
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1980	GSS	76.0	69.1	82.9	237
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1982	GSS	74.9	67.8	82.0	218
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1984	GSS	71.8	63.6	80.1	151
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1987	GSS	69.4	61.6	77.3	189
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1989	GSS	72.9	64.1	81.6	120
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1994	GSS	79.5	73.7	85.4	239
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1996	GSS	79.8	74.6	84.9	294
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	1998	GSS	84.5	79.7	89.2	299
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	2000	GSS	83.5	79.1	87.9	353
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	2002	GSS	88.5	82.6	94.4	164
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	2006	GSS	77.9	72.9	83.0	387
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	2008	GSS	84.9	78.9	90.9	187
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	2010	GSS	76.1	68.9	83.4	209
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	2012	GSS	73.2	65.6	80.8	214
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	2014	GSS	69.2	62.7	75.6	264
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	2016	GSS	69.1	62.3	75.9	285
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Independents	2018	GSS	74.1	66.6	81.6	222
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1972	GSS	73.5	69.1	77.9	445
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1973	GSS	71.3	66.9	75.7	476
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1974	GSS	74.3	69.8	78.9	423
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1975	GSS	71.6	66.9	76.2	438
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1976	GSS	72.4	67.6	77.1	409
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1977	GSS	69.9	65.3	74.6	452
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1980	GSS	66.8	61.5	72.0	448
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1982	GSS	68.1	63.0	73.2	496
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1984	GSS	64.3	59.0	69.6	513
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1985	GSS	73.4	69.0	77.7	604
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1987	GSS	71.4	67.1	75.8	560
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1988	GSS	70.5	65.3	75.7	355
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1989	GSS	76.4	71.9	81.0	410
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1990	GSS	77.9	73.3	82.4	406
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1991	GSS	79.2	74.9	83.5	417
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1993	GSS	79.2	74.7	83.7	411
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1994	GSS	73.1	69.5	76.8	731
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1996	GSS	77.1	73.7	80.5	696
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	1998	GSS	78.3	74.7	82.0	618
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2000	GSS	72.2	68.3	76.2	609
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2002	GSS	72.7	67.1	78.3	323
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2004	GSS	73.8	67.9	79.7	265
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2006	GSS	72.3	68.2	76.4	622
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2008	GSS	68.3	63.0	73.6	398
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2010	GSS	61.8	55.8	67.8	372
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2012	GSS	59.2	52.7	65.7	333
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2014	GSS	56.4	51.3	61.6	465
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2016	GSS	58.5	53.5	63.4	560
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2018	GSS	60.6	54.8	66.3	459
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2022	GSS	53.7	44.5	62.9	322
GSS: favor a police permit (in person)	Republicans	2024	GSS	62.1	53.6	70.7	250

Views: GSS: police permit (survey = GSS: favor a police permit); GSS: police permit, in person (survey = GSS: favor a police permit (in person)); ANES: buying a gun (survey = ANES: more difficult to buy a gun).

Note: Shaded band: the GSS move from in-person to web interviews between 2018 and 2021 in the GSS view, and the ANES mode change from 2016 to 2020 in the ANES view. The in-person GSS view keeps respondents interviewed in person and every survey before 2004, so its line breaks in 2021, a survey with no in-person respondents.

Note: The ANES cumulative file asks the question in 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2020. The 2024 point is the same question from the 2024 Time Series, a separate file because the cumulative file does not have the item for 2024; it is weighted with the post-election weight, and the 2020 study had no in-person interviews.

Note: An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Source: General Social Survey, 1972-2024, and ANES Cumulative Data File, 2000-2020, with the ANES 2024 Time Series; weighted (weight_use; VCF0009z; V240107b)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/permit_by_party.json

Table 4. The party gaps on gun ownership and gun permits were at most 13.2 points through 1996 and at least 17.4 points from 2008

Gap between the parties in the share with a gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic) and in the share favoring a police permit or making buying a gun more difficult (Democratic minus Republican); party identifiers including leaners; 95% intervals

Series	Year	File	Gap (points)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
ANES: more difficult	2000	ANES cumulative file	24.4	19.0	29.7	1,559
ANES: more difficult	2004	ANES cumulative file	26.3	20.0	32.7	1,069
ANES: more difficult	2008	ANES cumulative file	20.3	14.8	25.8	2,000
ANES: more difficult	2012	ANES cumulative file	36.8	33.4	40.3	5,085
ANES: more difficult	2016	ANES cumulative file	43.1	39.6	46.6	3,657
ANES: more difficult	2020	ANES cumulative file	53.0	50.2	55.8	6,491
ANES: more difficult	2024	ANES 2024 Time Series	50.7	47.0	54.3	4,389
GSS: gun in the home	1973	GSS	10.9	4.8	17.1	1,270
GSS: gun in the home	1974	GSS	8.3	1.9	14.6	1,245
GSS: gun in the home	1976	GSS	6.2	−0.3	12.7	1,233
GSS: gun in the home	1977	GSS	3.8	−2.4	10.1	1,329
GSS: gun in the home	1980	GSS	5.0	−2.1	12.1	1,197
GSS: gun in the home	1982	GSS	5.4	−1.4	12.1	1,593
GSS: gun in the home	1984	GSS	13.2	6.2	20.2	1,270
GSS: gun in the home	1985	GSS	1.5	−5.2	8.2	1,354
GSS: gun in the home	1987	GSS	7.7	1.5	13.9	1,583
GSS: gun in the home	1988	GSS	12.1	4.6	19.7	839
GSS: gun in the home	1989	GSS	10.1	2.7	17.5	895
GSS: gun in the home	1990	GSS	9.0	1.2	16.7	794
GSS: gun in the home	1991	GSS	2.2	−5.4	9.7	841
GSS: gun in the home	1993	GSS	11.5	4.1	18.8	921
GSS: gun in the home	1994	GSS	12.4	7.0	17.8	1,670
GSS: gun in the home	1996	GSS	10.4	5.0	15.9	1,577
GSS: gun in the home	1998	GSS	14.3	8.7	19.9	1,509
GSS: gun in the home	2000	GSS	18.0	12.4	23.7	1,428
GSS: gun in the home	2002	GSS	15.2	6.9	23.5	727
GSS: gun in the home	2004	GSS	14.7	6.6	22.8	720
GSS: gun in the home	2006	GSS	15.0	9.1	20.9	1,511
GSS: gun in the home	2008	GSS	22.8	15.8	29.7	1,075
GSS: gun in the home	2010	GSS	27.5	20.1	34.8	969
GSS: gun in the home	2012	GSS	27.7	20.0	35.4	982
GSS: gun in the home	2014	GSS	26.7	20.5	32.9	1,283
GSS: gun in the home	2016	GSS	23.8	17.8	29.8	1,470
GSS: gun in the home	2018	GSS	28.3	21.3	35.3	1,195
GSS: gun in the home	2021	GSS	29.3	25.0	33.5	2,996
GSS: gun in the home	2022	GSS	24.0	16.3	31.8	1,630
GSS: gun in the home	2024	GSS	30.7	24.1	37.4	1,542
GSS: police permit	1972	GSS	1.7	−3.7	7.1	1,336
GSS: police permit	1973	GSS	5.8	0.4	11.3	1,260
GSS: police permit	1974	GSS	2.9	−2.6	8.4	1,241
GSS: police permit	1975	GSS	6.0	0.3	11.6	1,231
GSS: police permit	1976	GSS	1.8	−4.0	7.6	1,236
GSS: police permit	1977	GSS	3.7	−2.0	9.5	1,314
GSS: police permit	1980	GSS	4.0	−2.6	10.6	1,191
GSS: police permit	1982	GSS	6.6	0.5	12.8	1,579
GSS: police permit	1984	GSS	11.5	5.0	18.1	1,253
GSS: police permit	1985	GSS	3.7	−2.1	9.5	1,347
GSS: police permit	1987	GSS	−1.0	−6.7	4.6	1,568
GSS: police permit	1988	GSS	9.5	2.9	16.1	830
GSS: police permit	1989	GSS	7.7	1.7	13.6	884
GSS: police permit	1990	GSS	6.6	0.4	12.7	783
GSS: police permit	1991	GSS	2.9	−3.0	8.9	839
GSS: police permit	1993	GSS	5.6	−0.1	11.3	912
GSS: police permit	1994	GSS	10.5	6.0	15.0	1,666
GSS: police permit	1996	GSS	9.1	4.8	13.4	1,557
GSS: police permit	1998	GSS	8.5	4.0	12.9	1,492
GSS: police permit	2000	GSS	14.6	9.8	19.3	1,413
GSS: police permit	2002	GSS	13.1	6.2	19.9	731
GSS: police permit	2004	GSS	10.1	3.4	16.9	728
GSS: police permit	2006	GSS	13.5	8.6	18.3	1,503
GSS: police permit	2008	GSS	17.8	11.6	23.9	1,076
GSS: police permit	2010	GSS	20.2	13.4	27.0	997
GSS: police permit	2012	GSS	17.4	10.3	24.6	992
GSS: police permit	2014	GSS	25.5	19.8	31.2	1,314
GSS: police permit	2016	GSS	20.6	14.8	26.4	1,493
GSS: police permit	2018	GSS	22.9	16.3	29.6	1,208
GSS: police permit	2021	GSS	35.3	31.3	39.4	3,043
GSS: police permit	2022	GSS	33.9	26.9	40.9	1,663
GSS: police permit	2024	GSS	28.3	22.2	34.4	1,562

Note: The GSS items are asked in different numbers of survey years, so the lines have different points. A party cell needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100, and a gap needs both parties to clear that floor.

Note: Shaded bands: the ANES mode change from 2016 to 2020 and the GSS move from in-person to web interviews between 2018 and 2021.

Source: General Social Survey, 1972-2024, and ANES Cumulative Data File, 2000-2020, with the ANES 2024 Time Series; weighted (weight_use; VCF0009z; V240107b)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/gap_by_year.json

Table 5. Republicans were more likely than Democrats to live in a household with a gun in every region and kind of community

Share with a gun in the home among Democrats and Republicans, including leaners, by census region and community type, GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 pooled; 95% intervals

Surveys	Kind of place	Place	Democrats (%)	Lower	Upper	Democrats counted	Republicans (%)	Lower	Upper	Republicans counted
1973 to 1980	Region	Northeast	22.7	19.5	25.9	851	39.4	34.6	44.2	483
2016 to 2024	Region	Northeast	14.4	11.4	17.4	944	42.0	36.1	47.8	469
1973 to 1980	Region	Midwest	51.2	48.0	54.5	1,143	57.0	52.8	61.1	653
2016 to 2024	Region	Midwest	30.5	26.9	34.1	1,204	55.8	51.0	60.6	918
1973 to 1980	Region	South	61.4	58.5	64.4	1,354	67.3	63.4	71.2	708
2016 to 2024	Region	South	30.3	27.5	33.1	1,838	58.2	54.9	61.5	1,557
1973 to 1980	Region	West	47.2	43.0	51.3	706	47.1	41.5	52.7	376
2016 to 2024	Region	West	23.6	20.4	26.7	1,225	46.4	41.3	51.4	678
1973 to 1980	Community type	Central city	33.9	31.0	36.8	1,379	42.9	38.1	47.8	516
2016 to 2024	Community type	Central city	18.9	16.5	21.3	1,815	39.6	34.5	44.7	794
1973 to 1980	Community type	Suburb	44.3	41.5	47.2	1,444	48.3	44.7	51.9	896
2016 to 2024	Community type	Suburb	26.3	24.1	28.4	2,863	54.1	51.3	56.9	2,149
1973 to 1980	Community type	Small city or town	57.7	53.1	62.3	523	56.2	50.0	62.4	298
2016 to 2024	Community type	Small city or town	31.4	24.3	38.5	266	60.7	53.2	68.1	284
1973 to 1980	Community type	Rural area	74.9	71.3	78.4	708	77.0	73.0	81.0	510
2016 to 2024	Community type	Rural area	57.1	49.7	64.6	267	71.1	65.2	76.9	395

Views: 2016 to 2024 (period = 2016 to 2024); 1973 to 1980 (period = 1973 to 1980).

Note: Community type groups the NORC size-of-place code: central cities of large and medium metropolitan areas, their suburbs and unincorporated areas, small cities and towns outside those areas, and rural areas (villages, hamlets and open country). Region is the census region of interview.

Note: Years are pooled after rescaling each year's weights to average one. A party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-1980 and 2016-2024; weighted (weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/place_gap.json

Table 6. In the CES the party gap grew on assault rifles, concealed carry and owners' names and did not grow on background checks

Share supporting each CES gun policy item, by party identification including leaners, 2010 to 2021; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

Item	Group	Year	Share (%)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012)	Democrats	2010	63.2	62.2	64.1	24,381
Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012)	Democrats	2012	68.2	67.3	69.1	25,256
Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012)	Independents	2010	34.6	32.7	36.4	5,972
Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012)	Independents	2012	37.8	36.0	39.5	6,192
Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012)	Republicans	2010	18.0	17.2	18.8	23,431
Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012)	Republicans	2012	20.7	19.8	21.5	20,529
Support background checks for all sales	Democrats	2013	94.9	94.2	95.6	7,499
Support background checks for all sales	Democrats	2014	95.3	94.9	95.7	25,676
Support background checks for all sales	Democrats	2015	95.2	94.5	95.9	6,645
Support background checks for all sales	Democrats	2016	96.5	96.2	96.8	31,066
Support background checks for all sales	Democrats	2017	96.1	95.5	96.7	8,581
Support background checks for all sales	Democrats	2018	96.5	96.2	96.8	27,516
Support background checks for all sales	Democrats	2019	95.9	95.4	96.5	8,292
Support background checks for all sales	Democrats	2021	95.9	95.4	96.3	12,445
Support background checks for all sales	Independents	2013	82.0	80.0	84.0	2,931
Support background checks for all sales	Independents	2014	82.5	81.2	83.8	8,641
Support background checks for all sales	Independents	2015	82.7	80.5	85.0	2,186
Support background checks for all sales	Independents	2016	85.4	84.5	86.4	10,440
Support background checks for all sales	Independents	2017	86.2	84.4	88.1	3,189
Support background checks for all sales	Independents	2018	87.1	86.0	88.3	8,479
Support background checks for all sales	Independents	2019	80.8	78.6	83.0	2,666
Support background checks for all sales	Independents	2021	83.4	81.9	84.9	4,352
Support background checks for all sales	Republicans	2013	77.7	76.1	79.3	5,276
Support background checks for all sales	Republicans	2014	78.9	78.1	79.8	18,937
Support background checks for all sales	Republicans	2015	78.2	76.6	79.7	4,857
Support background checks for all sales	Republicans	2016	82.3	81.6	83.0	20,762
Support background checks for all sales	Republicans	2017	85.6	84.4	86.9	5,772
Support background checks for all sales	Republicans	2018	82.9	82.2	83.6	21,604
Support background checks for all sales	Republicans	2019	75.2	73.9	76.5	6,468
Support background checks for all sales	Republicans	2021	81.5	80.5	82.6	8,139
Support banning assault rifles	Democrats	2013	82.7	81.5	83.9	7,446
Support banning assault rifles	Democrats	2014	81.4	80.7	82.1	25,548
Support banning assault rifles	Democrats	2015	82.5	81.2	83.7	6,642
Support banning assault rifles	Democrats	2016	83.7	83.1	84.3	30,958
Support banning assault rifles	Democrats	2017	86.9	85.9	88.0	8,577
Support banning assault rifles	Democrats	2018	86.2	85.6	86.8	27,466
Support banning assault rifles	Democrats	2019	86.1	85.1	87.1	8,285
Support banning assault rifles	Democrats	2020	85.5	84.9	86.1	29,347
Support banning assault rifles	Democrats	2021	85.9	85.1	86.8	12,445
Support banning assault rifles	Independents	2013	54.1	51.5	56.8	2,908
Support banning assault rifles	Independents	2014	52.6	50.9	54.3	8,604
Support banning assault rifles	Independents	2015	54.4	51.4	57.4	2,180
Support banning assault rifles	Independents	2016	54.3	52.9	55.6	10,417
Support banning assault rifles	Independents	2017	61.0	58.4	63.6	3,190
Support banning assault rifles	Independents	2018	57.2	55.4	58.9	8,452
Support banning assault rifles	Independents	2019	52.7	49.9	55.5	2,662
Support banning assault rifles	Independents	2020	53.4	51.8	55.1	8,858
Support banning assault rifles	Independents	2021	49.6	47.6	51.6	4,352
Support banning assault rifles	Republicans	2013	40.6	38.7	42.4	5,241
Support banning assault rifles	Republicans	2014	39.9	38.9	41.0	18,880
Support banning assault rifles	Republicans	2015	37.8	36.0	39.6	4,848
Support banning assault rifles	Republicans	2016	41.9	41.0	42.8	20,675
Support banning assault rifles	Republicans	2017	50.0	48.2	51.8	5,772
Support banning assault rifles	Republicans	2018	39.7	38.8	40.7	21,541
Support banning assault rifles	Republicans	2019	34.7	33.2	36.1	6,464
Support banning assault rifles	Republicans	2020	33.9	33.0	34.7	20,412
Support banning assault rifles	Republicans	2021	30.1	28.9	31.3	8,139
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Democrats	2013	23.5	22.1	24.9	7,480
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Democrats	2014	23.0	22.2	23.8	25,617
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Democrats	2015	22.4	21.0	23.8	6,637
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Democrats	2016	22.1	21.4	22.8	30,966
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Democrats	2017	19.2	17.9	20.4	8,578
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Democrats	2018	16.2	15.5	16.8	27,473
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Democrats	2019	18.1	16.9	19.2	8,291
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Democrats	2020	18.2	17.5	18.8	29,346
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Democrats	2021	17.3	16.4	18.2	12,445
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Independents	2013	46.1	43.5	48.7	2,913
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Independents	2014	48.1	46.4	49.8	8,629
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Independents	2015	47.9	44.9	50.9	2,183
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Independents	2016	47.3	46.0	48.7	10,429
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Independents	2017	44.7	42.1	47.3	3,191
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Independents	2018	41.6	39.9	43.4	8,468
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Independents	2019	44.0	41.2	46.8	2,665
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Independents	2020	44.2	42.6	45.9	8,857
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Independents	2021	44.7	42.6	46.7	4,352
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Republicans	2013	59.9	58.0	61.8	5,247
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Republicans	2014	61.6	60.6	62.7	18,902
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Republicans	2015	63.1	61.3	64.9	4,852
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Republicans	2016	61.3	60.4	62.1	20,723
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Republicans	2017	63.5	61.7	65.2	5,774
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Republicans	2018	59.7	58.8	60.6	21,538
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Republicans	2019	64.6	63.2	66.1	6,469
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Republicans	2020	63.2	62.4	64.1	20,413
Support easier concealed-carry permits	Republicans	2021	61.5	60.2	62.8	8,139
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Democrats	2013	50.7	49.1	52.3	7,449
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Democrats	2014	48.3	47.4	49.3	25,573
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Democrats	2015	49.1	47.4	50.8	6,621
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Democrats	2016	49.0	48.2	49.8	30,906
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Democrats	2017	42.0	40.5	43.6	8,580
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Democrats	2020	41.3	40.4	42.1	29,346
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Independents	2013	63.3	60.8	65.8	2,928
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Independents	2014	64.2	62.6	65.8	8,624
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Independents	2015	64.7	61.9	67.5	2,185
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Independents	2016	66.0	64.7	67.3	10,427
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Independents	2017	61.1	58.5	63.6	3,189
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Independents	2020	58.5	56.8	60.1	8,859
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Republicans	2013	73.3	71.6	74.9	5,278
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Republicans	2014	71.5	70.5	72.4	18,960
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Republicans	2015	72.7	71.1	74.4	4,862
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Republicans	2016	73.1	72.3	73.9	20,774
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Republicans	2017	71.0	69.3	72.6	5,773
Support prohibiting publication of owners' names	Republicans	2020	72.0	71.2	72.9	20,412

Note: Gaps are written so that they are positive when the party that favors the item is higher: Democratic minus Republican for background checks, assault rifles and stricter sale laws, Republican minus Democratic for concealed carry and owners' names.

Note: The sale laws item (2010 and 2012) is a three-answer question and a different item from the 2013 to 2021 for or against items; the panels are not joined. A line breaks where an item was not asked.

Note: The CES gun items are for or against each proposal in a list, with a stem that changes in 2016, 2019 and 2021 as the wording table shows. Each party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. The CES is an opt-in panel, so the intervals rest on a model.

Source: Cooperative Election Study cumulative policy preferences, 2010-2021; weighted (single-wave weight), opt-in panel

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/ces_items.json

Table 7. In Nationscape the parties differed on every gun item and differed least on background checks

Share owning a gun in the household or supporting each gun policy, by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; July 2019 to December 2020 pooled; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

Item	Group	Share (%)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
A household member owns a gun	Democrats	29.5	29.2	29.8	206,052
A household member owns a gun	Independents	31.5	30.9	32.2	51,285
A household member owns a gun	Republicans	51.5	51.1	51.8	172,984
Background checks for all purchases	Democrats	95.0	94.8	95.1	202,676
Background checks for all purchases	Independents	92.2	91.8	92.6	47,888
Background checks for all purchases	Republicans	89.2	89.0	89.5	169,429
Public registry of gun ownership	Democrats	83.8	83.3	84.3	55,877
Public registry of gun ownership	Independents	68.7	67.4	70.1	12,023
Public registry of gun ownership	Republicans	51.5	50.7	52.2	47,159
Ban assault rifles	Democrats	82.9	82.7	83.2	188,159
Ban assault rifles	Independents	63.2	62.5	64.0	41,063
Ban assault rifles	Republicans	48.3	47.9	48.7	155,727
Limit magazines to 10 bullets	Democrats	79.9	79.6	80.3	169,663
Limit magazines to 10 bullets	Independents	59.4	58.5	60.2	36,583
Limit magazines to 10 bullets	Republicans	46.3	45.9	46.7	146,106
Ban all guns	Democrats	32.8	32.5	33.2	181,840
Ban all guns	Independents	20.8	20.2	21.4	43,791
Ban all guns	Republicans	11.8	11.5	12.0	167,429
Controlling who owns guns matters more than the right to own	Democrats	79.2	78.5	79.8	36,694
Controlling who owns guns matters more than the right to own	Independents	59.2	57.5	60.9	8,418
Controlling who owns guns matters more than the right to own	Republicans	43.7	42.8	44.5	31,937

Note: Party is the three-category party question with the follow-up that Nationscape asks of independents in every week, so Democrats and Republicans include leaners and independents lean toward neither, as in the other surveys. Weeks after 28 December 2020 are left out.

Note: The registry item was asked through mid-January 2021 and the control item from mid-September 2019, so the items cover different weeks. Each share rests on weekly waves pooled with the Nationscape weight.

Source: Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape, July 2019 to December 2020; weighted (weight), opt-in panel

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/nationscape.json

Table 8. Every party gap is above zero within each interview mode, and web and in-person gaps differ by more than sampling error only on the 2024 GSS permit item

Party gap by interview mode for the GSS gun in the home and police permit items and the ANES buying a gun item; party identifiers including leaners; 95% intervals

Item	Year and mode	Gap (points)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican)	2012 in person	35.0	29.1	41.0	1,805
ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican)	2012 web	37.9	33.7	42.1	3,280
ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican)	2016 in person	45.4	38.7	52.1	1,037
ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican)	2016 web	42.2	38.0	46.3	2,620
ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican)	2024 in person	49.3	41.0	57.6	862
ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican)	2024 web	51.1	45.5	56.8	1,581
GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic)	2018 in person	27.3	19.9	34.6	1,074
GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic)	2021 web	28.7	24.2	33.3	2,619
GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic)	2022 in person	21.6	10.0	33.1	739
GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic)	2022 web	24.6	13.8	35.4	742
GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic)	2024 in person	25.9	14.4	37.3	528
GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic)	2024 web	34.1	25.2	43.1	822
GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican)	2018 in person	22.8	16.0	29.7	1,087
GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican)	2021 web	35.4	31.1	39.7	2,661
GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican)	2022 in person	30.8	20.2	41.4	756
GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican)	2022 web	34.3	24.5	44.0	749
GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican)	2024 in person	18.4	7.6	29.1	532
GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican)	2024 web	34.2	26.2	42.3	837

Note: GSS in-person and web rows are the respondents interviewed in each mode; the GSS 2022 and 2024 surveys mixed the two, and 2021 was mostly web. The 2020 ANES study has no separate weights by mode, so it has no row.

Note: The 2024 ANES rows are the fresh in-person and fresh web samples of the 2024 Time Series with the post-election mode weights; the panel and paper respondents are in neither. A party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Source: General Social Survey, 2018-2024, and ANES Cumulative Data File, 2012 and 2016, and ANES 2024 Time Series; weighted (weight_use; weight_ftf and weight_web; post-election mode weights V240101b and V240102b)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/mode_check.json

Table 9. Democrats changed more on owning and carrying guns and Republicans changed more on regulating sales, except for personal ownership and background checks

Change in the share of Democrats and of Republicans, including leaners, giving the answer named, from the first to the last period of each survey; percentage points; 95% intervals

Item and period	Group	Change (points)	Lower	Upper	Respondents
GSS: Household has a gun (1973-80 to 2016-24)	Democrats	−22.0	−24.4	−19.7	9,265
GSS: Household has a gun (1973-80 to 2016-24)	Republicans	−1.2	−4.4	2.0	5,842
GSS: Respondent owns a gun (1980 to 2016-24)	Democrats	−13.8	−18.1	−9.5	5,942
GSS: Respondent owns a gun (1980 to 2016-24)	Republicans	7.1	1.5	12.8	4,047
GSS: Favor a police permit (1973-80 to 2016-24)	Democrats	7.8	5.9	9.8	10,024
GSS: Favor a police permit (1973-80 to 2016-24)	Republicans	−17.5	−20.4	−14.6	6,418
ANES: Make buying a gun more difficult (2000 to 2020)	Democrats	6.4	2.5	10.4	4,325
ANES: Make buying a gun more difficult (2000 to 2020)	Republicans	−22.2	−26.7	−17.6	3,725
CES: Background checks for all sales (2013 to 2021)	Democrats	1.0	0.1	1.8	19,944
CES: Background checks for all sales (2013 to 2021)	Republicans	3.8	1.9	5.7	13,415
CES: Ban assault rifles (2013 to 2021)	Democrats	3.2	1.7	4.7	19,891
CES: Ban assault rifles (2013 to 2021)	Republicans	−10.5	−12.7	−8.3	13,380
CES: Easier concealed-carry permits (2013 to 2021)	Democrats	−6.2	−7.8	−4.5	19,925
CES: Easier concealed-carry permits (2013 to 2021)	Republicans	1.6	−0.7	3.8	13,386
CES: Prohibit publishing owners' names (2013 to 2020)	Democrats	−9.4	−11.3	−7.6	36,795
CES: Prohibit publishing owners' names (2013 to 2020)	Republicans	−1.2	−3.1	0.6	25,690

Note: Period comparisons: GSS 1973 to 1980 pooled against 2016 to 2024 pooled, except personal ownership, which starts in 1980. ANES 2000 against 2020. CES first against last year each item was asked.

Note: The change is in the share giving the answer named in each row, as the wording table lists. A negative value means the share fell.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; ANES Cumulative Data File, 2000-2020; CES cumulative policy preferences, 2013-2021; weighted (weight_use; VCF0009z; single-wave weight)

Data: vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/within_party.json

All estimates

Every fact in facts.json (218), sorted by id. The same values as JSON: facts.json.

Fact id	Value	Unit	Estimand	Population	Period	Interval	n	Weights	Source
adj_chg_own_d_cells	−18.7	percentage points	late-period minus early-period share from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −21.0 to −16.3	9,265	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
adj_chg_own_r_cells	−1.2	percentage points	late-period minus early-period share from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −4.4 to 2.1	5,842	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
adj_own_cells_e	4.5	percentage points	Republican minus Democratic gap from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 1.8 to 7.3	6,274	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
adj_own_cells_l	23.6	percentage points	Republican minus Democratic gap from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 20.9 to 26.4	8,833	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
adj_permit_cells_l	28.0	percentage points	Democratic minus Republican gap from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 25.3 to 30.7	8,969	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
ah_chg_d	+6.4	percentage points	change in the weighted share, 2020 minus 2000 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2000 to 2020	95% CI 2.5 to 10.4	4,325	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_chg_i	−15.5	percentage points	change in the weighted share, 2020 minus 2000 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	independents who lean toward neither party who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2000 to 2020	95% CI −24.1 to −6.8	1,083	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_chg_r	−22.2	percentage points	change in the weighted share, 2020 minus 2000 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2000 to 2020	95% CI −26.7 to −17.6	3,725	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_d_2000	68.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2000	95% CI 65.5% to 72.3%	884	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_d_2020	75.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2020	95% CI 73.3% to 77.3%	3,441	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_fall_r	22.2	percentage points	fall in the weighted share, 2000 minus 2020 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2000 to 2020	95% CI 17.6 to 26.7	3,725	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_gap_2000	24.4	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2000	95% CI 19.0 to 29.7	1,559	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_gap_2016	43.1	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2016	95% CI 39.6 to 46.6	3,657	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_gap_2020	53.0	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2020	95% CI 50.2 to 55.8	6,491	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_gap_to24	−2.3	percentage points	2024 Time Series gap minus 2020 cumulative-file gap, Democratic minus Republican share (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2020 to 2024	95% CI −6.9 to 2.3	10,880	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
ah_r_2000	44.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2000	95% CI 40.4% to 48.7%	675	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_r_2020	22.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2020	95% CI 20.4% to 24.3%	3,050	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_step_1620	9.9	percentage points	change in the weighted Democratic minus Republican gap, 2020 minus 2016 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2016 to 2020	95% CI 5.4 to 14.4	10,148	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
ah_to24_d	+6.9	percentage points	2024 Time Series weighted share (post-election weight) minus 2020 cumulative-file weighted share (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2020 to 2024	95% CI 3.9 to 9.9	5,760	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
ah_to24_r	+9.1	percentage points	2024 Time Series weighted share (post-election weight) minus 2020 cumulative-file weighted share (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2020 to 2024	95% CI 5.7 to 12.6	5,120	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
bound_chg_r_high	+1.1	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples) when every refusal is counted as an owner	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −2.1 to 4.2	6,039	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
bound_chg_r_low	−3.7	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples) when every refusal is counted as a nonowner	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −6.9 to −0.6	6,039	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
bound_high_l	29.5	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic gap in a gun in the home when every refusal is counted as an owner	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 26.8 to 32.2	9,063	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
bound_low_l	25.1	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic gap in a gun in the home when every refusal is counted as a nonowner	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 22.4 to 27.8	9,063	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
c_assault_chg_d	+3.2	percentage points	change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013 to 2021	95% CI 1.7 to 4.7	19,891	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_assault_chg_r	−10.5	percentage points	change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013 to 2021	95% CI −12.7 to −8.3	13,380	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_assault_fall_r	10.5	percentage points	fall in the weighted share, first year minus last year (two separate samples); the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013 to 2021	95% CI 8.3 to 12.7	13,380	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_assault_gap_2013	42.1	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013	95% CI 39.9 to 44.3	12,687	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_assault_gap_2021	55.8	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2021	95% CI 54.3 to 57.3	20,584	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_bg_chg_d	+1.0	percentage points	change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013 to 2021	95% CI 0.1 to 1.8	19,944	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_bg_chg_r	+3.8	percentage points	change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013 to 2021	95% CI 1.9 to 5.7	13,415	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_bg_d_2021	95.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2021	95% CI 95.4% to 96.3%	12,445	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_bg_gap_2013	17.2	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013	95% CI 15.5 to 18.9	12,775	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_bg_gap_2021	14.3	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2021	95% CI 13.2 to 15.5	20,584	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_bg_r_2021	81.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2021	95% CI 80.5% to 82.6%	8,139	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_names_chg_d	−9.4	percentage points	change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013 to 2020	95% CI −11.3 to −7.6	36,795	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_names_chg_r	−1.2	percentage points	change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013 to 2020	95% CI −3.1 to 0.6	25,690	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_names_gap_2013	22.6	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013	95% CI 20.2 to 24.9	12,727	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_names_gap_2020	30.8	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2020	95% CI 29.6 to 31.9	49,758	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_permits_chg_d	−6.2	percentage points	change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013 to 2021	95% CI −7.8 to −4.5	19,925	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_permits_chg_r	+1.6	percentage points	change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013 to 2021	95% CI −0.7 to 3.8	13,386	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_permits_gap_2013	36.4	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2013	95% CI 34.1 to 38.7	12,727	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
c_permits_gap_2021	44.1	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item	2021	95% CI 42.6 to 45.7	20,584	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
comp_d_rural_e	16.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share living in a rural area (community type from the NORC size-of-place code)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 15.2% to 17.8%	4,054	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
comp_d_rural_l	4.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share living in a rural area (community type from the NORC size-of-place code)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 3.7% to 5.2%	5,211	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
comp_d_sub_e	36.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share living in a suburb (community type from the NORC size-of-place code)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 35.2% to 38.6%	4,054	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
comp_d_sub_l	57.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share living in a suburb (community type from the NORC size-of-place code)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 55.3% to 58.9%	5,211	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gap_post_min	17.4	percentage points	smallest weighted party gap in any survey year from 2008 across the GSS gun in the home, GSS police permit and ANES buying a gun series (the 2024 Time Series item excluded)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home or police permit question or the ANES question on buying a gun	2008 to 2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
gap_pre_max	13.2	percentage points	largest weighted party gap in any GSS survey through 1996 across the two series (Republican minus Democratic share with a gun in the home; Democratic minus Republican share favoring a permit)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home or police permit question	1972 to 1996			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
gm_a_e	73.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	all respondents who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 72.6% to 74.6%	8,789	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_a_l	68.7%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	all respondents who answered the GSS police permit question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 67.5% to 69.8%	11,884	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_chg_d	+7.8	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI 5.9 to 9.8	10,024	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_chg_i	−5.9	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −9.8 to −2.0	3,556	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_chg_r	−17.5	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −20.4 to −14.5	6,418	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_d_e	75.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 73.7% to 76.5%	4,827	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_d_l	82.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 81.6% to 84.3%	5,197	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_fall_r	17.5	percentage points	fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI 14.5 to 20.4	6,418	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_fall_r_ftf	12.6	percentage points	fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question interviewed in person	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024, in-person interviews	95% CI 8.7 to 16.6	4,237	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_gap_1996	9.1	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1996	95% CI 4.8 to 13.4	1,557	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
gm_gap_2008	17.8	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2008	95% CI 11.6 to 23.9	1,076	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
gm_gap_2024	28.3	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2024	95% CI 22.2 to 34.4	1,562	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
gm_gap_e	4.1	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 1.8 to 6.5	7,473	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_gap_l	29.4	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 26.9 to 32.0	8,969	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_gap_l_ftf	23.4	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question interviewed in person	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled), in-person interviews	95% CI 19.3 to 27.5	3,765	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_gap_l_web	34.5	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question interviewed on the web	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled), web interviews	95% CI 30.9 to 38.1	4,247	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_mode_diff_l	11.1	percentage points	gap among respondents interviewed on the web minus the gap among respondents interviewed in person (two separate groups, different survey years); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 5.6 to 16.5	8,012	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_r_e	71.0%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 69.0% to 72.9%	2,646	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_r_l	53.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 51.3% to 55.7%	3,772	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_rise_d	7.8	percentage points	rise in the weighted share, late period minus early period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI 5.9 to 9.8	10,024	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gm_rise_d_ftf	6.7	percentage points	rise in the weighted share, late period minus early period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question interviewed in person	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024, in-person interviews	95% CI 4.1 to 9.2	7,001	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_chg_d	−22.0	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −24.4 to −19.7	9,265	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_chg_r	−1.2	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −4.4 to 2.0	5,842	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_chg_r_ftf	−4.6	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed in person	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024, in-person interviews	95% CI −8.9 to −0.3	3,748	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_chg_r_mid	−8.2	percentage points	share pooled over the surveys of 1998 to 2006 minus the 1973 to 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 1998 to 2006	95% CI −11.4 to −5.1	4,770	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_chg_r_web	+1.6	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed on the web	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024, web interviews	95% CI −2.2 to 5.5	3,911	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_d_1996	39.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1996	95% CI 35.6% to 42.9%	874	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_d_2000	29.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2000	95% CI 25.5% to 32.7%	819	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_d_2010	21.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2010	95% CI 17.1% to 25.5%	571	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_d_2016	22.0%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016	95% CI 18.5% to 25.4%	894	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_d_2024	27.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2024	95% CI 23.0% to 31.7%	830	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_d_e	47.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 45.6% to 49.1%	4,054	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_d_l	25.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 23.7% to 26.9%	5,211	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_fall_d	22.0	percentage points	fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI 19.7 to 24.4	9,265	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_fall_d_9600	10.1	percentage points	fall in the weighted Democratic share, 1996 minus 2000 (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1996 to 2000	95% CI 5.0 to 15.2	1,693	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_fall_i	21.1	percentage points	fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI 16.7 to 25.5	3,372	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_gap_1996	10.4	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1996	95% CI 5.0 to 15.9	1,577	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_gap_2008	22.8	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2008	95% CI 15.8 to 29.7	1,075	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_gap_2024	30.7	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2024	95% CI 24.1 to 37.4	1,542	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_gap_e	6.8	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 4.0 to 9.7	6,274	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_gap_e_design	6.8	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share, with a design-based interval (Taylor linearisation with the GSS strata and primary sampling units); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 3.9 to 9.8	6,274	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_gap_l	27.7	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 24.9 to 30.4	8,833	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_gap_l_design	27.7	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share, with a design-based interval (Taylor linearisation with the GSS strata and primary sampling units); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 25.0 to 30.3	8,833	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_gap_l_ftf	24.7	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed in person	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled), in-person interviews	95% CI 20.4 to 29.1	3,705	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_gap_l_web	29.6	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed on the web	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled), web interviews	95% CI 25.7 to 33.4	4,183	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_gapchg	20.8	percentage points	late-period gap minus early-period gap, Republican minus Democratic share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI 16.8 to 24.8	15,107	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_i_e	48.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 44.8% to 52.2%	937	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_i_l	27.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 25.0% to 29.8%	2,435	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_mode_diff_l	4.8	percentage points	gap among respondents interviewed on the web minus the gap among respondents interviewed in person (two separate groups, different survey years); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI −1.0 to 10.7	7,888	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_r_9806_hi	47.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	highest of the five yearly weighted Republican shares in the GSS surveys of 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004 and 2006; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1998 to 2006			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_r_9806_lo	44.0%	percent of respondents who answered the item	lowest of the five yearly weighted Republican shares in the GSS surveys of 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004 and 2006; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1998 to 2006			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
go_r_e	54.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 51.9% to 56.5%	2,220	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_r_l	53.0%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 50.8% to 55.2%	3,622	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_r_mid	45.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1998 to 2006 (GSS surveys pooled)	95% CI 43.7% to 48.1%	2,550	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
go_step_d_1624	+5.4	percentage points	change in the weighted Democratic share, 2024 minus 2016 (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024	95% CI −0.2 to 10.9	1,724	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
gp_chg_d	−13.8	percentage points	late-period share minus 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −18.1 to −9.5	5,942	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_chg_r	+7.1	percentage points	late-period share minus 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI 1.5 to 12.8	4,047	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_chg_r_ftf	+3.5	percentage points	late-period share minus 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed in person	1980 to 2016 to 2024, in-person interviews	95% CI −2.7 to 9.8	1,963	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_chg_r_web	+9.7	percentage points	late-period share minus 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed on the web	1980 to 2016 to 2024, web interviews	95% CI 3.7 to 15.8	2,118	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_d_e	29.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1980 (GSS)	95% CI 25.6% to 33.7%	733	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_d_l	15.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 14.5% to 17.1%	5,209	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_fall_d	13.8	percentage points	fall in the weighted share, 1980 minus the late period (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI 9.5 to 18.1	5,942	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_gap_e	1.8	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1980 (GSS)	95% CI −4.8 to 8.4	1,170	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_gap_l	22.8	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 20.2 to 25.3	8,819	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_r_e	31.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1980 (GSS)	95% CI 26.2% to 36.7%	437	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_r_ftf_hi	38.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	highest of the yearly weighted Republican shares personally owning a gun in the GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 with enough respondents; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question, interviewed in person	2016 to 2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
gp_r_ftf_lo	33.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	lowest of the yearly weighted Republican shares personally owning a gun in the GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 with enough respondents; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question, interviewed in person	2016 to 2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
gp_r_l	38.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 36.4% to 40.8%	3,610	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gp_r_web_hi	42.7%	percent of respondents who answered the item	highest of the yearly weighted Republican shares personally owning a gun in the GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 with enough respondents; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question, interviewed on the web	2016 to 2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
gp_r_web_lo	40.0%	percent of respondents who answered the item	lowest of the yearly weighted Republican shares personally owning a gun in the GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 with enough respondents; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question, interviewed on the web	2016 to 2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
grad_d_l	38.2	percentage points	weighted share in rural areas minus weighted share in central cities (two groups); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 30.4 to 46.0	2,082	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
grad_r_l	31.5	percentage points	weighted share in rural areas minus weighted share in central cities (two groups); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 23.7 to 39.3	1,189	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
gss_web_2021	87%	share of interviews	share of interviews by web (count)	GSS 2021 respondents who answered the gun in the home question	2021		3,912	none (interview count)	General Social Survey
mo_anes_2016_ftf	45.4	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2016, in-person interviews	95% CI 38.7 to 52.1	1,037	weight_ftf (in-person mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
mo_anes_2016_web	42.2	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2016, web interviews	95% CI 38.0 to 46.3	2,620	weight_web (web mode weight)	ANES Cumulative Data File
mo_own_2018_ftf	27.3	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2018, in-person interviews	95% CI 19.9 to 34.6	1,074	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
mo_own_2021_web	28.7	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2021, web interviews	95% CI 24.2 to 33.3	2,619	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
mo_own_2024_ftf	25.9	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2024, in-person interviews	95% CI 14.4 to 37.3	528	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
mo_own_2024_web	34.1	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2024, web interviews	95% CI 25.2 to 43.1	822	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
mo_perm_2018_ftf	22.8	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2018, in-person interviews	95% CI 16.0 to 29.7	1,087	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
mo_perm_2021_web	35.4	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2021, web interviews	95% CI 31.1 to 39.7	2,661	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
mo_perm_2024_ftf	18.4	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2024, in-person interviews	95% CI 7.6 to 29.1	532	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
mo_perm_2024_web	34.2	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2024, web interviews	95% CI 26.2 to 42.3	837	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
mo_perm_diff_2024	15.9	percentage points	web gap minus in-person gap (two separate groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question	2024	95% CI 2.4 to 29.3	1,369	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
mo_perm_step_1821	12.6	percentage points	2021 web gap minus 2018 in-person gap (two separate samples in different modes); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	2018 (in person) to 2021 (web)	95% CI 4.5 to 20.7	3,748	weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
n_a_item	22,800	respondents	count of respondents with a usable answer to VCF9238	ANES respondents who answered the question on buying a gun	2000-2020			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
n_a_waves	6	studies	count of study years with the item	ANES studies that asked the question on buying a gun	2000-2020			none (count)	ANES Cumulative Data File
n_ces_itemyears	34	item-years	count of item-years with a party gap	CES gun items	2010-2021			none (count)	Cooperative Election Study
n_ces_resp	443,846	respondents	count of respondents with an answer to at least one of the five gun items	CES respondents who answered at least one gun item	2010-2021			none (count)	Cooperative Election Study
n_g_own	47,521	respondents	count of respondents with a yes or no answer to owngun	GSS respondents who answered the gun in the home question	1973-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
n_g_own_waves	30	surveys	count of survey years with the item	GSS survey years that asked the gun in the home question	1973-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
n_g_perm	50,498	respondents	count of respondents with a favor or oppose answer to gunlaw	GSS respondents who answered the police permit question	1972-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
n_g_perm_waves	32	surveys	count of survey years with the item	GSS survey years that asked the police permit question	1972-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
n_mode_pairs	7	comparisons	count of web minus in-person gap comparisons: GSS gun in the home 2022 and 2024, GSS police permit 2022 and 2024, ANES buying a gun 2012, 2016 and 2024	web and in-person gaps in the same year	2012-2024			none (count)	General Social Survey
n_ns_resp	476,723	respondents	count of respondents in the weeks through 28 December 2020 with an answer to at least one of the seven gun items	Nationscape respondents who answered at least one gun item	July 2019 to December 2020			none (count)	Nationscape
n_rural_d_l	267	respondents	count of respondents in the rural Democratic cell	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) in rural areas who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)			none (count)	General Social Survey
ns_assault_gap	34.6	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: ban assault rifles	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 34.1 to 35.1	343,886	weight	Nationscape
ns_ban_d	32.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: ban all guns	Democrats (leaners included) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 32.5% to 33.2%	181,840	weight	Nationscape
ns_ban_gap	21.0	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: ban all guns	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 20.6 to 21.5	349,269	weight	Nationscape
ns_ban_r	11.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: ban all guns	Republicans (leaners included) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 11.5% to 12.0%	167,429	weight	Nationscape
ns_bg_d	95.0%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: background checks for all gun purchases	Democrats (leaners included) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 94.8% to 95.1%	202,676	weight	Nationscape
ns_bg_gap	5.8	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: background checks for all gun purchases	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 5.5 to 6.1	372,105	weight	Nationscape
ns_bg_r	89.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: background checks for all gun purchases	Republicans (leaners included) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 89.0% to 89.5%	169,429	weight	Nationscape
ns_chg_max	2.2	percentage points	largest absolute change in the party gap across the seven Nationscape items, July to December 2020 minus July to December 2019	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July to December 2019 to July to December 2020			weight	Nationscape
ns_control_gap	35.5	percentage points	weighted Democratic minus Republican share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: controlling who owns guns matters more than the right to own	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 34.4 to 36.6	68,631	weight	Nationscape
ns_household_d	29.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: a household member owns a gun	Democrats (leaners included) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 29.2% to 29.8%	206,052	weight	Nationscape
ns_household_gap	22.0	percentage points	weighted Republican minus Democratic share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: a household member owns a gun	Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 21.5 to 22.5	379,036	weight	Nationscape
ns_household_r	51.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: a household member owns a gun	Republicans (leaners included) who answered the item	July 2019 to December 2020	95% CI 51.1% to 51.8%	172,984	weight	Nationscape
pl_city_d_l	18.9%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) in the central city who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 16.5% to 21.3%	1,815	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_city_r_l	39.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the central city who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 34.5% to 44.7%	794	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_max_gap_e	16.8	percentage points	highest of the eight weighted Republican minus Democratic gaps; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in each of four regions and four community types, who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)			weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_max_gap_l	29.3	percentage points	highest of the eight weighted Republican minus Democratic gaps; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in each of four regions and four community types, who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)			weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_min_gap_e	−1.5	percentage points	lowest of the eight weighted Republican minus Democratic gaps; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in each of four regions and four community types, who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)			weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_min_gap_l	14.0	percentage points	lowest of the eight weighted Republican minus Democratic gaps; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in each of four regions and four community types, who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)			weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_n_groups	8	rows	count of regions and community types in the place figure	four regions and four community types	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)			none (count)	General Social Survey
pl_n_zero_e	4	rows	count of the eight rows in which the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap includes zero	four regions and four community types	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)			none (count)	General Social Survey
pl_ne_d_e	22.7%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) in the northeast who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 19.5% to 25.9%	851	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_ne_gap_e	16.8	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the northeast, who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 11.0 to 22.5	1,334	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_rural_d_l	57.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) in the rural area who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 49.7% to 64.6%	267	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_rural_gap_e	2.1	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the rural area, who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI −3.2 to 7.5	1,218	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_rural_gap_l	14.0	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the rural area, who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 4.5 to 23.5	662	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
pl_rural_r_l	71.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the rural area who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 65.2% to 76.9%	395	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_cmp_d	11.5	percentage points	weighted share of Democrats with a gun in the home favoring a permit minus the share of Republicans without one (two groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic owners and Republican nonowners (leaners included), who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 7.1 to 15.9	3,050	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_cmp_r	5.5	percentage points	Democratic minus Republican gap among respondents without a gun in the home minus the size of the difference between Republican owners and Republican nonowners (four groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI −1.8 to 12.8	7,418	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_gap_diff	6.0	percentage points	Democratic minus Republican gap among respondents with a gun in the home minus the gap among those without (four groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 0.5 to 11.6	8,738	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_non_d_l	85.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) without a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 84.3% to 87.3%	3,831	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_non_gap_e	3.2	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) without a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 0.2 to 6.3	3,182	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_non_gap_l	22.1	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) without a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 18.5 to 25.6	5,561	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_non_r_l	63.8%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) without a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 60.5% to 67.0%	1,730	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_own_d_l	75.3%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) with a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 72.2% to 78.3%	1,320	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_own_gap_e	0.9	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) with a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI −3.1 to 4.9	2,995	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_own_gap_l	28.1	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) with a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 23.8 to 32.4	3,177	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_own_r_l	47.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) with a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 44.2% to 50.2%	1,857	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_ownchg_d_l	−10.6	percentage points	weighted share among respondents with a gun in the home minus the share among those without (two groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI −14.0 to −7.2	5,151	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
po_ownchg_r_l	−16.6	percentage points	weighted share among respondents with a gun in the home minus the share among those without (two groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered both GSS questions	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI −21.0 to −12.2	3,587	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
rdcr_e	31.9	percentage points	weighted share of rural Democrats minus weighted share of central-city Republicans with a gun in the home (two groups); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers in rural areas and Republican identifiers in central cities (leaners included), who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 25.9 to 38.0	1,224	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
rdcr_l	17.5	percentage points	weighted share of rural Democrats minus weighted share of central-city Republicans with a gun in the home (two groups); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic identifiers in rural areas and Republican identifiers in central cities (leaners included), who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 8.5 to 26.6	1,061	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
ref_d_e	0.6%	percent of respondents who were asked the household question	weighted share who refused or skipped the question (owngun refused, or missing with rowngun refused)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 0.3% to 0.8%	4,077	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
ref_d_l	1.0%	percent of respondents who were asked the household question	weighted share who refused or skipped the question (owngun refused, or missing with rowngun refused)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 0.6% to 1.3%	5,257	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
ref_r_e	0.5%	percent of respondents who were asked the household question	weighted share who refused or skipped the question (owngun refused, or missing with rowngun refused)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 0.2% to 0.9%	2,233	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
ref_r_l	5.4%	percent of respondents who were asked the household question	weighted share who refused or skipped the question (owngun refused, or missing with rowngun refused)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 4.4% to 6.4%	3,806	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
rule_sd	0.25	standard deviations of the answer	threshold of the sort-date rule of the chapter Sort dates by attitude	the party gap on an attitude	all survey years			none (count)	General Social Survey
sd_own_bound	2008	year	first survey year in which the lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of a gun in the home (owngun, scored 1 for yes) exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later survey	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1972-2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
sd_own_point	1998	year	first survey year in which the point estimate of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of a gun in the home (owngun, scored 1 for yes) exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later survey	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1972-2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
sd_own_upper	1993	year	first survey year from which the upper end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of a gun in the home (owngun, scored 1 for yes) stays above the rule in every later survey	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1972-2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
sd_perm_bound	2014	year	first survey year in which the lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of opposing a police permit (gunlaw, scored 1 for oppose) exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later survey	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1972-2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
sd_perm_point	2000	year	first survey year in which the point estimate of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of opposing a police permit (gunlaw, scored 1 for oppose) exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later survey	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1972-2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
sd_perm_upper	1993	year	first survey year from which the upper end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of opposing a police permit (gunlaw, scored 1 for oppose) stays above the rule in every later survey	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question	1972-2024			weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)	General Social Survey
size_anes_harder	15.7	percentage points	size of the size of the Republican change minus the size of the Democratic change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2000 to 2020	95% CI 9.7 to 21.8	8,050	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File
size_ces_assault	7.2	percentage points	size of the size of the Republican change minus the size of the Democratic change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2013 to 2021	95% CI 4.6 to 9.9	33,271	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
size_ces_names	8.2	percentage points	size of the Democratic change minus the size of the Republican change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2013 to 2020	95% CI 5.6 to 10.8	62,485	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
size_ces_permits	4.6	percentage points	size of the Democratic change minus the size of the Republican change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	2013 to 2021	95% CI 1.8 to 7.4	33,311	weight (single-wave weight)	Cooperative Election Study
size_gss_own	20.8	percentage points	size of the Democratic change minus the size of the Republican change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	1973-80 to 2016-24	95% CI 16.8 to 24.8	15,107	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
size_gss_permit	9.6	percentage points	size of the size of the Republican change minus the size of the Democratic change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	1973-80 to 2016-24	95% CI 6.1 to 13.1	16,442	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
size_gss_personal	6.7	percentage points	size of the Democratic change minus the size of the Republican change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item	1980 to 2016-24	95% CI −0.4 to 13.8	9,989	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
t_bg_r	80.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the 2024 ANES item on background checks for gun purchases (V242326), answer favor	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES background checks item	2024	95% CI 77.9% to 82.8%	2,074	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_gap_h	50.7	percentage points	weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun (V242325), answer more difficult	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun	2024	95% CI 47.0 to 54.3	4,389	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_h_d	82.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun (V242325), answer more difficult	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun	2024	95% CI 80.0% to 84.5%	2,319	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_h_r	31.5%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun (V242325), answer more difficult	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun	2024	95% CI 28.6% to 34.4%	2,070	w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_own_d	28.6%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share with one or more guns in the household (V241583, asked before the election)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES household guns question	2024	95% CI 26.0% to 31.2%	2,489	w_pre (V240107a, pre-election)	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_own_gap	23.6	percentage points	weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share with one or more guns in the household (V241583)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES household guns question	2024	95% CI 19.6 to 27.7	4,571	w_pre (V240107a, pre-election)	ANES 2024 Time Series
t_own_r	52.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share with one or more guns in the household (V241583, asked before the election)	Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES household guns question	2024	95% CI 49.1% to 55.3%	2,082	w_pre (V240107a, pre-election)	ANES 2024 Time Series
wh_chg_d	−21.3	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	White Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −24.1 to −18.6	6,839	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
wh_chg_r	+1.7	percentage points	late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	White Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024	95% CI −1.6 to 5.0	5,359	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
wh_d_e	49.4%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	White Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 47.6% to 51.3%	3,413	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
wh_d_l	28.1%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes	White Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 26.1% to 30.1%	3,426	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
wh_share_d_e	84.2%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who are White (GSS race 1)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled)	95% CI 83.0% to 85.5%	4,054	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
wh_share_d_l	64.7%	percent of respondents who answered the item	weighted share who are White (GSS race 1)	Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question	2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled)	95% CI 62.9% to 66.4%	5,174	weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled	General Social Survey
z_anes_2000_lo	0.38	standard deviations of the answer	lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of the three-answer question (VCF9238, scored 1 more difficult, 2 same, 3 easier)	Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun	2000		1,559	weight (VCF0009z)	ANES Cumulative Data File

Definitions

Percentage point: The unit for the difference between two percentages. A change from one share to another is stated in points, not in percent, so that absolute and relative change are not confused.
Partisan leaner: A respondent who first says they are independent but, when asked, says they lean toward one party. Most figures group leaners with the party they lean toward, and each chapter says which grouping it uses.
Confidence interval: A range around an estimate that would contain the true value in 95% of repeated samples if the sampling model held. The book reports 95% intervals unless it says otherwise.
Effective sample size: The number of equally weighted respondents that would give the same precision as the weighted sample. It is smaller than the raw count when the weights vary a lot, and it sets how wide the confidence interval is.
Survey weights: Numbers that scale each respondent so the sample matches the population on known traits such as age, race, education and region. A weighted average counts a respondent with a large weight for more than one with a small weight.
Party sorting: The alignment of party with other traits, such as ideology, religion, race and place, so that people who share a party also tend to share those traits.
Standard deviation: A measure of how far values typically fall from their average. A larger standard deviation means the values are more spread out.
Linear probability model: A regression of a yes-or-no outcome on predictors, fitted by least squares so that each coefficient is a change in the probability of yes. The book weights it and reports robust standard errors.
HC3 robust standard errors: A way of computing standard errors that stays valid when the spread of the outcome differs across respondents, with a correction for small samples. The book uses it for regressions that have no clusters.
Survey mode: How respondents were interviewed: in person, by phone, on paper or online. Mode can change answers, so a change in mode can look like a change in opinion.

Methods

Sample. GSS respondents (raw file, weight_use) who answered the gun in the home question (owngun, yes or no; refused is missing): 47,521 respondents in 30 surveys from 1973 to 2024; the police permit question (gunlaw, favor or oppose): 50,498 respondents in 32 surveys from 1972 to 2024; the personally owns follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home from 1980): 41,426 respondents in 26 surveys. ANES Cumulative Data File respondents who answered the question on buying a gun (VCF9238): 22,800 respondents in 6 studies (2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020); ANES 2024 Time Series respondents with a post-election weight: 4,964. CES respondents who answered at least one of five gun items between 2010 and 2021: 443,846. Nationscape respondents who answered at least one of seven gun items in the weeks from July 2019 to 28 December 2020: 476,723.

Party and estimand. Democrats and Republicans include leaners (ANES and CES seven-point party identification 1 to 3 and 5 to 7; GSS partyid 0 to 2 and 4 to 6); independents are those who lean toward neither party (ANES and CES 4, GSS 3). Nationscape asks the three-category party question and, of every independent in every week, whether the respondent is closer to the Democratic Party, the Republican Party or neither, so its Democrats and Republicans include leaners and its independents answered neither; independents without a lean answer and respondents who chose something else have no party. Each outcome is the share giving one answer, as the wording table lists. The party gap is written so that it is positive when the party that favors that side is higher: Democratic minus Republican for favoring a police permit, making buying a gun more difficult, background checks, an assault rifle ban, a registry, limiting magazines, banning all guns, stricter sale laws and putting gun control above gun rights; Republican minus Democratic for a gun in the home, personal ownership, easier concealed-carry permits and prohibiting publication of owners' names.

Coding. Coding is read from stored labels and never from a correlation with party: GSS owngun, rowngun 1 yes, 2 no, 3 refused; gunlaw 1 favor, 2 oppose; region 1 northeast to 4 west; ANES VCF9238 1 more difficult, 2 keep the rules about the same, 3 make it easier; ANES 2024 V242325 1 more difficult, 2 easier, 3 keep the rules (recoded to the cumulative-file order), V242326 and V242329 1 favor, 2 oppose, 3 neither; CES raw items 1 support, 2 oppose and the sale-law scale 1 more strict, 2 less strict, 3 kept as they are (the stored 0 or 1 items are checked against the raw items); Nationscape items are stored as 1 for agree or yes. Personal ownership is 1 if owngun is yes and rowngun is yes, 0 if owngun is no or rowngun is no, and missing otherwise. Community type groups the NORC size of place code xnorcsiz: central cities (codes 1 and 2), suburbs and unincorporated areas of metropolitan cities (3 to 6), small cities and towns (7 and 8) and rural areas (9 and 10).

Weights. GSS weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before); the GSS interview mode is joined from the raw file. In person means interviewed in person (GSS mode 1) or in any survey before 2004, which was in person by design; web means GSS mode 4. One weighting rule applies to every pooled period and subgroup: the weights of all respondents who answered the item and named a party are rescaled to average one within each survey year, and only then is a subgroup (region, community type, race, owner, interview mode) selected. ANES weight VCF0009z, with weight_ftf and weight_web in 2012 and 2016 (the 2020 study has no mode weights). ANES 2024 post-election items use V240107b, the household guns item uses the pre-election weight V240107a, and the mode views use V240101b and V240102b of the fresh in-person and fresh web samples. CES weight, the single-wave weight. Nationscape weight.

Intervals. 95% intervals use the Kish effective sample size with a normal approximation, treat the weighted sample as a simple random sample and ignore the strata and clusters of the designs. A gap, a change between surveys or periods and a mode difference combine the two standard errors in quadrature, treating the estimates as independent. The place-adjusted gaps and changes are weighted linear probability models with HC3 errors. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, so their intervals rest on a model. As a check on the simple-random-sample intervals, the pooled GSS gaps also have design-based intervals from a Taylor linearisation with the survey strata (vstrat) and primary sampling units (vpsu), which the GSS records from 1975 (the 1973 and 1974 respondents enter as single-respondent units): ownership gap 6.8 [3.9, 9.8] early and 27.7 [25.0, 30.3] late; permit gap 4.1 [1.9, 6.4] early and 29.4 [26.7, 32.2] late; the design-based standard error is 1.03 times the one used in the chapter for the early ownership gap and 0.97 times for the late one.

Periods. The early period pools the GSS surveys of 1973 to 1980 that asked the item (1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980 for a gun in the home, and also 1975 for the police permit) and the late period pools those of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, after rescaling each year's weights to average one so that years count in proportion to their respondents. Personal ownership starts in 1980, so its early period is the 1980 survey alone. The CES and ANES changes compare the first and last year each item was asked.

Suppression. A Democratic or Republican cell in a yearly series needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100; an independent or all-respondent cell, and every cell in a mode, place, period or item split, needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. A gap needs both party cells to clear the floor. A Nationscape week needs at least 500 respondents on the item.

Dating by reference. The dates use the rule of the chapter Sort dates by attitude: the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score, scored so that a higher value is less regulation (a gun in the home, opposing a permit, the three-answer ANES item scored 1 more difficult to 3 easier), a threshold of 0.25 standard deviations, the point-estimate date as the first survey from which the estimate stays above it and the lower-bound date as the first survey from which the lower end of the 95% interval stays above it; the upper-bound date is the first survey from which the upper end stays above it. This chapter standardizes over the Democratic and Republican identifiers with the item in each survey; the code of that chapter standardizes over all respondents with the item, and the dates are the same either way (checked in the build). The difference between the ownership and permit z-gaps is tested survey by survey as a difference of independent estimates.

Refusals. Refused answers to the household question (owngun refused, or owngun missing with rowngun refused) are left out. The bounds count every refusal as an owner or as a nonowner. Smith, Laken and Son's estimate that most refusers are owners covers the surveys of 1973 to 2012.

CES. The per-year sign check recomputes the party gap in the expected direction for every item-year (all item-years, 34 in all) and finds it above zero in each, so the 2014 reversal of the ACA repeal item that the loader corrects has no counterpart in the gun items. Nationscape. Weekly waves from July 2019 to 28 December 2020 are pooled with the Nationscape weight; the half-year comparison uses July to December 2019 and July to December 2020. ANES 2024. The 2024 buying-a-gun point comes from the 2024 Time Series because the cumulative file lacks the item for 2024; it is weighted with the post-election weight and plotted with the cumulative-file points.

What these data cannot show

Each survey draws a new sample, so a change in a party's share can come from people changing their view, changing their party or being replaced by new adults, and these data cannot separate the three.
A Democratic fall in gun ownership could be Democrats who gave up a gun, gun owners who left the party, or younger Democrats who never owned one.
The ownership results are not evidence that ownership changed party loyalty or that party loyalty changed ownership, which Joslyn and coauthors study with vote choice [3].
The chapter has no birth cohort breakdown and does not date when any individual changed.
The ownership measures are reports.
One respondent answers for the home, so the household share depends on who answers, and Smith, Laken and Son show that husbands and wives report differently [4].
Refusals are about 5.4% of Republican respondents in 2016 to 2024, and the bounds treat them as all owners or none, which leaves the Republican change in household ownership uncertain.
The items count guns in the home or owned, not how many guns, what kind, whether they are carried or how they are stored.
The policy items each name one proposal, so the chapter says nothing about other debates such as laws on carrying a gun without a permit or on removing guns from people judged to be dangerous, and it has no measure of how strongly respondents hold a view, which was the question in the study by Schuman and Presser [2].
Wording limits every comparison across surveys.
The CES items are for or against a proposal in a list, the ANES 2024 items offer a middle answer, and the Nationscape items offer not sure, so the levels differ by survey even where the gaps agree.
The ANES 2024 buying a gun point comes from the separate Time Series file, and the GSS and ANES samples after 2020 mix or change interview mode, which affects the latest permit result, the Republican personal ownership rise and the 2020 ANES step.
The GSS intervals treat respondents as drawn one by one; the design-based check above changes the pooled gaps little.
The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, and the gun items in the CES end in 2021.
Place is the respondent's own community type and census region, which are not the county and say nothing about rural counties as a whole.
The chapter has no result on firearm deaths, which Planned, Firearm deaths and the vote (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/firearm-deaths-and-the-vote; planned) is planned to take up.

References

Kish, Leslie (1965). Survey Sampling. John Wiley and Sons.
Schuman, Howard; Presser, Stanley (1977). Attitude Measurement and the Gun Control Paradox. Public Opinion Quarterly 41(4): 427-438. doi:10.1086/268405
Joslyn, Mark R.; Haider-Markel, Donald P.; Baggs, Michael; Bilbo, Andrew (2017). Emerging Political Identities? Gun Ownership and Voting in Presidential Elections. Social Science Quarterly 98(2): 382-396. doi:10.1111/ssqu.12421
Smith, Tom W.; Laken, Faith; Son, Jaesok (2014). Gun Ownership in the United States: Measurement Issues and Trends. GSS Methodological Report No. 123, NORC at the University of Chicago (revised October 2015). gss.norc.org/Documents/reports/methodological-reports/MR123%20Gun%20Ownership.pdf
Dagonel, Angelo (2023). Guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences. Harvard Dataverse, Cumulative CES Policy Preferences, version 3 (guide last updated 2023-01-18). doi:10.7910/DVN/OSXDQO
Tausanovitch, Chris; Vavreck, Lynn (2023). Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape Project (data version 20211215). Harvard Dataverse, version 1. doi:10.7910/DVN/CQFP3Z
American National Election Studies (2021). ANES 2020 Time Series Study Full Release: User Guide and Codebook. Stanford University and the University of Michigan. electionstudies.org/data-center/2020-time-series-study/

Provenance

Pipeline version: 1.0.0
Build script: book3/chapters/guns/build.py (sha256 2435098c44ad5ef8193deab2e6b0125641c3c5c85ee9608fc5fa6edef59655f2)
Built on: 2026-10-03
Site commit: 16414b2c7257546a7042d0b1734657f208999f60

Inputs

File	Size (bytes)	SHA-256, first 1 MB	SHA-256, last 1 MB
data/anes/anes2024_ts/anes_timeseries_2024_spss_20260519.sav	12,757,094	3107c838755f88353d0e3e39b2c3d5f76a2888cf56a179e3acac84ab431335d2	bb318a018a39b4cf87ccc91b50a5b7c5b41746d28c0226f4a6c176e8c74966d6
data/anes/anes_cdf_clean.parquet	15,640,720	b3f0c2d8ae5673b2c40cf6df71318ea3f712cd845c4f1aad0460f28d1b022643	04f06dae56b65649291caf6cf77aab9767d9c92d0c2669c6d3655d9063970583
data/cces/cces_clean.parquet	53,454,868	9430e88b3196c9ca2250bdda1908d3920e80e276ca0c529c514e2fc2bdd00806	f61097c727c38fd8d7c8e53fe86935fb626f351a64d99ccb1ae0b56715b2c405
data/gss/gss_all_raw2024.parquet	35,044,704	6f6560d1929e8a100f576317a296ee88f777ca061ab7dbc1471cbdc7b3563538	5c3294f206beb53d9a8387fccb1983bf3088818df090bd8ed3f378adadafcf9b
data/nationscape/nationscape_clean.parquet	43,528,088	6a7904b0ca979052a375585356a3e4fb85129f4902770bee653b54e95fc936e4	8dc1daf282a9fa90033abf3be0312eb5d1bf351a6a0b719c43204c904af86a44

Outputs

File	SHA-256
facts.json	ec35efc6b8fb4d66d65a5da232ce6f1cda1747e043c980234d6ccb48f1216366
figures/ces_items.json	b13291afa6257cda8a6ff4c35bd0fa8a9c7b16098c94184971f0f3d0f569d23a
figures/gap_by_year.json	c688906b84ecefe4eac999cb679b309d615678642ad2c11223011c21bbfdce41
figures/mode_check.json	add3877504bee663726ce47ec8c1615175bc810ab402f2f04e8b9d6bdae7ccce
figures/nationscape.json	c0eaa33b7da0d9e6b0c364752f7188bf5b9c740604089e941e0ff46263702912
figures/own_by_party.json	742e060f9b946e3a0a0bde871e0c4786ab875553d6d1100d08d2b2a1ebf2fe70
figures/permit_by_party.json	00d52f14e3ddfa0c1cf44e88e92b79345fcb71aa0d9d27fb371d31f0530bb02c
figures/place_gap.json	601b5e9c58784e23df9f895ed72e2cad13279493e707058f49fdf01280c3eef6
figures/within_party.json	8bcb2482539e0cc4954d5fb236db663654c7fb0cc00f213ad8908ad245d78c21
figures/wording.json	1045d838fb874fa20239e1b20abd4d0f494890a739c801526def19c7cd59a486
meta.json	9cef3177ab7854a58426b19fdfebcb843b22021a2ae9aef44ca4ef6d3ad229ff
refs.json	332c6a3eb29691bb7b7ccc4b449e24b59c3f7da1117fc35240037f7f16e3891d

Machine formats

Report (Markdown): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns/report.md
Every estimate (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/facts.json
Table 1, figure "wording" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/wording.json
Table 2, figure "own_by_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/own_by_party.json
Table 3, figure "permit_by_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/permit_by_party.json
Table 4, figure "gap_by_year" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/gap_by_year.json
Table 5, figure "place_gap" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/place_gap.json
Table 6, figure "ces_items" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/ces_items.json
Table 7, figure "nationscape" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/nationscape.json
Table 8, figure "mode_check" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/mode_check.json
Table 9, figure "within_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/within_party.json
Index of every report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms.txt; all reports in one file: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms-full.txt