# Guns: report

Chapter 4.3 of The Public Mind, by Vishal Singh (NYU Stern). Generated from the chapter's data files; the reading version is at https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns. Table n of this report is figure n of the chapter.

## Identification

- Title: Guns
- Chapter: 4.3 (Part IV, Issues move on different schedules; Coalitions and political differences)
- Question: How have gun ownership and gun-policy attitudes sorted by party?
- Dek: In the General Social Survey, the share living in a household with a gun was 6.8 points higher among Republicans than Democrats in 1973 to 1980 and 27.7 points higher in 2016 to 2024.
- Grain: individuals
- Status: draft
- Published: 2026-10-03
- Updated: not revised
- Data sources:
  - General Social Survey. Raw file 1972-2024: gun in the home (owngun), personally owns (rowngun), police permit (gunlaw), census region, community type (xnorcsiz), race, strata and primary sampling units (vstrat and vpsu); interview mode from the raw file; years: 1972-2024 (35 study years); weights: weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)
  - ANES Cumulative Data File. Cumulative Data File 1948-2024, the question on buying a gun (VCF9238) in the six studies from 2000 to 2020; mode weights for 2012 and 2016; years: 1948-2024 (33 study years; even years only after 2004; no 2006, 2010 or 2014 study); weights: weight (VCF0009z); weight_ftf and weight_web for the mode split
  - ANES 2024 Time Series. 2024 Time Series: buying a gun (V242325), background checks (V242326), assault-style rifles (V242329) and guns in the household (V241583); years: 2024 (pre-election and post-election interviews); weights: V240107b (post-election); V240107a for the household item; V240101b and V240102b for the mode views
  - Cooperative Election Study. Cumulative CES policy items 2010-2021: sale laws (guns_scale, 2010 and 2012), background checks, assault rifles, concealed carry and owners' names (2013-2021); years: 2006-2024 (every year; self-reported turnout is available in the 10 even years); weights: weight (single-wave weight)
  - Nationscape. Weekly waves July 2019 to December 2020: household gun and six gun policy items, party with the follow-up question on leaners; years: 2019-07-18 to 2021-04-15 (85 weekly waves); weights: weight
- Canonical URL: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns
- Report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns/report
- Markdown: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns/report.md
- BibTeX key: singh2026guns

```bibtex
@misc{singh2026guns,
  author = {Singh, Vishal},
  title = {Guns},
  year = {2026},
  url = {https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns},
  note = {In The Public Mind. Published 3 October 2026.}
}
```

## Principal estimates

The facts the dek and the opening prose cite, in order of appearance.

| Estimand | Population | Period | Value | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Fact id |
| --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 6.8 | 95% CI 4.0 to 9.7 | 6,274 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_gap_e |
| weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 27.7 | 95% CI 24.9 to 30.4 | 8,833 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_gap_l |
| weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 53.0% | 95% CI 50.8% to 55.2% | 3,622 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_r_l |
| weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 25.3% | 95% CI 23.7% to 26.9% | 5,211 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_d_l |
| weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 54.2% | 95% CI 51.9% to 56.5% | 2,220 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_r_e |
| weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 47.3% | 95% CI 45.6% to 49.1% | 4,054 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_d_e |
| fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 22.0 | 95% CI 19.7 to 24.4 | 9,265 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_fall_d |
| late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | −1.2 | 95% CI −4.4 to 2.0 | 5,842 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_chg_r |
| rise in the weighted share, late period minus early period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 7.8 | 95% CI 5.9 to 9.8 | 10,024 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | gm_rise_d |
| fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 17.5 | 95% CI 14.5 to 20.4 | 6,418 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | gm_fall_r |
| weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 4.1 | 95% CI 1.8 to 6.5 | 7,473 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | gm_gap_e |
| weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 29.4 | 95% CI 26.9 to 32.0 | 8,969 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | gm_gap_l |
| count of respondents with a yes or no answer to owngun | GSS respondents who answered the gun in the home question | 1973-2024 | 47,521 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_g_own |
| count of survey years with the item | GSS survey years that asked the gun in the home question | 1973-2024 | 30 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_g_own_waves |
| count of respondents with a favor or oppose answer to gunlaw | GSS respondents who answered the police permit question | 1972-2024 | 50,498 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_g_perm |
| count of survey years with the item | GSS survey years that asked the police permit question | 1972-2024 | 32 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_g_perm_waves |
| count of respondents with a usable answer to VCF9238 | ANES respondents who answered the question on buying a gun | 2000-2020 | 22,800 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | n_a_item |
| count of study years with the item | ANES studies that asked the question on buying a gun | 2000-2020 | 6 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | n_a_waves |
| count of respondents with an answer to at least one of the five gun items | CES respondents who answered at least one gun item | 2010-2021 | 443,846 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study | n_ces_resp |
| count of respondents in the weeks through 28 December 2020 with an answer to at least one of the seven gun items | Nationscape respondents who answered at least one gun item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 476,723 |   |   | none (count) | Nationscape | n_ns_resp |
| weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share, with a design-based interval (Taylor linearisation with the GSS strata and primary sampling units); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 6.8 | 95% CI 3.9 to 9.8 | 6,274 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_gap_e_design |
| weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share, with a design-based interval (Taylor linearisation with the GSS strata and primary sampling units); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 27.7 | 95% CI 25.0 to 30.3 | 8,833 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey | go_gap_l_design |

## Findings

In the General Social Survey (GSS), 53.0% of Republican identifiers and 25.3% of Democratic identifiers lived in a household with a gun in 2016 to 2024, a gap of 27.7 (95% CI 24.9 to 30.4) points. In 1973 to 1980 the shares were 54.2% and 47.3%, a gap of 6.8 (95% CI 4.0 to 9.7) points. Between the two periods the Democratic share fell by 22.0 (95% CI 19.7 to 24.4) points, while the Republican share changed by −1.2 (95% CI −4.4 to 2.0) points, an interval that includes zero. The GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun moved mostly on the Republican side. The Democratic share in favor rose by 7.8 (95% CI 5.9 to 9.8) points and the Republican share fell by 17.5 (95% CI 14.5 to 20.4) points, which took the gap from 4.1 (95% CI 1.8 to 6.5) to 29.4 (95% CI 26.9 to 32.0) points.

Each question counts one answer: that a household has a gun, that the respondent owns one, or that the respondent favors a policy. A gap is the difference between the parties in the share giving that answer, in points, written so that a positive gap means the party that favors that side is higher. For stricter rules the gap is the Democratic share minus the Republican share, and for owning a gun, easing concealed carry and prohibiting the publication of owners' names it is the Republican share minus the Democratic share. Party includes leaners, independents are the respondents who lean toward neither party, and every interval is a 95% confidence interval. In person means interviewed in person, which covers every GSS respondent before 2004. Each survey words its questions in its own way (Table 1), so no line in this chapter joins two surveys. The American National Election Studies (ANES), the Cooperative Election Study (CES) and Nationscape ask about other policies, and each shows a party gap in the expected direction on every item it asks. (Note: Shares use the survey weights and cover respondents who answered the item: 47,521 in 30 GSS surveys for a gun in the home, 50,498 in 32 for the police permit, 22,800 in 6 ANES studies for the question on buying a gun, and 443,846 CES and 476,723 Nationscape respondents on at least one gun item. Intervals use the Kish effective sample size [1] and treat the weighted sample as if respondents had been drawn one by one. A design-based interval that uses the GSS strata and primary sampling units, which the survey records from 1975, is 6.8 (95% CI 3.9 to 9.8) for the 1973 to 1980 ownership gap and 27.7 (95% CI 25.0 to 30.3) for 2016 to 2024, against 6.8 (95% CI 4.0 to 9.7) and 27.7 (95% CI 24.9 to 30.4) here, so the simplification changes them little; the 1973 and 1974 respondents have no design variables. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, so their intervals rest on a model and say nothing about who chose to join.)

Schuman and Presser asked why national surveys showed strong support for gun registration while legislatures did not enact it. They found that question wording matters and that opponents hold their views more strongly than supporters, and that neither fully explains the difference [2]. Joslyn and coauthors used the GSS from 1972 to 2012 and report that owning a firearm is associated with voting for Republican presidential candidates across the election cycles they examine [3]. The GSS measures ownership from one respondent's report about the home, and Smith, Laken and Son find that husbands report a gun in the home more often than wives [4]. This chapter describes how ownership and policy answers line up with party, a case of party sorting in which an answer that once cut across the parties comes to follow them, and it does not test either account. Chapter 4.1, The abortion sort (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/the-abortion-sort) and Chapter 4.2, Immigration (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/immigration) follow two other issues in the same way.

Table 1. Each survey words its gun questions differently and counts a different answer

### Ownership fell among Democrats and independents and changed less among Republicans

Table 2 plots the share with a gun in the home in each GSS survey year. Pooled over 1973 to 1980 the Democratic share was 47.3% and the independent share 48.5%. Pooled over 2016 to 2024 they were 25.3% and 27.4%, falls of 22.0 (95% CI 19.7 to 24.4) and 21.1 (95% CI 16.7 to 25.5) points. The Republican share was 54.2% and then 53.0%, and its change has an interval that includes zero and excludes a fall as large as either of the other two. The gap between Republicans and Democrats therefore grew by 20.8 (95% CI 16.8 to 24.8) points as Democrats and independents fell and Republicans changed less.

Table 2. Household gun ownership fell among Democrats and independents and changed less among Republicans

The pooled Republican comparison hides a dip and depends on how the data are cut. The Republican share was between 44.0% and 47.6% in the surveys of 1998 to 2006, and pooled over them it was 45.9%, a change of −8.2 (95% CI −11.4 to −5.1) points from 1973 to 1980. It was back near its early level from 2008 on. Among respondents interviewed in person in 2016 to 2024 the Republican change is −4.6 (95% CI −8.9 to −0.3) points and the gap is 24.7 (95% CI 20.4 to 29.1) points. Among those interviewed on the web the change is +1.6 (95% CI −2.2 to 5.5) points and the gap 29.6 (95% CI 25.7 to 33.4) points, a web minus in-person difference in the gap of 4.8 (95% CI −1.0 to 10.7) points that includes zero. Counting every refusal as a nonowner gives a Republican change of −3.7 (95% CI −6.9 to −0.6) points, and counting every refusal as an owner gives +1.1 (95% CI −2.1 to 4.2). The same two rules put the 2016 to 2024 gap between 25.1 and 29.5 points. The cuts disagree on whether the Republican change differs from zero, and all of them put it far below the Democratic fall.

The Democratic fall came in steps. The share was 39.2% in 1996 and 29.1% in 2000, a fall of 10.1 (95% CI 5.0 to 15.2) points, and it was 21.3% in 2010. From 22.0% in 2016 to 27.4% in 2024 it changed by +5.4 (95% CI −0.2 to 10.9) points, an interval that includes zero. Chapter 4.7, Sort dates by attitude (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/sort-dates-by-attitude) dates a party gap by the survey year in which it passes 0.25 standard deviations (SD) of the answers and stays above that mark. Applied to a gun in the home, the point estimate passes the mark in 1998 and the lower end of the interval in 2008, and the upper end of the interval has stayed above it since 1993, so the data allow dates from 1993 to 2008. This chapter standardizes over the Democratic and Republican identifiers in each survey, and that chapter standardizes over all respondents with the item. The dates are the same either way.

The personal ownership question gives a different Republican result. It is a follow-up that asks respondents who report a gun in the home whether any gun belongs to them, and it starts in 1980. In 1980 the share personally owning a gun was 29.6% among Democrats and 31.5% among Republicans, and in 2016 to 2024 it was 15.8% and 38.6%. The Democratic share fell by 13.8 (95% CI 9.5 to 18.1) points and the Republican share changed by +7.1 (95% CI 1.5 to 12.8) points, so the gap grew from 1.8 (95% CI −4.8 to 8.4) to 22.8 (95% CI 20.2 to 25.3) points. The Republican change depends on mode. It is +3.5 (95% CI −2.7 to 9.8) points among respondents interviewed in person, an interval that includes zero, and +9.7 (95% CI 3.7 to 15.8) points among those interviewed on the web. The in-person Republican share runs from 33.1% to 38.3% across the 2016 to 2024 surveys and the web share from 40.0% to 42.7%, so the Republican rise in personal ownership coincides with the web surveys and is not an established change.

Republican respondents refuse the household question more often than Democrats. In 2016 to 2024 5.4% of Republican respondents refused or skipped it against 1.0% of Democrats, and in 1973 to 1980 the shares were 0.5% and 0.6%. The estimates above drop these respondents. Smith, Laken and Son estimate that most respondents who refused the question in the surveys of 1973 to 2012 were gun owners [4]. That estimate does not cover 2016 to 2024, but if it carries over, the dropped-refusal gap is more likely to be too low than too high, and the range from 25.1 to 29.5 points does not change the pattern.

### Support for a police permit fell among Republicans

The GSS has asked whether respondents favor a law requiring a police permit before buying a gun in 32 surveys since 1972. In 1973 to 1980 75.1% of Democrats and 71.0% of Republicans were in favor, a gap of 4.1 (95% CI 1.8 to 6.5) points. In 2016 to 2024 the shares were 82.9% and 53.5% (Table 3). The Republican share fell by 17.5 (95% CI 14.5 to 20.4) points, the Democratic share rose by 7.8 (95% CI 5.9 to 9.8) points, and the independent share changed by −5.9 (95% CI −9.8 to −2.0) points. Among respondents interviewed in person the Republican fall is 12.6 (95% CI 8.7 to 16.6) points and the Democratic rise 6.7 (95% CI 4.1 to 9.2) points, so the gap is 23.4 (95% CI 19.3 to 27.5) points in person against 34.5 (95% CI 30.9 to 38.1) on the web, a web minus in-person difference of 11.1 (95% CI 5.6 to 16.5) points. That comparison mixes mode and survey year. The interval for the Republican share in 2016 to 2024 lies above an even split, so most Republican identifiers still favor a permit in these data, and so do 68.7% of all respondents, against 73.6% in 1973 to 1980. Majority support for a gun measure in surveys is the setting of the study by Schuman and Presser [2], who asked how strongly respondents hold their views. The GSS has no measure of strength.

Table 3. Support for a police permit to buy a gun rose among Democrats and fell among Republicans

Table 4 puts the ownership gap, the permit gap and the ANES gap on one axis. By the dating rule of Chapter 4.7, Sort dates by attitude (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/sort-dates-by-attitude), the gap in opposing a permit passes 0.25 SD by its point estimate in 2000 and by its lower bound in 2014, against 1998 and 2008 for ownership. The point-estimate dates fall in adjacent surveys, and the upper end of the interval stays above the mark from 1993 for the permit item as it does for ownership. The difference between the two z-scored gaps, ownership minus permit, has an interval that excludes zero in 1987, 2021 and 2022 and in no survey from 1993 to 2018, so the data do not order the two openings.

The ANES asks whether the government should make buying a gun more difficult, easier, or leave the rules as they are, in six studies from 2000 to 2020. The Democratic share saying more difficult was 68.9% in 2000 and 75.3% in 2020, a change of +6.4 (95% CI 2.5 to 10.4) points. The Republican share was 44.5% and 22.4%, a fall of 22.2 (95% CI 17.6 to 26.7) points, and the gap grew from 24.4 (95% CI 19.0 to 29.7) to 53.0 (95% CI 50.2 to 55.8) points. The ANES gap is already above the mark in its first study, where the lower end of the 2000 interval is 0.38 SD, so the ANES cannot say when the gap opened. The cumulative file does not have the item for 2024, and the 2024 Time Series, a separate file, asks it with the same three answers. In it 82.2% of Democrats and 31.5% of Republicans favor making buying a gun more difficult, a gap of 50.7 (95% CI 47.0 to 54.3) points. From 2020 to 2024 the Democratic share changed by +6.9 (95% CI 3.9 to 9.9) points, the Republican share by +9.1 (95% CI 5.7 to 12.6) points and the gap by −2.3 (95% CI −6.9 to 2.3) points, an interval that includes zero. The 2020 study had no in-person interviews and the 2024 study mixes modes, so that change mixes mode and time.

Table 4. The party gaps on gun ownership and gun permits were at most 13.2 points through 1996 and at least 17.4 points from 2008

### The permit gap holds among owners and nonowners

A party difference in support for a permit could be a difference in who owns guns. Among respondents who answered both questions, the gap in favoring a permit in 2016 to 2024 was 28.1 (95% CI 23.8 to 32.4) points among respondents with a gun in the home and 22.1 (95% CI 18.5 to 25.6) points among those without one, so it is larger among owners than among nonowners by 6.0 (95% CI 0.5 to 11.6) points. In 1973 to 1980 the two gaps were 0.9 (95% CI −3.1 to 4.9) and 3.2 (95% CI 0.2 to 6.3) points. Within each party, owners are less likely than nonowners to favor a permit. Among Democrats the shares are 75.3% and 85.8%, a difference of −10.6 (95% CI −14.0 to −7.2) points, and among Republicans 47.2% and 63.8%, a difference of −16.6 (95% CI −21.0 to −12.2) points. A Democratic owner is more likely to favor a permit than a Republican nonowner, by 11.5 (95% CI 7.1 to 15.9) points, which is the amount by which the party gap among nonowners exceeds the owner difference among Democrats. Against the owner difference among Republicans the nonowner gap is larger by 5.5 (95% CI −1.8 to 12.8) points, an interval that includes zero.

### The ownership gap appears within regions and kinds of community

Ownership differs by place, so the party gap could be a place gap. Table 5 compares the parties within four census regions and four community types. In 2016 to 2024 the Republican share is higher in every row, by between 14.0 and 29.3 points. The gap is smallest in point terms in rural areas (14.0 (95% CI 4.5 to 23.5)), where Democrats are most likely to have a gun (57.1%). The rural cells are small. The Democratic cell has 267 respondents, 4.4% of Democratic respondents in 2016 to 2024. In 1973 to 1980 the gap ran from −1.5 to 16.8 points and its interval included zero in 4 of 8 rows. It was largest in the Northeast (16.8 (95% CI 11.0 to 22.5)), where Democrats were least likely to have a gun (22.7%), and near zero in rural areas (2.1 (95% CI −3.2 to 7.5)) and in the West and in small cities and towns.

Table 5. Republicans were more likely than Democrats to live in a household with a gun in every region and kind of community

Place relates to ownership within each party. In 2016 to 2024 57.1% of Democrats in rural areas had a gun in the home against 18.9% in central cities, a difference of 38.2 (95% CI 30.4 to 46.0) points, and among Republicans the shares were 71.1% and 39.6%, a difference of 31.5 (95% CI 23.7 to 39.3) points. Democrats in rural areas were more likely to have a gun than Republicans in central cities by 17.5 (95% CI 8.5 to 26.6) points, and the difference was 31.9 (95% CI 25.9 to 38.0) points in 1973 to 1980.

The place mix of the Democratic Party also changed. The share of Democratic respondents living in suburbs rose from 36.9% to 57.1%, and the share in rural areas fell from 16.5% to 4.4%. Because rural respondents are most likely to have a gun, part of the Democratic fall could be a change in where Democrats live. Net of region and community type, in a linear probability model with the region by community interaction and HC3 errors, the Democratic change is −18.7 (95% CI −21.0 to −16.3) points against −22.0 (95% CI −24.4 to −19.7) without them, and the Republican change is −1.2 (95% CI −4.4 to 2.1) points. The gap in 2016 to 2024 net of place is 23.6 (95% CI 20.9 to 26.4) points against 27.7 (95% CI 24.9 to 30.4) raw, and in 1973 to 1980 it is 4.5 (95% CI 1.8 to 7.3) against 6.8 (95% CI 4.0 to 9.7). Adjusting for place lowers each gap by a few points and leaves most of both. The same model puts the 2016 to 2024 permit gap at 28.0 (95% CI 25.3 to 30.7) points against 29.4 (95% CI 26.9 to 32.0) raw.

The racial mix of the Democratic Party also changed, from 84.2% White among Democratic respondents in 1973 to 1980 to 64.7% in 2016 to 2024. Among White respondents alone, the Democratic share with a gun in the home fell from 49.4% to 28.1%, a change of −21.3 (95% CI −24.1 to −18.6) points, and the Republican share changed by +1.7 (95% CI −1.6 to 5.0) points, so the Democratic fall holds among White respondents. Chapter 8.3, Party and place (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/party-and-place) compares party gaps on the CES gun item with gaps between counties of different partisan lean.

### The size of the gap depends on the policy item

Table 6 plots five CES items. Background checks draw support from both parties, 95.9% of Democrats and 81.5% of Republicans in 2021, a gap of 14.3 (95% CI 13.2 to 15.5) points that is smaller than the gap of 17.2 (95% CI 15.5 to 18.9) points in 2013. The gap on banning assault rifles grew from 42.1 (95% CI 39.9 to 44.3) points in 2013 to 55.8 (95% CI 54.3 to 57.3) in 2021, and the Republican share in support fell by 10.5 (95% CI 8.3 to 12.7) points while the Democratic share changed by +3.2 (95% CI 1.7 to 4.7) points. The items that favor the gun side moved on the Democratic side. On easier concealed-carry permits the gap grew from 36.4 (95% CI 34.1 to 38.7) to 44.1 (95% CI 42.6 to 45.7) points, with a Democratic change of −6.2 (95% CI −7.8 to −4.5) points and a Republican change of +1.6 (95% CI −0.7 to 3.8) points. On prohibiting the publication of owners' names the gap grew from 22.6 (95% CI 20.2 to 24.9) points in 2013 to 30.8 (95% CI 29.6 to 31.9) in 2020, with a Democratic change of −9.4 (95% CI −11.3 to −7.6) points and a Republican change of −1.2 (95% CI −3.1 to 0.6) points.

Table 6. In the CES the party gap grew on assault rifles, concealed carry and owners' names and did not grow on background checks

The cumulative CES file reverses the coding of one health care item in 2014. A check of every gun item in every year found no reversal. The party expected to favor each item is higher in all 34 item-years, with an interval above zero. The wording and coding follow the guide to the cumulative file [5]. The CES stems change in 2016, 2019 and 2021, and the file has no gun item in 2022 to 2024.

Nationscape interviewed adults every week from July 2019 [6], and Table 7 pools the weeks through December 2020. In Nationscape 29.5% of Democrats and 51.5% of Republicans lived in a household with a gun, a gap of 22.0 (95% CI 21.5 to 22.5) points. That is smaller than the 2016 to 2024 GSS gap and about equal to the ANES 2024 gap of 23.6 (95% CI 19.6 to 27.7) points, where the shares were 28.6% and 52.2%. Background checks drew 95.0% of Democrats and 89.2% of Republicans, a gap of 5.8 (95% CI 5.5 to 6.1) points. The gaps were 34.6 (95% CI 34.1 to 35.1) on banning assault rifles, 35.5 (95% CI 34.4 to 36.6) on putting control over ownership above the right to own, and 21.0 (95% CI 20.6 to 21.5) on banning all guns, which 32.8% of Democrats and 11.8% of Republicans favored. Between July to December 2019 and July to December 2020 no gap changed by more than 2.2 points. Levels differ across surveys with the answers offered. The Republican share favoring background checks is 81.5% in the 2021 CES, 80.4% in the 2024 ANES, where neither favor nor oppose is an answer, and 89.2% in Nationscape.

Table 7. In Nationscape the parties differed on every gun item and differed least on background checks

### The gaps are above zero within each interview mode

The GSS moved from in-person interviews to the web. Of the 2021 respondents who answered the household question, 87% were interviewed on the web, and the 2022 and 2024 surveys used both modes. The ANES added a web sample in 2012, and the 2020 study had no in-person interviews and no separate weights by mode [7]. Table 8 splits the gaps by interview mode. Every gap is above zero in every mode, and web and in-person gaps differ by more than sampling error in one of 7 comparisons, the 2024 GSS permit gap, which is 34.2 (95% CI 26.2 to 42.3) points on the web and 18.4 (95% CI 7.6 to 29.1) in person, a difference of 15.9 (95% CI 2.4 to 29.3) points.

Table 8. Every party gap is above zero within each interview mode, and web and in-person gaps differ by more than sampling error only on the 2024 GSS permit item

The in-person GSS ownership gap was 27.3 (95% CI 19.9 to 34.6) points in 2018 and 25.9 (95% CI 14.4 to 37.3) in 2024, and the web gap was 28.7 (95% CI 24.2 to 33.3) in 2021 and 34.1 (95% CI 25.2 to 43.1) in 2024, so the ownership gap is present in each mode. Pooled over 2016 to 2024 the in-person ownership gap is 24.7 (95% CI 20.4 to 29.1) points, and the in-person Republican change from 1973 to 1980 is −4.6 (95% CI −8.9 to −0.3) points. The latest movement in the permit gap depends on mode more clearly. Pooled over 2016 to 2024 the permit gap is 23.4 (95% CI 19.3 to 27.5) points in person and 34.5 (95% CI 30.9 to 38.1) on the web. The mostly web survey of 2021 gives a permit gap of 35.4 (95% CI 31.1 to 39.7) points against 22.8 (95% CI 16.0 to 29.7) among in-person respondents in 2018, a difference of 12.6 (95% CI 4.5 to 20.7) points that mixes mode and time. In person, neither the 2022 nor the 2024 permit gap differs from the 2018 gap by more than sampling error, so the rise from 2018 to 2021 is not matched by an in-person rise.

The ANES gap on buying a gun was 45.4 (95% CI 38.7 to 52.1) points in person and 42.2 (95% CI 38.0 to 46.3) on the web in 2016. It rose by 9.9 (95% CI 5.4 to 14.4) points from 2016 to 2020, the year of the mode change, and the 2020 study has no weights by mode, so the ANES cannot separate that rise from the change of mode.

### Democrats changed more on owning guns and Republicans on regulating sales

Each survey shows its change mostly on one side of the issue (Table 9). On the household gun item the Democratic share changed by −22.0 (95% CI −24.4 to −19.7) points and the Republican share by −1.2 (95% CI −4.4 to 2.0). On concealed carry the Democratic share changed by −6.2 (95% CI −7.8 to −4.5) points against +1.6 (95% CI −0.7 to 3.8) for Republicans, and on owners' names by −9.4 (95% CI −11.3 to −7.6) against −1.2 (95% CI −3.1 to 0.6). The Democratic change is larger in size than the Republican change on these items, by 20.8 (95% CI 16.8 to 24.8), 4.6 (95% CI 1.8 to 7.4) and 8.2 (95% CI 5.6 to 10.8) points. On the items about regulating sales the larger change is Republican. The GSS permit share changed by −17.5 (95% CI −20.4 to −14.5) points among Republicans against +7.8 (95% CI 5.9 to 9.8) among Democrats, the ANES share saying buying a gun should be more difficult by −22.2 (95% CI −26.7 to −17.6) against +6.4 (95% CI 2.5 to 10.4), and the CES assault rifle share by −10.5 (95% CI −12.7 to −8.3) against +3.2 (95% CI 1.7 to 4.7). The Republican change is larger in size by 9.6 (95% CI 6.1 to 13.1), 15.7 (95% CI 9.7 to 21.8) and 7.2 (95% CI 4.6 to 9.9) points. Independents moved with the party that moved. Their household ownership share fell by 21.1 (95% CI 16.7 to 25.5) points, like Democrats, and their ANES share saying buying a gun should be more difficult changed by −15.5 (95% CI −24.1 to −6.8) points, closer to the Republican change.

Table 9. Democrats changed more on owning and carrying guns and Republicans changed more on regulating sales, except for personal ownership and background checks

Personal ownership and background checks do not follow the pattern. Personal ownership changed by −13.8 (95% CI −18.1 to −9.5) points among Democrats and +7.1 (95% CI 1.5 to 12.8) among Republicans, and the sizes of the two changes differ by 6.7 (95% CI −0.4 to 13.8) points, an interval that includes zero. The CES background check share rose by +3.8 (95% CI 1.9 to 5.7) points among Republicans and +1.0 (95% CI 0.1 to 1.8) among Democrats, so the Republican change runs the opposite way to the Republican falls on the other items about regulating sales.

### What these data cannot show

Each survey draws a new sample, so a change in a party's share can come from people changing their view, changing their party or being replaced by new adults, and these data cannot separate the three. A Democratic fall in gun ownership could be Democrats who gave up a gun, gun owners who left the party, or younger Democrats who never owned one. The ownership results are not evidence that ownership changed party loyalty or that party loyalty changed ownership, which Joslyn and coauthors study with vote choice [3]. The chapter has no birth cohort breakdown and does not date when any individual changed.

The ownership measures are reports. One respondent answers for the home, so the household share depends on who answers, and Smith, Laken and Son show that husbands and wives report differently [4]. Refusals are about 5.4% of Republican respondents in 2016 to 2024, and the bounds treat them as all owners or none, which leaves the Republican change in household ownership uncertain. The items count guns in the home or owned, not how many guns, what kind, whether they are carried or how they are stored. The policy items each name one proposal, so the chapter says nothing about other debates such as laws on carrying a gun without a permit or on removing guns from people judged to be dangerous, and it has no measure of how strongly respondents hold a view, which was the question in the study by Schuman and Presser [2].

Wording limits every comparison across surveys. The CES items are for or against a proposal in a list, the ANES 2024 items offer a middle answer, and the Nationscape items offer not sure, so the levels differ by survey even where the gaps agree. The ANES 2024 buying a gun point comes from the separate Time Series file, and the GSS and ANES samples after 2020 mix or change interview mode, which affects the latest permit result, the Republican personal ownership rise and the 2020 ANES step. The GSS intervals treat respondents as drawn one by one; the design-based check above changes the pooled gaps little. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, and the gun items in the CES end in 2021. Place is the respondent's own community type and census region, which are not the county and say nothing about rural counties as a whole. The chapter has no result on firearm deaths, which Planned, Firearm deaths and the vote (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/firearm-deaths-and-the-vote; planned) is planned to take up.

## Tables

### Table 1. Each survey words its gun questions differently and counts a different answer

Question wording or file label, answers offered, years used, the answer counted and the direction of the gap, by survey and item

| Survey | Item | Question wording or file label | Answers | Years used | Answer counted | Gap |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| GSS | Gun in the home (owngun) | Do you happen to have in your home (if house: or garage) any guns or revolvers? | Yes, no (refused is missing) | 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977, 1980, 1982, 1984, 1985, 1987 to 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024 | Yes | Republican minus Democratic |
| GSS | Gun owned by the respondent (rowngun) | Do any of these guns personally belong to you? Asked of respondents who report a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning | Yes, no (refused is missing) | 1980, 1982, 1984, 1985, 1987 to 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024 | Yes | Republican minus Democratic |
| GSS | Police permit (gunlaw) | Would you favor or oppose a law which would require a person to obtain a police permit before he or she could buy a gun? | Favor, oppose | 1972 to 1977, 1980, 1982, 1984, 1985, 1987 to 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024 | Favor | Democratic minus Republican |
| ANES cumulative file | Buying a gun (VCF9238) | Should the government make it more difficult or easier to buy a gun, or should the rules stay the same as they are now? (file label) | More difficult, keep the rules about the same, make it easier | 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020 | More difficult | Democratic minus Republican |
| ANES 2024 | Buying a gun (V242325) | Should federal government make it more difficult or easier to buy a gun (file label; the cumulative file lacks this item for 2024) | More difficult, easier, keep these rules about the same | 2024 | More difficult | Democratic minus Republican |
| ANES 2024 | Background checks (V242326) | Favor or oppose background checks for gun purchases (file label) | Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose | 2024 | Favor | Democratic minus Republican |
| ANES 2024 | Assault-style rifles (V242329) | Favor or oppose banning 'assault-style' rifles (file label) | Favor, oppose, neither favor nor oppose | 2024 | Favor | Democratic minus Republican |
| ANES 2024 | Guns in the household (V241583) | How many guns in household (file label; asked before the election) | A number of guns, 0 for none | 2024 | One or more | Republican minus Democratic |
| CES | Firearm sale laws (guns_scale) | In general, do you feel that the laws covering the sale of firearms should be made more strict, less strict, or kept as they are? | More strict, less strict, kept as they are | 2010, 2012 | More strict | Democratic minus Republican |
| CES | Background checks (guns_bgchecks) | On the issue of gun regulation, are you for or against each of the following proposals? Background checks for all sales, including at gun shows and over the Internet (2016: support or oppose; 2019: the item alone; 2021: Require criminal background checks on all gun sales) | For or support, against or oppose | 2013 to 2019, 2021 | Support | Democratic minus Republican |
| CES | Assault rifles (guns_assaultban) | Ban assault rifles (same stem as the background checks item) | For or support, against or oppose | 2013 to 2021 | Support | Democratic minus Republican |
| CES | Concealed carry (guns_permits) | Make it easier for people to obtain concealed-carry permit (2014: concealed weapons permits) | For or support, against or oppose | 2013 to 2021 | Support | Republican minus Democratic |
| CES | Owners' names (guns_names) | Prohibit state and local governments from publishing the names and addresses of all gun owners | For or support, against or oppose | 2013 to 2017, 2020 | Support | Republican minus Democratic |
| Nationscape | Household gun (gun_household) | Respondent or household member owns a gun (file description) | Yes, no | 77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020 | Yes | Republican minus Democratic |
| Nationscape | Background checks | Require background checks for all gun purchases (file description) | Agree, disagree, not sure | 77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020 | Agree | Democratic minus Republican |
| Nationscape | Registry | Create a public government registry of gun ownership (file description) | Agree, disagree, not sure | 77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020 | Agree | Democratic minus Republican |
| Nationscape | Assault rifles | Ban assault rifles (file description) | Agree, disagree, not sure | 77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020 | Agree | Democratic minus Republican |
| Nationscape | Magazines | Limit gun magazines to 10 bullets (file description) | Agree, disagree, not sure | 77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020 | Agree | Democratic minus Republican |
| Nationscape | Ban all guns | Ban all guns (file description) | Agree, disagree, not sure | 77 weekly waves, Jul 2019 to Dec 2020 | Agree | Democratic minus Republican |
| Nationscape | Control over rights | It is more important for government to control who owns guns than to protect the right to own guns (file description) | Four answers from strongly agree to strongly disagree | 65 weekly waves, Sep 2019 to Dec 2020 | Agree or agree strongly | Democratic minus Republican |

Note: A gap is written so that it is positive when the party that favors that side is higher: Democratic minus Republican for the gun control answers and Republican minus Democratic for owning a gun, easing concealed carry and prohibiting publication of owners' names.

Note: CES wording is quoted from the guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences file; the file's own item labels are shorter. ANES and Nationscape rows give the file label or description because the full question text was not checked. The cumulative-file label for the buying-a-gun item says the government and the 2024 label says the federal government; the chapter does not claim the questions differ, and the answers are the same three in a different code order.

Note: The CES gun items are for or against each proposal in a list, so a middle answer is not offered; the ANES 2024 background check and assault rifle items offer neither favor nor oppose, which counts as not favoring.

Source: General Social Survey, ANES Cumulative Data File and 2024 Time Series, CES cumulative policy preferences guide and Nationscape codebook; question wording only, no weights apply

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/wording.json

### Table 2. Household gun ownership fell among Democrats and independents and changed less among Republicans

Share of respondents with a gun in the home, by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; General Social Survey, 1973 to 2024; 95% intervals

| Measure | Group | Year | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1973 | 43.8 | 40.0 | 47.5 | 797 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1974 | 44.0 | 40.3 | 47.8 | 817 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1976 | 47.8 | 44.0 | 51.6 | 823 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1977 | 51.8 | 48.0 | 55.5 | 868 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1980 | 49.1 | 44.7 | 53.5 | 749 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1982 | 48.2 | 44.2 | 52.1 | 1,098 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1984 | 42.1 | 37.7 | 46.5 | 748 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1985 | 45.9 | 41.4 | 50.5 | 747 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1987 | 44.0 | 40.2 | 47.9 | 1,020 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1988 | 39.0 | 34.1 | 43.9 | 481 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1989 | 42.4 | 37.4 | 47.5 | 478 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1990 | 40.3 | 34.8 | 45.9 | 385 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1991 | 43.6 | 38.2 | 49.0 | 425 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1993 | 41.0 | 36.2 | 45.9 | 503 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1994 | 39.1 | 35.6 | 42.7 | 937 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1996 | 39.2 | 35.6 | 42.9 | 874 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 1998 | 32.1 | 28.6 | 35.7 | 879 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2000 | 29.1 | 25.5 | 32.7 | 819 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2002 | 32.3 | 27.0 | 37.7 | 408 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2004 | 30.3 | 25.0 | 35.6 | 394 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2006 | 29.0 | 25.2 | 32.8 | 845 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2008 | 27.7 | 23.4 | 31.9 | 634 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2010 | 21.3 | 17.1 | 25.5 | 571 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2012 | 25.9 | 21.6 | 30.2 | 597 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2014 | 25.5 | 21.8 | 29.1 | 781 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2016 | 22.0 | 18.5 | 25.4 | 894 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2018 | 23.8 | 19.8 | 27.8 | 705 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2021 | 25.4 | 22.9 | 27.9 | 1,819 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2022 | 27.7 | 23.4 | 32.1 | 963 |
| Household has a gun | Democrats | 2024 | 27.4 | 23.0 | 31.7 | 830 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1973 | 56.5 | 47.3 | 65.7 | 138 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1974 | 47.4 | 38.3 | 56.5 | 144 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1976 | 46.1 | 39.0 | 53.3 | 235 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1977 | 48.9 | 40.7 | 57.1 | 174 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1980 | 46.6 | 38.7 | 54.5 | 246 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1982 | 49.7 | 41.5 | 57.9 | 219 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1984 | 37.2 | 28.6 | 45.7 | 160 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1987 | 42.5 | 34.3 | 50.6 | 197 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1989 | 44.9 | 35.3 | 54.5 | 124 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1994 | 37.8 | 30.9 | 44.7 | 246 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1996 | 40.9 | 34.7 | 47.0 | 305 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 1998 | 30.1 | 24.3 | 36.0 | 311 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2000 | 28.4 | 23.2 | 33.7 | 361 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2002 | 28.8 | 20.5 | 37.2 | 166 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2004 | 31.9 | 23.2 | 40.6 | 145 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2006 | 29.2 | 23.9 | 34.5 | 413 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2008 | 27.6 | 20.7 | 34.5 | 221 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2010 | 31.7 | 24.1 | 39.3 | 225 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2012 | 26.7 | 19.7 | 33.6 | 252 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2014 | 22.9 | 17.5 | 28.3 | 316 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2016 | 31.8 | 25.2 | 38.4 | 304 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2018 | 31.3 | 24.2 | 38.5 | 267 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2021 | 25.4 | 21.6 | 29.1 | 785 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2022 | 23.5 | 17.7 | 29.3 | 535 |
| Household has a gun | Independents | 2024 | 29.9 | 24.4 | 35.4 | 544 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1973 | 54.7 | 49.9 | 59.6 | 473 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1974 | 52.3 | 47.1 | 57.4 | 428 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1976 | 54.0 | 48.7 | 59.3 | 410 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1977 | 55.6 | 50.6 | 60.6 | 461 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1980 | 54.1 | 48.5 | 59.6 | 448 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1982 | 53.5 | 48.0 | 59.0 | 495 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1984 | 55.3 | 49.9 | 60.8 | 522 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1985 | 47.4 | 42.5 | 52.3 | 607 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1987 | 51.7 | 46.9 | 56.5 | 563 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1988 | 51.2 | 45.5 | 56.9 | 358 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1989 | 52.5 | 47.2 | 57.9 | 417 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1990 | 49.3 | 43.8 | 54.8 | 409 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1991 | 45.8 | 40.5 | 51.0 | 416 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1993 | 52.5 | 47.0 | 58.0 | 418 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1994 | 51.5 | 47.5 | 55.6 | 733 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1996 | 49.6 | 45.6 | 53.7 | 703 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 1998 | 46.5 | 42.1 | 50.8 | 630 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2000 | 47.1 | 42.8 | 51.5 | 609 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2002 | 47.6 | 41.2 | 53.9 | 319 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2004 | 45.0 | 38.9 | 51.1 | 326 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2006 | 44.0 | 39.5 | 48.5 | 666 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2008 | 50.4 | 45.0 | 55.9 | 441 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2010 | 48.8 | 42.7 | 54.8 | 398 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2012 | 53.6 | 47.2 | 59.9 | 385 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2014 | 52.1 | 47.1 | 57.1 | 502 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2016 | 45.8 | 40.9 | 50.7 | 576 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2018 | 52.1 | 46.4 | 57.8 | 490 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2021 | 54.6 | 51.2 | 58.1 | 1,177 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2022 | 51.7 | 45.3 | 58.1 | 667 |
| Household has a gun | Republicans | 2024 | 58.1 | 53.1 | 63.1 | 712 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1973 | 43.8 | 40.0 | 47.5 | 797 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1974 | 44.0 | 40.3 | 47.8 | 817 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1976 | 47.8 | 44.0 | 51.6 | 823 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1977 | 51.8 | 48.0 | 55.5 | 868 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1980 | 49.1 | 44.7 | 53.5 | 749 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1982 | 48.2 | 44.2 | 52.1 | 1,098 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1984 | 42.1 | 37.7 | 46.5 | 748 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1985 | 45.9 | 41.4 | 50.5 | 747 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1987 | 44.0 | 40.2 | 47.9 | 1,020 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1988 | 39.0 | 34.1 | 43.9 | 481 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1989 | 42.4 | 37.4 | 47.5 | 478 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1990 | 40.3 | 34.8 | 45.9 | 385 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1991 | 43.6 | 38.2 | 49.0 | 425 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1993 | 41.0 | 36.2 | 45.9 | 503 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1994 | 39.1 | 35.6 | 42.7 | 937 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1996 | 39.2 | 35.6 | 42.9 | 874 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1998 | 32.1 | 28.6 | 35.7 | 879 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2000 | 29.1 | 25.5 | 32.7 | 819 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2002 | 32.3 | 27.0 | 37.7 | 408 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2004 | 28.8 | 22.7 | 34.9 | 297 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2006 | 29.2 | 25.4 | 33.0 | 793 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2008 | 29.2 | 24.5 | 33.8 | 556 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2010 | 21.3 | 16.9 | 25.8 | 511 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2012 | 25.7 | 21.0 | 30.3 | 522 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2014 | 25.8 | 21.9 | 29.8 | 678 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2016 | 22.4 | 18.8 | 26.0 | 828 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2018 | 24.7 | 20.4 | 29.0 | 633 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2022 | 28.8 | 22.4 | 35.3 | 432 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2024 | 25.4 | 18.3 | 32.5 | 284 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1973 | 56.5 | 47.3 | 65.7 | 138 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1974 | 47.4 | 38.3 | 56.5 | 144 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1976 | 46.1 | 39.0 | 53.3 | 235 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1977 | 48.9 | 40.7 | 57.1 | 174 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1980 | 46.6 | 38.7 | 54.5 | 246 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1982 | 49.7 | 41.5 | 57.9 | 219 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1984 | 37.2 | 28.6 | 45.7 | 160 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1987 | 42.5 | 34.3 | 50.6 | 197 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1989 | 44.9 | 35.3 | 54.5 | 124 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1994 | 37.8 | 30.9 | 44.7 | 246 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1996 | 40.9 | 34.7 | 47.0 | 305 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 1998 | 30.1 | 24.3 | 36.0 | 311 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 2000 | 28.4 | 23.2 | 33.7 | 361 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 2002 | 28.8 | 20.5 | 37.2 | 166 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 2006 | 27.9 | 22.4 | 33.3 | 389 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 2008 | 27.3 | 19.9 | 34.7 | 190 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 2010 | 31.8 | 23.7 | 39.9 | 203 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 2012 | 26.7 | 19.2 | 34.2 | 221 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 2014 | 22.9 | 17.0 | 28.8 | 264 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 2016 | 31.3 | 24.5 | 38.1 | 290 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Independents | 2018 | 30.9 | 23.1 | 38.7 | 229 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1973 | 54.7 | 49.9 | 59.6 | 473 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1974 | 52.3 | 47.1 | 57.4 | 428 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1976 | 54.0 | 48.7 | 59.3 | 410 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1977 | 55.6 | 50.6 | 60.6 | 461 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1980 | 54.1 | 48.5 | 59.6 | 448 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1982 | 53.5 | 48.0 | 59.0 | 495 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1984 | 55.3 | 49.9 | 60.8 | 522 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1985 | 47.4 | 42.5 | 52.3 | 607 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1987 | 51.7 | 46.9 | 56.5 | 563 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1988 | 51.2 | 45.5 | 56.9 | 358 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1989 | 52.5 | 47.2 | 57.9 | 417 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1990 | 49.3 | 43.8 | 54.8 | 409 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1991 | 45.8 | 40.5 | 51.0 | 416 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1993 | 52.5 | 47.0 | 58.0 | 418 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1994 | 51.5 | 47.5 | 55.6 | 733 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1996 | 49.6 | 45.6 | 53.7 | 703 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1998 | 46.5 | 42.1 | 50.8 | 630 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2000 | 47.1 | 42.8 | 51.5 | 609 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2002 | 47.6 | 41.2 | 53.9 | 319 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2004 | 42.4 | 35.7 | 49.1 | 261 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2006 | 43.3 | 38.8 | 47.9 | 623 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2008 | 50.3 | 44.6 | 56.0 | 393 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2010 | 48.4 | 42.1 | 54.7 | 358 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2012 | 55.4 | 48.7 | 62.0 | 321 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2014 | 50.8 | 45.5 | 56.1 | 441 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2016 | 46.3 | 41.2 | 51.4 | 536 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2018 | 52.0 | 46.0 | 57.9 | 441 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2022 | 50.4 | 40.8 | 60.0 | 307 |
| Household has a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2024 | 51.2 | 42.2 | 60.3 | 244 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1980 | 29.6 | 25.6 | 33.7 | 733 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1982 | 28.8 | 25.2 | 32.4 | 1,077 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1984 | 23.9 | 20.1 | 27.8 | 747 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1985 | 28.9 | 24.8 | 33.1 | 746 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1987 | 26.8 | 23.3 | 30.2 | 1,013 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1988 | 25.2 | 20.8 | 29.5 | 479 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1989 | 25.1 | 20.7 | 29.6 | 477 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1990 | 25.4 | 20.5 | 30.3 | 385 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1991 | 30.1 | 25.1 | 35.1 | 423 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1993 | 28.3 | 23.9 | 32.8 | 503 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1994 | 25.3 | 22.2 | 28.5 | 937 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1996 | 24.1 | 20.9 | 27.4 | 870 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 1998 | 19.6 | 16.6 | 22.5 | 878 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2000 | 18.3 | 15.3 | 21.4 | 819 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2002 | 23.4 | 18.6 | 28.3 | 408 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2004 | 20.6 | 15.9 | 25.3 | 393 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2006 | 19.0 | 15.7 | 22.2 | 845 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2008 | 18.4 | 14.7 | 22.1 | 634 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2010 | 14.3 | 10.7 | 17.9 | 571 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2012 | 16.9 | 13.2 | 20.6 | 596 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2014 | 15.8 | 12.8 | 18.9 | 780 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2016 | 13.9 | 11.1 | 16.8 | 894 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2018 | 14.6 | 11.3 | 18.0 | 705 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2021 | 16.7 | 14.6 | 18.9 | 1,818 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2022 | 17.0 | 13.4 | 20.7 | 963 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Democrats | 2024 | 15.4 | 11.9 | 19.0 | 829 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 1980 | 26.9 | 19.8 | 34.0 | 240 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 1982 | 32.8 | 25.0 | 40.6 | 214 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 1984 | 23.1 | 15.6 | 30.5 | 160 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 1987 | 28.0 | 20.6 | 35.5 | 195 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 1989 | 26.4 | 17.8 | 34.9 | 123 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 1994 | 26.9 | 20.6 | 33.2 | 246 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 1996 | 25.3 | 19.9 | 30.8 | 304 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 1998 | 19.2 | 14.2 | 24.2 | 310 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2000 | 19.1 | 14.6 | 23.7 | 361 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2002 | 17.4 | 10.4 | 24.3 | 166 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2004 | 22.9 | 15.0 | 30.7 | 144 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2006 | 16.7 | 12.4 | 21.1 | 413 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2008 | 18.0 | 12.1 | 24.0 | 221 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2010 | 19.0 | 12.6 | 25.4 | 225 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2012 | 15.6 | 9.9 | 21.3 | 252 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2014 | 16.5 | 11.8 | 21.3 | 316 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2016 | 16.9 | 11.5 | 22.2 | 302 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2018 | 20.3 | 14.0 | 26.5 | 266 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2021 | 19.0 | 15.7 | 22.4 | 785 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2022 | 14.8 | 9.9 | 19.6 | 535 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Independents | 2024 | 22.1 | 17.1 | 27.1 | 544 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1980 | 31.5 | 26.2 | 36.7 | 437 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1982 | 33.9 | 28.6 | 39.2 | 481 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1984 | 28.3 | 23.4 | 33.2 | 521 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1985 | 29.6 | 25.1 | 34.1 | 605 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1987 | 30.9 | 26.4 | 35.4 | 559 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1988 | 29.1 | 23.9 | 34.3 | 357 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1989 | 30.2 | 25.3 | 35.2 | 414 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1990 | 31.7 | 26.6 | 36.8 | 407 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1991 | 30.0 | 25.1 | 34.9 | 414 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1993 | 34.0 | 28.8 | 39.2 | 417 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1994 | 32.3 | 28.5 | 36.1 | 731 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1996 | 32.5 | 28.7 | 36.2 | 702 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 1998 | 30.8 | 26.7 | 34.8 | 627 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2000 | 31.9 | 27.8 | 36.0 | 608 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2002 | 37.5 | 31.4 | 43.7 | 319 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2004 | 30.5 | 24.8 | 36.1 | 326 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2006 | 28.8 | 24.7 | 32.9 | 665 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2008 | 33.6 | 28.5 | 38.8 | 441 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2010 | 32.1 | 26.5 | 37.8 | 397 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2012 | 36.6 | 30.4 | 42.8 | 384 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2014 | 38.8 | 33.9 | 43.7 | 501 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2016 | 32.7 | 28.1 | 37.3 | 575 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2018 | 34.8 | 29.3 | 40.3 | 490 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2021 | 41.8 | 38.4 | 45.2 | 1,172 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2022 | 40.7 | 34.4 | 47.0 | 663 |
| Respondent owns a gun | Republicans | 2024 | 38.7 | 33.8 | 43.7 | 710 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1980 | 29.6 | 25.6 | 33.7 | 733 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1982 | 28.8 | 25.2 | 32.4 | 1,077 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1984 | 23.9 | 20.1 | 27.8 | 747 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1985 | 28.9 | 24.8 | 33.1 | 746 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1987 | 26.8 | 23.3 | 30.2 | 1,013 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1988 | 25.2 | 20.8 | 29.5 | 479 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1989 | 25.1 | 20.7 | 29.6 | 477 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1990 | 25.4 | 20.5 | 30.3 | 385 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1991 | 30.1 | 25.1 | 35.1 | 423 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1993 | 28.3 | 23.9 | 32.8 | 503 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1994 | 25.3 | 22.2 | 28.5 | 937 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1996 | 24.1 | 20.9 | 27.4 | 870 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 1998 | 19.6 | 16.6 | 22.5 | 878 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2000 | 18.3 | 15.3 | 21.4 | 819 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2002 | 23.4 | 18.6 | 28.3 | 408 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2004 | 20.3 | 14.9 | 25.7 | 296 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2006 | 19.4 | 16.0 | 22.7 | 793 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2008 | 19.6 | 15.6 | 23.7 | 556 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2010 | 15.0 | 11.1 | 18.9 | 511 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2012 | 16.4 | 12.4 | 20.3 | 521 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2014 | 15.8 | 12.5 | 19.1 | 677 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2016 | 14.1 | 11.1 | 17.1 | 828 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2018 | 15.4 | 11.8 | 19.0 | 633 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2022 | 16.7 | 11.4 | 22.0 | 432 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Democrats | 2024 | 14.9 | 9.1 | 20.8 | 284 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 1980 | 26.9 | 19.8 | 34.0 | 240 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 1982 | 32.8 | 25.0 | 40.6 | 214 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 1984 | 23.1 | 15.6 | 30.5 | 160 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 1987 | 28.0 | 20.6 | 35.5 | 195 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 1989 | 26.4 | 17.8 | 34.9 | 123 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 1994 | 26.9 | 20.6 | 33.2 | 246 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 1996 | 25.3 | 19.9 | 30.8 | 304 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 1998 | 19.2 | 14.2 | 24.2 | 310 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 2000 | 19.1 | 14.6 | 23.7 | 361 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 2002 | 17.4 | 10.4 | 24.3 | 166 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 2006 | 16.5 | 12.0 | 21.0 | 389 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 2008 | 17.5 | 11.2 | 23.8 | 190 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 2010 | 19.0 | 12.2 | 25.9 | 203 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 2012 | 16.4 | 10.2 | 22.6 | 221 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 2014 | 15.9 | 10.7 | 21.0 | 264 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 2016 | 16.0 | 10.6 | 21.4 | 288 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Independents | 2018 | 20.7 | 13.9 | 27.6 | 228 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1980 | 31.5 | 26.2 | 36.7 | 437 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1982 | 33.9 | 28.6 | 39.2 | 481 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1984 | 28.3 | 23.4 | 33.2 | 521 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1985 | 29.6 | 25.1 | 34.1 | 605 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1987 | 30.9 | 26.4 | 35.4 | 559 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1988 | 29.1 | 23.9 | 34.3 | 357 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1989 | 30.2 | 25.3 | 35.2 | 414 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1990 | 31.7 | 26.6 | 36.8 | 407 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1991 | 30.0 | 25.1 | 34.9 | 414 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1993 | 34.0 | 28.8 | 39.2 | 417 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1994 | 32.3 | 28.5 | 36.1 | 731 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1996 | 32.5 | 28.7 | 36.2 | 702 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 1998 | 30.8 | 26.7 | 34.8 | 627 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2000 | 31.9 | 27.8 | 36.0 | 608 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2002 | 37.5 | 31.4 | 43.7 | 319 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2004 | 27.9 | 21.8 | 34.0 | 261 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2006 | 28.0 | 23.9 | 32.1 | 622 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2008 | 32.0 | 26.6 | 37.3 | 393 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2010 | 32.0 | 26.1 | 37.9 | 357 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2012 | 38.8 | 32.3 | 45.3 | 321 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2014 | 38.3 | 33.2 | 43.5 | 440 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2016 | 33.1 | 28.3 | 37.9 | 535 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2018 | 34.4 | 28.7 | 40.1 | 441 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2022 | 38.3 | 28.9 | 47.6 | 306 |
| Respondent owns a gun (in person) | Republicans | 2024 | 34.4 | 25.9 | 43.0 | 244 |

Views: Household has a gun (measure = Household has a gun); Household has a gun (in person) (measure = Household has a gun (in person)); Respondent owns a gun (measure = Respondent owns a gun); Respondent owns a gun (in person) (measure = Respondent owns a gun (in person)).

Note: Household ownership is the answer of one respondent about the home, asked from 1973. Personal ownership is a follow-up to respondents who report a gun in the home, asked from 1980; respondents with no gun in the home count as not owning.

Note: In-person views keep respondents interviewed in person and every survey before 2004, which was in person by design; the 2021 survey has no in-person respondents, so those lines break. A line also breaks where fewer than 150 respondents in a party were interviewed in person.

Note: Refused answers are left out of every view. Republican respondents refused the household question more often than Democrats in 2016 to 2024, and the text bounds the effect. An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Note: GSS interviews were mostly in person through 2018, mostly on the web in 2021, and in both modes in 2022 and 2024.

Source: General Social Survey, 1972-2024; weighted (weight_use)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/own_by_party.json

### Table 3. Support for a police permit to buy a gun rose among Democrats and fell among Republicans

Share favoring a police permit to buy a gun (GSS) or favoring making it more difficult to buy a gun (ANES), by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; 95% intervals

| Survey and answer | Group | Year | File | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Democrats | 2000 | ANES cumulative file | 68.9 | 65.5 | 72.3 | 884 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Democrats | 2004 | ANES cumulative file | 68.2 | 64.0 | 72.3 | 587 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Democrats | 2008 | ANES cumulative file | 55.7 | 52.2 | 59.1 | 1,348 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Democrats | 2012 | ANES cumulative file | 63.1 | 60.7 | 65.5 | 3,094 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Democrats | 2016 | ANES cumulative file | 74.0 | 71.7 | 76.4 | 1,935 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Democrats | 2020 | ANES cumulative file | 75.3 | 73.3 | 77.3 | 3,441 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Democrats | 2024 | ANES 2024 Time Series | 82.2 | 80.0 | 84.5 | 2,319 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Independents | 2000 | ANES cumulative file | 58.3 | 51.0 | 65.7 | 220 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Independents | 2008 | ANES cumulative file | 49.2 | 41.5 | 56.9 | 259 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Independents | 2012 | ANES cumulative file | 46.6 | 42.0 | 51.2 | 780 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Independents | 2016 | ANES cumulative file | 45.9 | 41.0 | 50.9 | 570 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Independents | 2020 | ANES cumulative file | 42.9 | 38.3 | 47.4 | 863 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Independents | 2024 | ANES 2024 Time Series | 48.5 | 40.3 | 56.8 | 302 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Republicans | 2000 | ANES cumulative file | 44.5 | 40.4 | 48.7 | 675 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Republicans | 2004 | ANES cumulative file | 41.8 | 37.0 | 46.6 | 482 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Republicans | 2008 | ANES cumulative file | 35.4 | 31.1 | 39.7 | 652 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Republicans | 2012 | ANES cumulative file | 26.2 | 23.8 | 28.7 | 1,991 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Republicans | 2016 | ANES cumulative file | 30.9 | 28.3 | 33.5 | 1,722 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Republicans | 2020 | ANES cumulative file | 22.4 | 20.4 | 24.3 | 3,050 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy a gun | Republicans | 2024 | ANES 2024 Time Series | 31.5 | 28.6 | 34.4 | 2,070 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1972 | GSS | 75.2 | 72.0 | 78.3 | 891 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1973 | GSS | 77.1 | 73.9 | 80.3 | 784 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1974 | GSS | 77.2 | 74.1 | 80.4 | 818 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1975 | GSS | 77.5 | 74.3 | 80.8 | 793 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1976 | GSS | 74.2 | 70.9 | 77.5 | 827 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1977 | GSS | 73.7 | 70.4 | 77.0 | 862 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1980 | GSS | 70.8 | 66.7 | 74.8 | 743 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1982 | GSS | 74.7 | 71.3 | 78.2 | 1,083 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1984 | GSS | 75.9 | 72.0 | 79.7 | 740 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1985 | GSS | 77.1 | 73.3 | 80.9 | 743 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1987 | GSS | 70.4 | 66.8 | 74.0 | 1,008 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1988 | GSS | 79.9 | 75.9 | 84.0 | 475 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1989 | GSS | 84.1 | 80.3 | 87.9 | 474 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1990 | GSS | 84.5 | 80.3 | 88.6 | 377 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1991 | GSS | 82.2 | 78.0 | 86.3 | 422 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1993 | GSS | 84.8 | 81.2 | 88.3 | 501 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1994 | GSS | 83.7 | 81.0 | 86.4 | 935 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1996 | GSS | 86.2 | 83.6 | 88.8 | 861 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 1998 | GSS | 86.8 | 84.3 | 89.4 | 874 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2000 | GSS | 86.8 | 84.1 | 89.5 | 804 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2002 | GSS | 85.8 | 81.8 | 89.8 | 408 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2004 | GSS | 84.9 | 80.8 | 89.1 | 397 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2006 | GSS | 87.2 | 84.4 | 90.0 | 838 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2008 | GSS | 84.7 | 81.3 | 88.2 | 630 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2010 | GSS | 83.6 | 79.8 | 87.3 | 580 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2012 | GSS | 80.8 | 77.0 | 84.7 | 595 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2014 | GSS | 83.8 | 80.7 | 86.9 | 787 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2016 | GSS | 79.7 | 76.4 | 83.1 | 894 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2018 | GSS | 83.4 | 79.8 | 86.9 | 698 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2021 | GSS | 82.2 | 80.0 | 84.5 | 1,814 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2022 | GSS | 86.2 | 82.9 | 89.6 | 963 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Democrats | 2024 | GSS | 83.9 | 80.3 | 87.5 | 828 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1972 | GSS | 70.7 | 62.5 | 78.9 | 156 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1973 | GSS | 78.3 | 70.8 | 85.9 | 140 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1974 | GSS | 73.2 | 64.9 | 81.4 | 139 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1975 | GSS | 70.2 | 63.3 | 77.1 | 202 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1976 | GSS | 68.4 | 61.7 | 75.2 | 228 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1977 | GSS | 72.5 | 65.2 | 79.9 | 171 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1980 | GSS | 76.0 | 69.1 | 82.9 | 237 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1982 | GSS | 74.9 | 67.8 | 82.0 | 218 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1984 | GSS | 71.8 | 63.6 | 80.1 | 151 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1987 | GSS | 69.4 | 61.6 | 77.3 | 189 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1989 | GSS | 72.9 | 64.1 | 81.6 | 120 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1994 | GSS | 79.5 | 73.7 | 85.4 | 239 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1996 | GSS | 79.8 | 74.6 | 84.9 | 294 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 1998 | GSS | 84.5 | 79.7 | 89.2 | 299 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2000 | GSS | 83.5 | 79.1 | 87.9 | 353 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2002 | GSS | 88.5 | 82.6 | 94.4 | 164 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2004 | GSS | 82.4 | 75.4 | 89.4 | 149 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2006 | GSS | 78.2 | 73.3 | 83.0 | 413 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2008 | GSS | 85.5 | 80.0 | 91.0 | 218 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2010 | GSS | 78.0 | 71.3 | 84.6 | 231 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2012 | GSS | 74.2 | 67.3 | 81.2 | 245 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2014 | GSS | 69.8 | 63.9 | 75.7 | 314 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2016 | GSS | 69.0 | 62.4 | 75.6 | 299 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2018 | GSS | 74.5 | 67.7 | 81.3 | 261 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2021 | GSS | 61.3 | 57.2 | 65.4 | 806 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2022 | GSS | 70.4 | 64.2 | 76.7 | 535 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Independents | 2024 | GSS | 68.6 | 63.0 | 74.1 | 538 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1972 | GSS | 73.5 | 69.1 | 77.9 | 445 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1973 | GSS | 71.3 | 66.9 | 75.7 | 476 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1974 | GSS | 74.3 | 69.8 | 78.9 | 423 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1975 | GSS | 71.6 | 66.9 | 76.2 | 438 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1976 | GSS | 72.4 | 67.6 | 77.1 | 409 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1977 | GSS | 69.9 | 65.3 | 74.6 | 452 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1980 | GSS | 66.8 | 61.5 | 72.0 | 448 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1982 | GSS | 68.1 | 63.0 | 73.2 | 496 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1984 | GSS | 64.3 | 59.0 | 69.6 | 513 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1985 | GSS | 73.4 | 69.0 | 77.7 | 604 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1987 | GSS | 71.4 | 67.1 | 75.8 | 560 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1988 | GSS | 70.5 | 65.3 | 75.7 | 355 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1989 | GSS | 76.4 | 71.9 | 81.0 | 410 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1990 | GSS | 77.9 | 73.3 | 82.4 | 406 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1991 | GSS | 79.2 | 74.9 | 83.5 | 417 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1993 | GSS | 79.2 | 74.7 | 83.7 | 411 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1994 | GSS | 73.1 | 69.5 | 76.8 | 731 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1996 | GSS | 77.1 | 73.7 | 80.5 | 696 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 1998 | GSS | 78.3 | 74.7 | 82.0 | 618 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2000 | GSS | 72.2 | 68.3 | 76.2 | 609 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2002 | GSS | 72.7 | 67.1 | 78.3 | 323 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2004 | GSS | 74.8 | 69.5 | 80.1 | 331 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2006 | GSS | 73.8 | 69.8 | 77.7 | 665 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2008 | GSS | 67.0 | 61.9 | 72.1 | 446 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2010 | GSS | 63.3 | 57.7 | 69.0 | 417 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2012 | GSS | 63.4 | 57.4 | 69.4 | 397 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2014 | GSS | 58.3 | 53.5 | 63.1 | 527 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2016 | GSS | 59.1 | 54.4 | 63.9 | 599 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2018 | GSS | 60.4 | 54.8 | 66.1 | 510 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2021 | GSS | 46.9 | 43.5 | 50.3 | 1,229 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2022 | GSS | 52.3 | 46.2 | 58.5 | 700 |
| GSS: favor a police permit | Republicans | 2024 | GSS | 55.6 | 50.7 | 60.6 | 734 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1972 | GSS | 75.2 | 72.0 | 78.3 | 891 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1973 | GSS | 77.1 | 73.9 | 80.3 | 784 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1974 | GSS | 77.2 | 74.1 | 80.4 | 818 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1975 | GSS | 77.5 | 74.3 | 80.8 | 793 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1976 | GSS | 74.2 | 70.9 | 77.5 | 827 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1977 | GSS | 73.7 | 70.4 | 77.0 | 862 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1980 | GSS | 70.8 | 66.7 | 74.8 | 743 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1982 | GSS | 74.7 | 71.3 | 78.2 | 1,083 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1984 | GSS | 75.9 | 72.0 | 79.7 | 740 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1985 | GSS | 77.1 | 73.3 | 80.9 | 743 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1987 | GSS | 70.4 | 66.8 | 74.0 | 1,008 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1988 | GSS | 79.9 | 75.9 | 84.0 | 475 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1989 | GSS | 84.1 | 80.3 | 87.9 | 474 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1990 | GSS | 84.5 | 80.3 | 88.6 | 377 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1991 | GSS | 82.2 | 78.0 | 86.3 | 422 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1993 | GSS | 84.8 | 81.2 | 88.3 | 501 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1994 | GSS | 83.7 | 81.0 | 86.4 | 935 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1996 | GSS | 86.2 | 83.6 | 88.8 | 861 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 1998 | GSS | 86.8 | 84.3 | 89.4 | 874 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2000 | GSS | 86.8 | 84.1 | 89.5 | 804 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2002 | GSS | 85.8 | 81.8 | 89.8 | 408 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2004 | GSS | 82.8 | 77.8 | 87.8 | 301 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2006 | GSS | 86.4 | 83.4 | 89.3 | 787 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2008 | GSS | 83.7 | 79.9 | 87.5 | 552 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2010 | GSS | 84.0 | 80.1 | 88.0 | 517 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2012 | GSS | 81.3 | 77.2 | 85.5 | 520 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2014 | GSS | 83.0 | 79.6 | 86.4 | 685 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2016 | GSS | 79.3 | 75.8 | 82.8 | 830 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2018 | GSS | 83.4 | 79.6 | 87.1 | 628 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2022 | GSS | 84.5 | 79.3 | 89.7 | 434 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Democrats | 2024 | GSS | 80.5 | 74.0 | 87.0 | 282 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1972 | GSS | 70.7 | 62.5 | 78.9 | 156 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1973 | GSS | 78.3 | 70.8 | 85.9 | 140 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1974 | GSS | 73.2 | 64.9 | 81.4 | 139 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1975 | GSS | 70.2 | 63.3 | 77.1 | 202 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1976 | GSS | 68.4 | 61.7 | 75.2 | 228 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1977 | GSS | 72.5 | 65.2 | 79.9 | 171 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1980 | GSS | 76.0 | 69.1 | 82.9 | 237 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1982 | GSS | 74.9 | 67.8 | 82.0 | 218 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1984 | GSS | 71.8 | 63.6 | 80.1 | 151 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1987 | GSS | 69.4 | 61.6 | 77.3 | 189 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1989 | GSS | 72.9 | 64.1 | 81.6 | 120 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1994 | GSS | 79.5 | 73.7 | 85.4 | 239 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1996 | GSS | 79.8 | 74.6 | 84.9 | 294 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 1998 | GSS | 84.5 | 79.7 | 89.2 | 299 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 2000 | GSS | 83.5 | 79.1 | 87.9 | 353 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 2002 | GSS | 88.5 | 82.6 | 94.4 | 164 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 2006 | GSS | 77.9 | 72.9 | 83.0 | 387 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 2008 | GSS | 84.9 | 78.9 | 90.9 | 187 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 2010 | GSS | 76.1 | 68.9 | 83.4 | 209 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 2012 | GSS | 73.2 | 65.6 | 80.8 | 214 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 2014 | GSS | 69.2 | 62.7 | 75.6 | 264 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 2016 | GSS | 69.1 | 62.3 | 75.9 | 285 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Independents | 2018 | GSS | 74.1 | 66.6 | 81.6 | 222 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1972 | GSS | 73.5 | 69.1 | 77.9 | 445 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1973 | GSS | 71.3 | 66.9 | 75.7 | 476 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1974 | GSS | 74.3 | 69.8 | 78.9 | 423 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1975 | GSS | 71.6 | 66.9 | 76.2 | 438 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1976 | GSS | 72.4 | 67.6 | 77.1 | 409 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1977 | GSS | 69.9 | 65.3 | 74.6 | 452 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1980 | GSS | 66.8 | 61.5 | 72.0 | 448 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1982 | GSS | 68.1 | 63.0 | 73.2 | 496 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1984 | GSS | 64.3 | 59.0 | 69.6 | 513 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1985 | GSS | 73.4 | 69.0 | 77.7 | 604 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1987 | GSS | 71.4 | 67.1 | 75.8 | 560 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1988 | GSS | 70.5 | 65.3 | 75.7 | 355 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1989 | GSS | 76.4 | 71.9 | 81.0 | 410 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1990 | GSS | 77.9 | 73.3 | 82.4 | 406 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1991 | GSS | 79.2 | 74.9 | 83.5 | 417 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1993 | GSS | 79.2 | 74.7 | 83.7 | 411 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1994 | GSS | 73.1 | 69.5 | 76.8 | 731 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1996 | GSS | 77.1 | 73.7 | 80.5 | 696 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 1998 | GSS | 78.3 | 74.7 | 82.0 | 618 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2000 | GSS | 72.2 | 68.3 | 76.2 | 609 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2002 | GSS | 72.7 | 67.1 | 78.3 | 323 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2004 | GSS | 73.8 | 67.9 | 79.7 | 265 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2006 | GSS | 72.3 | 68.2 | 76.4 | 622 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2008 | GSS | 68.3 | 63.0 | 73.6 | 398 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2010 | GSS | 61.8 | 55.8 | 67.8 | 372 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2012 | GSS | 59.2 | 52.7 | 65.7 | 333 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2014 | GSS | 56.4 | 51.3 | 61.6 | 465 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2016 | GSS | 58.5 | 53.5 | 63.4 | 560 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2018 | GSS | 60.6 | 54.8 | 66.3 | 459 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2022 | GSS | 53.7 | 44.5 | 62.9 | 322 |
| GSS: favor a police permit (in person) | Republicans | 2024 | GSS | 62.1 | 53.6 | 70.7 | 250 |

Views: GSS: police permit (survey = GSS: favor a police permit); GSS: police permit, in person (survey = GSS: favor a police permit (in person)); ANES: buying a gun (survey = ANES: more difficult to buy a gun).

Note: Shaded band: the GSS move from in-person to web interviews between 2018 and 2021 in the GSS view, and the ANES mode change from 2016 to 2020 in the ANES view. The in-person GSS view keeps respondents interviewed in person and every survey before 2004, so its line breaks in 2021, a survey with no in-person respondents.

Note: The ANES cumulative file asks the question in 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2020. The 2024 point is the same question from the 2024 Time Series, a separate file because the cumulative file does not have the item for 2024; it is weighted with the post-election weight, and the 2020 study had no in-person interviews.

Note: An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Source: General Social Survey, 1972-2024, and ANES Cumulative Data File, 2000-2020, with the ANES 2024 Time Series; weighted (weight_use; VCF0009z; V240107b)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/permit_by_party.json

### Table 4. The party gaps on gun ownership and gun permits were at most 13.2 points through 1996 and at least 17.4 points from 2008

Gap between the parties in the share with a gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic) and in the share favoring a police permit or making buying a gun more difficult (Democratic minus Republican); party identifiers including leaners; 95% intervals

| Series | Year | File | Gap (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | ---: | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| ANES: more difficult | 2000 | ANES cumulative file | 24.4 | 19.0 | 29.7 | 1,559 |
| ANES: more difficult | 2004 | ANES cumulative file | 26.3 | 20.0 | 32.7 | 1,069 |
| ANES: more difficult | 2008 | ANES cumulative file | 20.3 | 14.8 | 25.8 | 2,000 |
| ANES: more difficult | 2012 | ANES cumulative file | 36.8 | 33.4 | 40.3 | 5,085 |
| ANES: more difficult | 2016 | ANES cumulative file | 43.1 | 39.6 | 46.6 | 3,657 |
| ANES: more difficult | 2020 | ANES cumulative file | 53.0 | 50.2 | 55.8 | 6,491 |
| ANES: more difficult | 2024 | ANES 2024 Time Series | 50.7 | 47.0 | 54.3 | 4,389 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1973 | GSS | 10.9 | 4.8 | 17.1 | 1,270 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1974 | GSS | 8.3 | 1.9 | 14.6 | 1,245 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1976 | GSS | 6.2 | −0.3 | 12.7 | 1,233 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1977 | GSS | 3.8 | −2.4 | 10.1 | 1,329 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1980 | GSS | 5.0 | −2.1 | 12.1 | 1,197 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1982 | GSS | 5.4 | −1.4 | 12.1 | 1,593 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1984 | GSS | 13.2 | 6.2 | 20.2 | 1,270 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1985 | GSS | 1.5 | −5.2 | 8.2 | 1,354 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1987 | GSS | 7.7 | 1.5 | 13.9 | 1,583 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1988 | GSS | 12.1 | 4.6 | 19.7 | 839 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1989 | GSS | 10.1 | 2.7 | 17.5 | 895 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1990 | GSS | 9.0 | 1.2 | 16.7 | 794 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1991 | GSS | 2.2 | −5.4 | 9.7 | 841 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1993 | GSS | 11.5 | 4.1 | 18.8 | 921 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1994 | GSS | 12.4 | 7.0 | 17.8 | 1,670 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1996 | GSS | 10.4 | 5.0 | 15.9 | 1,577 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 1998 | GSS | 14.3 | 8.7 | 19.9 | 1,509 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2000 | GSS | 18.0 | 12.4 | 23.7 | 1,428 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2002 | GSS | 15.2 | 6.9 | 23.5 | 727 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2004 | GSS | 14.7 | 6.6 | 22.8 | 720 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2006 | GSS | 15.0 | 9.1 | 20.9 | 1,511 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2008 | GSS | 22.8 | 15.8 | 29.7 | 1,075 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2010 | GSS | 27.5 | 20.1 | 34.8 | 969 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2012 | GSS | 27.7 | 20.0 | 35.4 | 982 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2014 | GSS | 26.7 | 20.5 | 32.9 | 1,283 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2016 | GSS | 23.8 | 17.8 | 29.8 | 1,470 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2018 | GSS | 28.3 | 21.3 | 35.3 | 1,195 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2021 | GSS | 29.3 | 25.0 | 33.5 | 2,996 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2022 | GSS | 24.0 | 16.3 | 31.8 | 1,630 |
| GSS: gun in the home | 2024 | GSS | 30.7 | 24.1 | 37.4 | 1,542 |
| GSS: police permit | 1972 | GSS | 1.7 | −3.7 | 7.1 | 1,336 |
| GSS: police permit | 1973 | GSS | 5.8 | 0.4 | 11.3 | 1,260 |
| GSS: police permit | 1974 | GSS | 2.9 | −2.6 | 8.4 | 1,241 |
| GSS: police permit | 1975 | GSS | 6.0 | 0.3 | 11.6 | 1,231 |
| GSS: police permit | 1976 | GSS | 1.8 | −4.0 | 7.6 | 1,236 |
| GSS: police permit | 1977 | GSS | 3.7 | −2.0 | 9.5 | 1,314 |
| GSS: police permit | 1980 | GSS | 4.0 | −2.6 | 10.6 | 1,191 |
| GSS: police permit | 1982 | GSS | 6.6 | 0.5 | 12.8 | 1,579 |
| GSS: police permit | 1984 | GSS | 11.5 | 5.0 | 18.1 | 1,253 |
| GSS: police permit | 1985 | GSS | 3.7 | −2.1 | 9.5 | 1,347 |
| GSS: police permit | 1987 | GSS | −1.0 | −6.7 | 4.6 | 1,568 |
| GSS: police permit | 1988 | GSS | 9.5 | 2.9 | 16.1 | 830 |
| GSS: police permit | 1989 | GSS | 7.7 | 1.7 | 13.6 | 884 |
| GSS: police permit | 1990 | GSS | 6.6 | 0.4 | 12.7 | 783 |
| GSS: police permit | 1991 | GSS | 2.9 | −3.0 | 8.9 | 839 |
| GSS: police permit | 1993 | GSS | 5.6 | −0.1 | 11.3 | 912 |
| GSS: police permit | 1994 | GSS | 10.5 | 6.0 | 15.0 | 1,666 |
| GSS: police permit | 1996 | GSS | 9.1 | 4.8 | 13.4 | 1,557 |
| GSS: police permit | 1998 | GSS | 8.5 | 4.0 | 12.9 | 1,492 |
| GSS: police permit | 2000 | GSS | 14.6 | 9.8 | 19.3 | 1,413 |
| GSS: police permit | 2002 | GSS | 13.1 | 6.2 | 19.9 | 731 |
| GSS: police permit | 2004 | GSS | 10.1 | 3.4 | 16.9 | 728 |
| GSS: police permit | 2006 | GSS | 13.5 | 8.6 | 18.3 | 1,503 |
| GSS: police permit | 2008 | GSS | 17.8 | 11.6 | 23.9 | 1,076 |
| GSS: police permit | 2010 | GSS | 20.2 | 13.4 | 27.0 | 997 |
| GSS: police permit | 2012 | GSS | 17.4 | 10.3 | 24.6 | 992 |
| GSS: police permit | 2014 | GSS | 25.5 | 19.8 | 31.2 | 1,314 |
| GSS: police permit | 2016 | GSS | 20.6 | 14.8 | 26.4 | 1,493 |
| GSS: police permit | 2018 | GSS | 22.9 | 16.3 | 29.6 | 1,208 |
| GSS: police permit | 2021 | GSS | 35.3 | 31.3 | 39.4 | 3,043 |
| GSS: police permit | 2022 | GSS | 33.9 | 26.9 | 40.9 | 1,663 |
| GSS: police permit | 2024 | GSS | 28.3 | 22.2 | 34.4 | 1,562 |

Note: The GSS items are asked in different numbers of survey years, so the lines have different points. A party cell needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100, and a gap needs both parties to clear that floor.

Note: Shaded bands: the ANES mode change from 2016 to 2020 and the GSS move from in-person to web interviews between 2018 and 2021.

Source: General Social Survey, 1972-2024, and ANES Cumulative Data File, 2000-2020, with the ANES 2024 Time Series; weighted (weight_use; VCF0009z; V240107b)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/gap_by_year.json

### Table 5. Republicans were more likely than Democrats to live in a household with a gun in every region and kind of community

Share with a gun in the home among Democrats and Republicans, including leaners, by census region and community type, GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 pooled; 95% intervals

| Surveys | Kind of place | Place | Democrats (%) | Lower | Upper | Democrats counted | Republicans (%) | Lower | Upper | Republicans counted |
| --- | --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| 1973 to 1980 | Region | Northeast | 22.7 | 19.5 | 25.9 | 851 | 39.4 | 34.6 | 44.2 | 483 |
| 2016 to 2024 | Region | Northeast | 14.4 | 11.4 | 17.4 | 944 | 42.0 | 36.1 | 47.8 | 469 |
| 1973 to 1980 | Region | Midwest | 51.2 | 48.0 | 54.5 | 1,143 | 57.0 | 52.8 | 61.1 | 653 |
| 2016 to 2024 | Region | Midwest | 30.5 | 26.9 | 34.1 | 1,204 | 55.8 | 51.0 | 60.6 | 918 |
| 1973 to 1980 | Region | South | 61.4 | 58.5 | 64.4 | 1,354 | 67.3 | 63.4 | 71.2 | 708 |
| 2016 to 2024 | Region | South | 30.3 | 27.5 | 33.1 | 1,838 | 58.2 | 54.9 | 61.5 | 1,557 |
| 1973 to 1980 | Region | West | 47.2 | 43.0 | 51.3 | 706 | 47.1 | 41.5 | 52.7 | 376 |
| 2016 to 2024 | Region | West | 23.6 | 20.4 | 26.7 | 1,225 | 46.4 | 41.3 | 51.4 | 678 |
| 1973 to 1980 | Community type | Central city | 33.9 | 31.0 | 36.8 | 1,379 | 42.9 | 38.1 | 47.8 | 516 |
| 2016 to 2024 | Community type | Central city | 18.9 | 16.5 | 21.3 | 1,815 | 39.6 | 34.5 | 44.7 | 794 |
| 1973 to 1980 | Community type | Suburb | 44.3 | 41.5 | 47.2 | 1,444 | 48.3 | 44.7 | 51.9 | 896 |
| 2016 to 2024 | Community type | Suburb | 26.3 | 24.1 | 28.4 | 2,863 | 54.1 | 51.3 | 56.9 | 2,149 |
| 1973 to 1980 | Community type | Small city or town | 57.7 | 53.1 | 62.3 | 523 | 56.2 | 50.0 | 62.4 | 298 |
| 2016 to 2024 | Community type | Small city or town | 31.4 | 24.3 | 38.5 | 266 | 60.7 | 53.2 | 68.1 | 284 |
| 1973 to 1980 | Community type | Rural area | 74.9 | 71.3 | 78.4 | 708 | 77.0 | 73.0 | 81.0 | 510 |
| 2016 to 2024 | Community type | Rural area | 57.1 | 49.7 | 64.6 | 267 | 71.1 | 65.2 | 76.9 | 395 |

Views: 2016 to 2024 (period = 2016 to 2024); 1973 to 1980 (period = 1973 to 1980).

Note: Community type groups the NORC size-of-place code: central cities of large and medium metropolitan areas, their suburbs and unincorporated areas, small cities and towns outside those areas, and rural areas (villages, hamlets and open country). Region is the census region of interview.

Note: Years are pooled after rescaling each year's weights to average one. A party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-1980 and 2016-2024; weighted (weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/place_gap.json

### Table 6. In the CES the party gap grew on assault rifles, concealed carry and owners' names and did not grow on background checks

Share supporting each CES gun policy item, by party identification including leaners, 2010 to 2021; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

| Item | Group | Year | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012) | Democrats | 2010 | 63.2 | 62.2 | 64.1 | 24,381 |
| Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012) | Democrats | 2012 | 68.2 | 67.3 | 69.1 | 25,256 |
| Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012) | Independents | 2010 | 34.6 | 32.7 | 36.4 | 5,972 |
| Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012) | Independents | 2012 | 37.8 | 36.0 | 39.5 | 6,192 |
| Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012) | Republicans | 2010 | 18.0 | 17.2 | 18.8 | 23,431 |
| Laws on gun sales more strict (2010, 2012) | Republicans | 2012 | 20.7 | 19.8 | 21.5 | 20,529 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Democrats | 2013 | 94.9 | 94.2 | 95.6 | 7,499 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Democrats | 2014 | 95.3 | 94.9 | 95.7 | 25,676 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Democrats | 2015 | 95.2 | 94.5 | 95.9 | 6,645 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Democrats | 2016 | 96.5 | 96.2 | 96.8 | 31,066 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Democrats | 2017 | 96.1 | 95.5 | 96.7 | 8,581 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Democrats | 2018 | 96.5 | 96.2 | 96.8 | 27,516 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Democrats | 2019 | 95.9 | 95.4 | 96.5 | 8,292 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Democrats | 2021 | 95.9 | 95.4 | 96.3 | 12,445 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Independents | 2013 | 82.0 | 80.0 | 84.0 | 2,931 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Independents | 2014 | 82.5 | 81.2 | 83.8 | 8,641 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Independents | 2015 | 82.7 | 80.5 | 85.0 | 2,186 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Independents | 2016 | 85.4 | 84.5 | 86.4 | 10,440 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Independents | 2017 | 86.2 | 84.4 | 88.1 | 3,189 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Independents | 2018 | 87.1 | 86.0 | 88.3 | 8,479 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Independents | 2019 | 80.8 | 78.6 | 83.0 | 2,666 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Independents | 2021 | 83.4 | 81.9 | 84.9 | 4,352 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Republicans | 2013 | 77.7 | 76.1 | 79.3 | 5,276 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Republicans | 2014 | 78.9 | 78.1 | 79.8 | 18,937 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Republicans | 2015 | 78.2 | 76.6 | 79.7 | 4,857 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Republicans | 2016 | 82.3 | 81.6 | 83.0 | 20,762 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Republicans | 2017 | 85.6 | 84.4 | 86.9 | 5,772 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Republicans | 2018 | 82.9 | 82.2 | 83.6 | 21,604 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Republicans | 2019 | 75.2 | 73.9 | 76.5 | 6,468 |
| Support background checks for all sales | Republicans | 2021 | 81.5 | 80.5 | 82.6 | 8,139 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Democrats | 2013 | 82.7 | 81.5 | 83.9 | 7,446 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Democrats | 2014 | 81.4 | 80.7 | 82.1 | 25,548 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Democrats | 2015 | 82.5 | 81.2 | 83.7 | 6,642 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Democrats | 2016 | 83.7 | 83.1 | 84.3 | 30,958 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Democrats | 2017 | 86.9 | 85.9 | 88.0 | 8,577 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Democrats | 2018 | 86.2 | 85.6 | 86.8 | 27,466 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Democrats | 2019 | 86.1 | 85.1 | 87.1 | 8,285 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Democrats | 2020 | 85.5 | 84.9 | 86.1 | 29,347 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Democrats | 2021 | 85.9 | 85.1 | 86.8 | 12,445 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Independents | 2013 | 54.1 | 51.5 | 56.8 | 2,908 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Independents | 2014 | 52.6 | 50.9 | 54.3 | 8,604 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Independents | 2015 | 54.4 | 51.4 | 57.4 | 2,180 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Independents | 2016 | 54.3 | 52.9 | 55.6 | 10,417 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Independents | 2017 | 61.0 | 58.4 | 63.6 | 3,190 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Independents | 2018 | 57.2 | 55.4 | 58.9 | 8,452 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Independents | 2019 | 52.7 | 49.9 | 55.5 | 2,662 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Independents | 2020 | 53.4 | 51.8 | 55.1 | 8,858 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Independents | 2021 | 49.6 | 47.6 | 51.6 | 4,352 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Republicans | 2013 | 40.6 | 38.7 | 42.4 | 5,241 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Republicans | 2014 | 39.9 | 38.9 | 41.0 | 18,880 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Republicans | 2015 | 37.8 | 36.0 | 39.6 | 4,848 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Republicans | 2016 | 41.9 | 41.0 | 42.8 | 20,675 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Republicans | 2017 | 50.0 | 48.2 | 51.8 | 5,772 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Republicans | 2018 | 39.7 | 38.8 | 40.7 | 21,541 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Republicans | 2019 | 34.7 | 33.2 | 36.1 | 6,464 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Republicans | 2020 | 33.9 | 33.0 | 34.7 | 20,412 |
| Support banning assault rifles | Republicans | 2021 | 30.1 | 28.9 | 31.3 | 8,139 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Democrats | 2013 | 23.5 | 22.1 | 24.9 | 7,480 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Democrats | 2014 | 23.0 | 22.2 | 23.8 | 25,617 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Democrats | 2015 | 22.4 | 21.0 | 23.8 | 6,637 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Democrats | 2016 | 22.1 | 21.4 | 22.8 | 30,966 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Democrats | 2017 | 19.2 | 17.9 | 20.4 | 8,578 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Democrats | 2018 | 16.2 | 15.5 | 16.8 | 27,473 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Democrats | 2019 | 18.1 | 16.9 | 19.2 | 8,291 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Democrats | 2020 | 18.2 | 17.5 | 18.8 | 29,346 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Democrats | 2021 | 17.3 | 16.4 | 18.2 | 12,445 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Independents | 2013 | 46.1 | 43.5 | 48.7 | 2,913 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Independents | 2014 | 48.1 | 46.4 | 49.8 | 8,629 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Independents | 2015 | 47.9 | 44.9 | 50.9 | 2,183 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Independents | 2016 | 47.3 | 46.0 | 48.7 | 10,429 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Independents | 2017 | 44.7 | 42.1 | 47.3 | 3,191 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Independents | 2018 | 41.6 | 39.9 | 43.4 | 8,468 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Independents | 2019 | 44.0 | 41.2 | 46.8 | 2,665 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Independents | 2020 | 44.2 | 42.6 | 45.9 | 8,857 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Independents | 2021 | 44.7 | 42.6 | 46.7 | 4,352 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Republicans | 2013 | 59.9 | 58.0 | 61.8 | 5,247 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Republicans | 2014 | 61.6 | 60.6 | 62.7 | 18,902 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Republicans | 2015 | 63.1 | 61.3 | 64.9 | 4,852 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Republicans | 2016 | 61.3 | 60.4 | 62.1 | 20,723 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Republicans | 2017 | 63.5 | 61.7 | 65.2 | 5,774 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Republicans | 2018 | 59.7 | 58.8 | 60.6 | 21,538 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Republicans | 2019 | 64.6 | 63.2 | 66.1 | 6,469 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Republicans | 2020 | 63.2 | 62.4 | 64.1 | 20,413 |
| Support easier concealed-carry permits | Republicans | 2021 | 61.5 | 60.2 | 62.8 | 8,139 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Democrats | 2013 | 50.7 | 49.1 | 52.3 | 7,449 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Democrats | 2014 | 48.3 | 47.4 | 49.3 | 25,573 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Democrats | 2015 | 49.1 | 47.4 | 50.8 | 6,621 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Democrats | 2016 | 49.0 | 48.2 | 49.8 | 30,906 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Democrats | 2017 | 42.0 | 40.5 | 43.6 | 8,580 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Democrats | 2020 | 41.3 | 40.4 | 42.1 | 29,346 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Independents | 2013 | 63.3 | 60.8 | 65.8 | 2,928 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Independents | 2014 | 64.2 | 62.6 | 65.8 | 8,624 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Independents | 2015 | 64.7 | 61.9 | 67.5 | 2,185 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Independents | 2016 | 66.0 | 64.7 | 67.3 | 10,427 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Independents | 2017 | 61.1 | 58.5 | 63.6 | 3,189 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Independents | 2020 | 58.5 | 56.8 | 60.1 | 8,859 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Republicans | 2013 | 73.3 | 71.6 | 74.9 | 5,278 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Republicans | 2014 | 71.5 | 70.5 | 72.4 | 18,960 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Republicans | 2015 | 72.7 | 71.1 | 74.4 | 4,862 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Republicans | 2016 | 73.1 | 72.3 | 73.9 | 20,774 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Republicans | 2017 | 71.0 | 69.3 | 72.6 | 5,773 |
| Support prohibiting publication of owners' names | Republicans | 2020 | 72.0 | 71.2 | 72.9 | 20,412 |

Note: Gaps are written so that they are positive when the party that favors the item is higher: Democratic minus Republican for background checks, assault rifles and stricter sale laws, Republican minus Democratic for concealed carry and owners' names.

Note: The sale laws item (2010 and 2012) is a three-answer question and a different item from the 2013 to 2021 for or against items; the panels are not joined. A line breaks where an item was not asked.

Note: The CES gun items are for or against each proposal in a list, with a stem that changes in 2016, 2019 and 2021 as the wording table shows. Each party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. The CES is an opt-in panel, so the intervals rest on a model.

Source: Cooperative Election Study cumulative policy preferences, 2010-2021; weighted (single-wave weight), opt-in panel

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/ces_items.json

### Table 7. In Nationscape the parties differed on every gun item and differed least on background checks

Share owning a gun in the household or supporting each gun policy, by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; July 2019 to December 2020 pooled; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

| Item | Group | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| A household member owns a gun | Democrats | 29.5 | 29.2 | 29.8 | 206,052 |
| A household member owns a gun | Independents | 31.5 | 30.9 | 32.2 | 51,285 |
| A household member owns a gun | Republicans | 51.5 | 51.1 | 51.8 | 172,984 |
| Background checks for all purchases | Democrats | 95.0 | 94.8 | 95.1 | 202,676 |
| Background checks for all purchases | Independents | 92.2 | 91.8 | 92.6 | 47,888 |
| Background checks for all purchases | Republicans | 89.2 | 89.0 | 89.5 | 169,429 |
| Public registry of gun ownership | Democrats | 83.8 | 83.3 | 84.3 | 55,877 |
| Public registry of gun ownership | Independents | 68.7 | 67.4 | 70.1 | 12,023 |
| Public registry of gun ownership | Republicans | 51.5 | 50.7 | 52.2 | 47,159 |
| Ban assault rifles | Democrats | 82.9 | 82.7 | 83.2 | 188,159 |
| Ban assault rifles | Independents | 63.2 | 62.5 | 64.0 | 41,063 |
| Ban assault rifles | Republicans | 48.3 | 47.9 | 48.7 | 155,727 |
| Limit magazines to 10 bullets | Democrats | 79.9 | 79.6 | 80.3 | 169,663 |
| Limit magazines to 10 bullets | Independents | 59.4 | 58.5 | 60.2 | 36,583 |
| Limit magazines to 10 bullets | Republicans | 46.3 | 45.9 | 46.7 | 146,106 |
| Ban all guns | Democrats | 32.8 | 32.5 | 33.2 | 181,840 |
| Ban all guns | Independents | 20.8 | 20.2 | 21.4 | 43,791 |
| Ban all guns | Republicans | 11.8 | 11.5 | 12.0 | 167,429 |
| Controlling who owns guns matters more than the right to own | Democrats | 79.2 | 78.5 | 79.8 | 36,694 |
| Controlling who owns guns matters more than the right to own | Independents | 59.2 | 57.5 | 60.9 | 8,418 |
| Controlling who owns guns matters more than the right to own | Republicans | 43.7 | 42.8 | 44.5 | 31,937 |

Note: Party is the three-category party question with the follow-up that Nationscape asks of independents in every week, so Democrats and Republicans include leaners and independents lean toward neither, as in the other surveys. Weeks after 28 December 2020 are left out.

Note: The registry item was asked through mid-January 2021 and the control item from mid-September 2019, so the items cover different weeks. Each share rests on weekly waves pooled with the Nationscape weight.

Source: Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape, July 2019 to December 2020; weighted (weight), opt-in panel

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/nationscape.json

### Table 8. Every party gap is above zero within each interview mode, and web and in-person gaps differ by more than sampling error only on the 2024 GSS permit item

Party gap by interview mode for the GSS gun in the home and police permit items and the ANES buying a gun item; party identifiers including leaners; 95% intervals

| Item | Year and mode | Gap (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican) | 2012 in person | 35.0 | 29.1 | 41.0 | 1,805 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican) | 2012 web | 37.9 | 33.7 | 42.1 | 3,280 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican) | 2016 in person | 45.4 | 38.7 | 52.1 | 1,037 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican) | 2016 web | 42.2 | 38.0 | 46.3 | 2,620 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican) | 2024 in person | 49.3 | 41.0 | 57.6 | 862 |
| ANES: more difficult to buy (Democratic minus Republican) | 2024 web | 51.1 | 45.5 | 56.8 | 1,581 |
| GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic) | 2018 in person | 27.3 | 19.9 | 34.6 | 1,074 |
| GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic) | 2021 web | 28.7 | 24.2 | 33.3 | 2,619 |
| GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic) | 2022 in person | 21.6 | 10.0 | 33.1 | 739 |
| GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic) | 2022 web | 24.6 | 13.8 | 35.4 | 742 |
| GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic) | 2024 in person | 25.9 | 14.4 | 37.3 | 528 |
| GSS: gun in the home (Republican minus Democratic) | 2024 web | 34.1 | 25.2 | 43.1 | 822 |
| GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican) | 2018 in person | 22.8 | 16.0 | 29.7 | 1,087 |
| GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican) | 2021 web | 35.4 | 31.1 | 39.7 | 2,661 |
| GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican) | 2022 in person | 30.8 | 20.2 | 41.4 | 756 |
| GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican) | 2022 web | 34.3 | 24.5 | 44.0 | 749 |
| GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican) | 2024 in person | 18.4 | 7.6 | 29.1 | 532 |
| GSS: police permit (Democratic minus Republican) | 2024 web | 34.2 | 26.2 | 42.3 | 837 |

Note: GSS in-person and web rows are the respondents interviewed in each mode; the GSS 2022 and 2024 surveys mixed the two, and 2021 was mostly web. The 2020 ANES study has no separate weights by mode, so it has no row.

Note: The 2024 ANES rows are the fresh in-person and fresh web samples of the 2024 Time Series with the post-election mode weights; the panel and paper respondents are in neither. A party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Source: General Social Survey, 2018-2024, and ANES Cumulative Data File, 2012 and 2016, and ANES 2024 Time Series; weighted (weight_use; weight_ftf and weight_web; post-election mode weights V240101b and V240102b)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/mode_check.json

### Table 9. Democrats changed more on owning and carrying guns and Republicans changed more on regulating sales, except for personal ownership and background checks

Change in the share of Democrats and of Republicans, including leaners, giving the answer named, from the first to the last period of each survey; percentage points; 95% intervals

| Item and period | Group | Change (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| GSS: Household has a gun (1973-80 to 2016-24) | Democrats | −22.0 | −24.4 | −19.7 | 9,265 |
| GSS: Household has a gun (1973-80 to 2016-24) | Republicans | −1.2 | −4.4 | 2.0 | 5,842 |
| GSS: Respondent owns a gun (1980 to 2016-24) | Democrats | −13.8 | −18.1 | −9.5 | 5,942 |
| GSS: Respondent owns a gun (1980 to 2016-24) | Republicans | 7.1 | 1.5 | 12.8 | 4,047 |
| GSS: Favor a police permit (1973-80 to 2016-24) | Democrats | 7.8 | 5.9 | 9.8 | 10,024 |
| GSS: Favor a police permit (1973-80 to 2016-24) | Republicans | −17.5 | −20.4 | −14.6 | 6,418 |
| ANES: Make buying a gun more difficult (2000 to 2020) | Democrats | 6.4 | 2.5 | 10.4 | 4,325 |
| ANES: Make buying a gun more difficult (2000 to 2020) | Republicans | −22.2 | −26.7 | −17.6 | 3,725 |
| CES: Background checks for all sales (2013 to 2021) | Democrats | 1.0 | 0.1 | 1.8 | 19,944 |
| CES: Background checks for all sales (2013 to 2021) | Republicans | 3.8 | 1.9 | 5.7 | 13,415 |
| CES: Ban assault rifles (2013 to 2021) | Democrats | 3.2 | 1.7 | 4.7 | 19,891 |
| CES: Ban assault rifles (2013 to 2021) | Republicans | −10.5 | −12.7 | −8.3 | 13,380 |
| CES: Easier concealed-carry permits (2013 to 2021) | Democrats | −6.2 | −7.8 | −4.5 | 19,925 |
| CES: Easier concealed-carry permits (2013 to 2021) | Republicans | 1.6 | −0.7 | 3.8 | 13,386 |
| CES: Prohibit publishing owners' names (2013 to 2020) | Democrats | −9.4 | −11.3 | −7.6 | 36,795 |
| CES: Prohibit publishing owners' names (2013 to 2020) | Republicans | −1.2 | −3.1 | 0.6 | 25,690 |

Note: Period comparisons: GSS 1973 to 1980 pooled against 2016 to 2024 pooled, except personal ownership, which starts in 1980. ANES 2000 against 2020. CES first against last year each item was asked.

Note: The change is in the share giving the answer named in each row, as the wording table lists. A negative value means the share fell.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; ANES Cumulative Data File, 2000-2020; CES cumulative policy preferences, 2013-2021; weighted (weight_use; VCF0009z; single-wave weight)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/within_party.json

## All estimates

Every fact in facts.json (218), sorted by id.

| Fact id | Value | Unit | Estimand | Population | Period | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Note |
| --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| adj_chg_own_d_cells | −18.7 | percentage points | late-period minus early-period share from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −21.0 to −16.3 | 9,265 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| adj_chg_own_r_cells | −1.2 | percentage points | late-period minus early-period share from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −4.4 to 2.1 | 5,842 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| adj_own_cells_e | 4.5 | percentage points | Republican minus Democratic gap from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 1.8 to 7.3 | 6,274 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| adj_own_cells_l | 23.6 | percentage points | Republican minus Democratic gap from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 20.9 to 26.4 | 8,833 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| adj_permit_cells_l | 28.0 | percentage points | Democratic minus Republican gap from a weighted linear probability model with the interaction of region and community type, HC3 errors; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 25.3 to 30.7 | 8,969 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| ah_chg_d | +6.4 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 2020 minus 2000 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2000 to 2020 | 95% CI 2.5 to 10.4 | 4,325 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_chg_i | −15.5 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 2020 minus 2000 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2000 to 2020 | 95% CI −24.1 to −6.8 | 1,083 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_chg_r | −22.2 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 2020 minus 2000 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2000 to 2020 | 95% CI −26.7 to −17.6 | 3,725 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_d_2000 | 68.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2000 | 95% CI 65.5% to 72.3% | 884 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_d_2020 | 75.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2020 | 95% CI 73.3% to 77.3% | 3,441 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_fall_r | 22.2 | percentage points | fall in the weighted share, 2000 minus 2020 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2000 to 2020 | 95% CI 17.6 to 26.7 | 3,725 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_gap_2000 | 24.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2000 | 95% CI 19.0 to 29.7 | 1,559 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_gap_2016 | 43.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2016 | 95% CI 39.6 to 46.6 | 3,657 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_gap_2020 | 53.0 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2020 | 95% CI 50.2 to 55.8 | 6,491 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_gap_to24 | −2.3 | percentage points | 2024 Time Series gap minus 2020 cumulative-file gap, Democratic minus Republican share (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI −6.9 to 2.3 | 10,880 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| ah_r_2000 | 44.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2000 | 95% CI 40.4% to 48.7% | 675 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_r_2020 | 22.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2020 | 95% CI 20.4% to 24.3% | 3,050 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_step_1620 | 9.9 | percentage points | change in the weighted Democratic minus Republican gap, 2020 minus 2016 (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2016 to 2020 | 95% CI 5.4 to 14.4 | 10,148 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ah_to24_d | +6.9 | percentage points | 2024 Time Series weighted share (post-election weight) minus 2020 cumulative-file weighted share (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI 3.9 to 9.9 | 5,760 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| ah_to24_r | +9.1 | percentage points | 2024 Time Series weighted share (post-election weight) minus 2020 cumulative-file weighted share (two separate samples); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI 5.7 to 12.6 | 5,120 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| bound_chg_r_high | +1.1 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples) when every refusal is counted as an owner | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −2.1 to 4.2 | 6,039 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| bound_chg_r_low | −3.7 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples) when every refusal is counted as a nonowner | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −6.9 to −0.6 | 6,039 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| bound_high_l | 29.5 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic gap in a gun in the home when every refusal is counted as an owner | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 26.8 to 32.2 | 9,063 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| bound_low_l | 25.1 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic gap in a gun in the home when every refusal is counted as a nonowner | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 22.4 to 27.8 | 9,063 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| c_assault_chg_d | +3.2 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 to 2021 | 95% CI 1.7 to 4.7 | 19,891 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_assault_chg_r | −10.5 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 to 2021 | 95% CI −12.7 to −8.3 | 13,380 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_assault_fall_r | 10.5 | percentage points | fall in the weighted share, first year minus last year (two separate samples); the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 to 2021 | 95% CI 8.3 to 12.7 | 13,380 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_assault_gap_2013 | 42.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 | 95% CI 39.9 to 44.3 | 12,687 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_assault_gap_2021 | 55.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 54.3 to 57.3 | 20,584 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_bg_chg_d | +1.0 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 to 2021 | 95% CI 0.1 to 1.8 | 19,944 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_bg_chg_r | +3.8 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 to 2021 | 95% CI 1.9 to 5.7 | 13,415 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_bg_d_2021 | 95.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 95.4% to 96.3% | 12,445 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_bg_gap_2013 | 17.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 | 95% CI 15.5 to 18.9 | 12,775 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_bg_gap_2021 | 14.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 13.2 to 15.5 | 20,584 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_bg_r_2021 | 81.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the CES item on background checks for all sales (guns_bgchecks), answer support | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 80.5% to 82.6% | 8,139 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_names_chg_d | −9.4 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 to 2020 | 95% CI −11.3 to −7.6 | 36,795 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_names_chg_r | −1.2 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 to 2020 | 95% CI −3.1 to 0.6 | 25,690 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_names_gap_2013 | 22.6 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 | 95% CI 20.2 to 24.9 | 12,727 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_names_gap_2020 | 30.8 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2020 | 95% CI 29.6 to 31.9 | 49,758 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_permits_chg_d | −6.2 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 to 2021 | 95% CI −7.8 to −4.5 | 19,925 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_permits_chg_r | +1.6 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, last year asked minus first year asked (two separate samples); the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 to 2021 | 95% CI −0.7 to 3.8 | 13,386 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_permits_gap_2013 | 36.4 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2013 | 95% CI 34.1 to 38.7 | 12,727 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| c_permits_gap_2021 | 44.1 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 42.6 to 45.7 | 20,584 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| comp_d_rural_e | 16.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share living in a rural area (community type from the NORC size-of-place code) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 15.2% to 17.8% | 4,054 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| comp_d_rural_l | 4.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share living in a rural area (community type from the NORC size-of-place code) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 3.7% to 5.2% | 5,211 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| comp_d_sub_e | 36.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share living in a suburb (community type from the NORC size-of-place code) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 35.2% to 38.6% | 4,054 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| comp_d_sub_l | 57.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share living in a suburb (community type from the NORC size-of-place code) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 55.3% to 58.9% | 5,211 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_post_min | 17.4 | percentage points | smallest weighted party gap in any survey year from 2008 across the GSS gun in the home, GSS police permit and ANES buying a gun series (the 2024 Time Series item excluded) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home or police permit question or the ANES question on buying a gun | 2008 to 2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_pre_max | 13.2 | percentage points | largest weighted party gap in any GSS survey through 1996 across the two series (Republican minus Democratic share with a gun in the home; Democratic minus Republican share favoring a permit) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home or police permit question | 1972 to 1996 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_a_e | 73.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | all respondents who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 72.6% to 74.6% | 8,789 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_a_l | 68.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | all respondents who answered the GSS police permit question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 67.5% to 69.8% | 11,884 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_chg_d | +7.8 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI 5.9 to 9.8 | 10,024 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_chg_i | −5.9 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −9.8 to −2.0 | 3,556 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_chg_r | −17.5 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −20.4 to −14.5 | 6,418 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_d_e | 75.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 73.7% to 76.5% | 4,827 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_d_l | 82.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 81.6% to 84.3% | 5,197 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_fall_r | 17.5 | percentage points | fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI 14.5 to 20.4 | 6,418 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_fall_r_ftf | 12.6 | percentage points | fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question interviewed in person | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI 8.7 to 16.6 | 4,237 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_gap_1996 | 9.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1996 | 95% CI 4.8 to 13.4 | 1,557 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_gap_2008 | 17.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2008 | 95% CI 11.6 to 23.9 | 1,076 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_gap_2024 | 28.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2024 | 95% CI 22.2 to 34.4 | 1,562 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_gap_e | 4.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 1.8 to 6.5 | 7,473 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_gap_l | 29.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 26.9 to 32.0 | 8,969 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_gap_l_ftf | 23.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question interviewed in person | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled), in-person interviews | 95% CI 19.3 to 27.5 | 3,765 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_gap_l_web | 34.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question interviewed on the web | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled), web interviews | 95% CI 30.9 to 38.1 | 4,247 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_mode_diff_l | 11.1 | percentage points | gap among respondents interviewed on the web minus the gap among respondents interviewed in person (two separate groups, different survey years); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 5.6 to 16.5 | 8,012 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_r_e | 71.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973 to 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 69.0% to 72.9% | 2,646 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_r_l | 53.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 51.3% to 55.7% | 3,772 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_rise_d | 7.8 | percentage points | rise in the weighted share, late period minus early period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI 5.9 to 9.8 | 10,024 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gm_rise_d_ftf | 6.7 | percentage points | rise in the weighted share, late period minus early period (two separate samples); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question interviewed in person | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI 4.1 to 9.2 | 7,001 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_chg_d | −22.0 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −24.4 to −19.7 | 9,265 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_chg_r | −1.2 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −4.4 to 2.0 | 5,842 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_chg_r_ftf | −4.6 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed in person | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI −8.9 to −0.3 | 3,748 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_chg_r_mid | −8.2 | percentage points | share pooled over the surveys of 1998 to 2006 minus the 1973 to 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 1998 to 2006 | 95% CI −11.4 to −5.1 | 4,770 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_chg_r_web | +1.6 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed on the web | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024, web interviews | 95% CI −2.2 to 5.5 | 3,911 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_d_1996 | 39.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1996 | 95% CI 35.6% to 42.9% | 874 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_d_2000 | 29.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2000 | 95% CI 25.5% to 32.7% | 819 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_d_2010 | 21.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2010 | 95% CI 17.1% to 25.5% | 571 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_d_2016 | 22.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 | 95% CI 18.5% to 25.4% | 894 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_d_2024 | 27.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2024 | 95% CI 23.0% to 31.7% | 830 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_d_e | 47.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 45.6% to 49.1% | 4,054 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_d_l | 25.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 23.7% to 26.9% | 5,211 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_fall_d | 22.0 | percentage points | fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI 19.7 to 24.4 | 9,265 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_fall_d_9600 | 10.1 | percentage points | fall in the weighted Democratic share, 1996 minus 2000 (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1996 to 2000 | 95% CI 5.0 to 15.2 | 1,693 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_fall_i | 21.1 | percentage points | fall in the weighted share, early period minus late period (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI 16.7 to 25.5 | 3,372 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gap_1996 | 10.4 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1996 | 95% CI 5.0 to 15.9 | 1,577 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gap_2008 | 22.8 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2008 | 95% CI 15.8 to 29.7 | 1,075 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gap_2024 | 30.7 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2024 | 95% CI 24.1 to 37.4 | 1,542 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gap_e | 6.8 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 4.0 to 9.7 | 6,274 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gap_e_design | 6.8 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share, with a design-based interval (Taylor linearisation with the GSS strata and primary sampling units); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 3.9 to 9.8 | 6,274 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gap_l | 27.7 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 24.9 to 30.4 | 8,833 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gap_l_design | 27.7 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share, with a design-based interval (Taylor linearisation with the GSS strata and primary sampling units); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 25.0 to 30.3 | 8,833 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gap_l_ftf | 24.7 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed in person | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled), in-person interviews | 95% CI 20.4 to 29.1 | 3,705 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gap_l_web | 29.6 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed on the web | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled), web interviews | 95% CI 25.7 to 33.4 | 4,183 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_gapchg | 20.8 | percentage points | late-period gap minus early-period gap, Republican minus Democratic share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI 16.8 to 24.8 | 15,107 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_i_e | 48.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 44.8% to 52.2% | 937 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_i_l | 27.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 25.0% to 29.8% | 2,435 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_mode_diff_l | 4.8 | percentage points | gap among respondents interviewed on the web minus the gap among respondents interviewed in person (two separate groups, different survey years); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI −1.0 to 10.7 | 7,888 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_r_9806_hi | 47.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | highest of the five yearly weighted Republican shares in the GSS surveys of 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004 and 2006; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1998 to 2006 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_r_9806_lo | 44.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | lowest of the five yearly weighted Republican shares in the GSS surveys of 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004 and 2006; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1998 to 2006 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| go_r_e | 54.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 51.9% to 56.5% | 2,220 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_r_l | 53.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 50.8% to 55.2% | 3,622 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_r_mid | 45.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1998 to 2006 (GSS surveys pooled) | 95% CI 43.7% to 48.1% | 2,550 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| go_step_d_1624 | +5.4 | percentage points | change in the weighted Democratic share, 2024 minus 2016 (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −0.2 to 10.9 | 1,724 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_chg_d | −13.8 | percentage points | late-period share minus 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −18.1 to −9.5 | 5,942 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_chg_r | +7.1 | percentage points | late-period share minus 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI 1.5 to 12.8 | 4,047 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_chg_r_ftf | +3.5 | percentage points | late-period share minus 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed in person | 1980 to 2016 to 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI −2.7 to 9.8 | 1,963 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_chg_r_web | +9.7 | percentage points | late-period share minus 1980 share (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question interviewed on the web | 1980 to 2016 to 2024, web interviews | 95% CI 3.7 to 15.8 | 2,118 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_d_e | 29.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1980 (GSS) | 95% CI 25.6% to 33.7% | 733 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_d_l | 15.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 14.5% to 17.1% | 5,209 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_fall_d | 13.8 | percentage points | fall in the weighted share, 1980 minus the late period (two separate samples); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI 9.5 to 18.1 | 5,942 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_gap_e | 1.8 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1980 (GSS) | 95% CI −4.8 to 8.4 | 1,170 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_gap_l | 22.8 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 20.2 to 25.3 | 8,819 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_r_e | 31.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1980 (GSS) | 95% CI 26.2% to 36.7% | 437 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_r_ftf_hi | 38.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | highest of the yearly weighted Republican shares personally owning a gun in the GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 with enough respondents; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question, interviewed in person | 2016 to 2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_r_ftf_lo | 33.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | lowest of the yearly weighted Republican shares personally owning a gun in the GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 with enough respondents; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question, interviewed in person | 2016 to 2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_r_l | 38.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 36.4% to 40.8% | 3,610 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_r_web_hi | 42.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | highest of the yearly weighted Republican shares personally owning a gun in the GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 with enough respondents; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question, interviewed on the web | 2016 to 2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_r_web_lo | 40.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | lowest of the yearly weighted Republican shares personally owning a gun in the GSS surveys of 2016 to 2024 with enough respondents; the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question, interviewed on the web | 2016 to 2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| grad_d_l | 38.2 | percentage points | weighted share in rural areas minus weighted share in central cities (two groups); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 30.4 to 46.0 | 2,082 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| grad_r_l | 31.5 | percentage points | weighted share in rural areas minus weighted share in central cities (two groups); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 23.7 to 39.3 | 1,189 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_web_2021 | 87% | share of interviews | share of interviews by web (count) | GSS 2021 respondents who answered the gun in the home question | 2021 |   | 3,912 | none (interview count) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_anes_2016_ftf | 45.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2016, in-person interviews | 95% CI 38.7 to 52.1 | 1,037 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_anes_2016_web | 42.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2016, web interviews | 95% CI 38.0 to 46.3 | 2,620 | weight_web (web mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_own_2018_ftf | 27.3 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2018, in-person interviews | 95% CI 19.9 to 34.6 | 1,074 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_own_2021_web | 28.7 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2021, web interviews | 95% CI 24.2 to 33.3 | 2,619 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_own_2024_ftf | 25.9 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI 14.4 to 37.3 | 528 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_own_2024_web | 34.1 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2024, web interviews | 95% CI 25.2 to 43.1 | 822 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_perm_2018_ftf | 22.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2018, in-person interviews | 95% CI 16.0 to 29.7 | 1,087 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_perm_2021_web | 35.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2021, web interviews | 95% CI 31.1 to 39.7 | 2,661 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_perm_2024_ftf | 18.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2024, in-person interviews | 95% CI 7.6 to 29.1 | 532 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_perm_2024_web | 34.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2024, web interviews | 95% CI 26.2 to 42.3 | 837 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_perm_diff_2024 | 15.9 | percentage points | web gap minus in-person gap (two separate groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question | 2024 | 95% CI 2.4 to 29.3 | 1,369 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_perm_step_1821 | 12.6 | percentage points | 2021 web gap minus 2018 in-person gap (two separate samples in different modes); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 2018 (in person) to 2021 (web) | 95% CI 4.5 to 20.7 | 3,748 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_a_item | 22,800 | respondents | count of respondents with a usable answer to VCF9238 | ANES respondents who answered the question on buying a gun | 2000-2020 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_a_waves | 6 | studies | count of study years with the item | ANES studies that asked the question on buying a gun | 2000-2020 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_ces_itemyears | 34 | item-years | count of item-years with a party gap | CES gun items | 2010-2021 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| n_ces_resp | 443,846 | respondents | count of respondents with an answer to at least one of the five gun items | CES respondents who answered at least one gun item | 2010-2021 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| n_g_own | 47,521 | respondents | count of respondents with a yes or no answer to owngun | GSS respondents who answered the gun in the home question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_g_own_waves | 30 | surveys | count of survey years with the item | GSS survey years that asked the gun in the home question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_g_perm | 50,498 | respondents | count of respondents with a favor or oppose answer to gunlaw | GSS respondents who answered the police permit question | 1972-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_g_perm_waves | 32 | surveys | count of survey years with the item | GSS survey years that asked the police permit question | 1972-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_mode_pairs | 7 | comparisons | count of web minus in-person gap comparisons: GSS gun in the home 2022 and 2024, GSS police permit 2022 and 2024, ANES buying a gun 2012, 2016 and 2024 | web and in-person gaps in the same year | 2012-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_ns_resp | 476,723 | respondents | count of respondents in the weeks through 28 December 2020 with an answer to at least one of the seven gun items | Nationscape respondents who answered at least one gun item | July 2019 to December 2020 |   |   | none (count) | Nationscape |   |
| n_rural_d_l | 267 | respondents | count of respondents in the rural Democratic cell | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) in rural areas who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| ns_assault_gap | 34.6 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: ban assault rifles | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 34.1 to 35.1 | 343,886 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_ban_d | 32.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: ban all guns | Democrats (leaners included) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 32.5% to 33.2% | 181,840 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_ban_gap | 21.0 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: ban all guns | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 20.6 to 21.5 | 349,269 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_ban_r | 11.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: ban all guns | Republicans (leaners included) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 11.5% to 12.0% | 167,429 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_bg_d | 95.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: background checks for all gun purchases | Democrats (leaners included) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 94.8% to 95.1% | 202,676 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_bg_gap | 5.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: background checks for all gun purchases | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 5.5 to 6.1 | 372,105 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_bg_r | 89.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: background checks for all gun purchases | Republicans (leaners included) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 89.0% to 89.5% | 169,429 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_chg_max | 2.2 | percentage points | largest absolute change in the party gap across the seven Nationscape items, July to December 2020 minus July to December 2019 | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July to December 2019 to July to December 2020 |   |   | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_control_gap | 35.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic minus Republican share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: controlling who owns guns matters more than the right to own | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 34.4 to 36.6 | 68,631 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_household_d | 29.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: a household member owns a gun | Democrats (leaners included) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 29.2% to 29.8% | 206,052 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_household_gap | 22.0 | percentage points | weighted Republican minus Democratic share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: a household member owns a gun | Democrats and Republicans (no leaners) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 21.5 to 22.5 | 379,036 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| ns_household_r | 51.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share, weekly waves pooled; the Nationscape item: a household member owns a gun | Republicans (leaners included) who answered the item | July 2019 to December 2020 | 95% CI 51.1% to 51.8% | 172,984 | weight | Nationscape |   |
| pl_city_d_l | 18.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) in the central city who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 16.5% to 21.3% | 1,815 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_city_r_l | 39.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the central city who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 34.5% to 44.7% | 794 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_max_gap_e | 16.8 | percentage points | highest of the eight weighted Republican minus Democratic gaps; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in each of four regions and four community types, who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) |   |   | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_max_gap_l | 29.3 | percentage points | highest of the eight weighted Republican minus Democratic gaps; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in each of four regions and four community types, who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) |   |   | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_min_gap_e | −1.5 | percentage points | lowest of the eight weighted Republican minus Democratic gaps; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in each of four regions and four community types, who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) |   |   | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_min_gap_l | 14.0 | percentage points | lowest of the eight weighted Republican minus Democratic gaps; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in each of four regions and four community types, who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) |   |   | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_n_groups | 8 | rows | count of regions and community types in the place figure | four regions and four community types | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_n_zero_e | 4 | rows | count of the eight rows in which the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap includes zero | four regions and four community types | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_ne_d_e | 22.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) in the northeast who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 19.5% to 25.9% | 851 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_ne_gap_e | 16.8 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the northeast, who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 11.0 to 22.5 | 1,334 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_rural_d_l | 57.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) in the rural area who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 49.7% to 64.6% | 267 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_rural_gap_e | 2.1 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the rural area, who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI −3.2 to 7.5 | 1,218 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_rural_gap_l | 14.0 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the rural area, who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 4.5 to 23.5 | 662 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| pl_rural_r_l | 71.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Republican identifiers (leaners included) in the rural area who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 65.2% to 76.9% | 395 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_cmp_d | 11.5 | percentage points | weighted share of Democrats with a gun in the home favoring a permit minus the share of Republicans without one (two groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic owners and Republican nonowners (leaners included), who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 7.1 to 15.9 | 3,050 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_cmp_r | 5.5 | percentage points | Democratic minus Republican gap among respondents without a gun in the home minus the size of the difference between Republican owners and Republican nonowners (four groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI −1.8 to 12.8 | 7,418 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_gap_diff | 6.0 | percentage points | Democratic minus Republican gap among respondents with a gun in the home minus the gap among those without (four groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 0.5 to 11.6 | 8,738 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_non_d_l | 85.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) without a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 84.3% to 87.3% | 3,831 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_non_gap_e | 3.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) without a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 0.2 to 6.3 | 3,182 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_non_gap_l | 22.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) without a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 18.5 to 25.6 | 5,561 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_non_r_l | 63.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) without a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 60.5% to 67.0% | 1,730 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_own_d_l | 75.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) with a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 72.2% to 78.3% | 1,320 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_own_gap_e | 0.9 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) with a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI −3.1 to 4.9 | 2,995 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_own_gap_l | 28.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) with a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 23.8 to 32.4 | 3,177 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_own_r_l | 47.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) with a gun in the home, who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 44.2% to 50.2% | 1,857 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_ownchg_d_l | −10.6 | percentage points | weighted share among respondents with a gun in the home minus the share among those without (two groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI −14.0 to −7.2 | 5,151 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| po_ownchg_r_l | −16.6 | percentage points | weighted share among respondents with a gun in the home minus the share among those without (two groups); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered both GSS questions | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI −21.0 to −12.2 | 3,587 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| rdcr_e | 31.9 | percentage points | weighted share of rural Democrats minus weighted share of central-city Republicans with a gun in the home (two groups); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers in rural areas and Republican identifiers in central cities (leaners included), who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 25.9 to 38.0 | 1,224 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| rdcr_l | 17.5 | percentage points | weighted share of rural Democrats minus weighted share of central-city Republicans with a gun in the home (two groups); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic identifiers in rural areas and Republican identifiers in central cities (leaners included), who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 8.5 to 26.6 | 1,061 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| ref_d_e | 0.6% | percent of respondents who were asked the household question | weighted share who refused or skipped the question (owngun refused, or missing with rowngun refused) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 0.3% to 0.8% | 4,077 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| ref_d_l | 1.0% | percent of respondents who were asked the household question | weighted share who refused or skipped the question (owngun refused, or missing with rowngun refused) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 0.6% to 1.3% | 5,257 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| ref_r_e | 0.5% | percent of respondents who were asked the household question | weighted share who refused or skipped the question (owngun refused, or missing with rowngun refused) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 0.2% to 0.9% | 2,233 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| ref_r_l | 5.4% | percent of respondents who were asked the household question | weighted share who refused or skipped the question (owngun refused, or missing with rowngun refused) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who were asked the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 4.4% to 6.4% | 3,806 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| rule_sd | 0.25 | standard deviations of the answer | threshold of the sort-date rule of the chapter Sort dates by attitude | the party gap on an attitude | all survey years |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| sd_own_bound | 2008 | year | first survey year in which the lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of a gun in the home (owngun, scored 1 for yes) exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later survey | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1972-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| sd_own_point | 1998 | year | first survey year in which the point estimate of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of a gun in the home (owngun, scored 1 for yes) exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later survey | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1972-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| sd_own_upper | 1993 | year | first survey year from which the upper end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of a gun in the home (owngun, scored 1 for yes) stays above the rule in every later survey | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1972-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| sd_perm_bound | 2014 | year | first survey year in which the lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of opposing a police permit (gunlaw, scored 1 for oppose) exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later survey | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1972-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| sd_perm_point | 2000 | year | first survey year in which the point estimate of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of opposing a police permit (gunlaw, scored 1 for oppose) exceeds the rule and stays above it in every later survey | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1972-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| sd_perm_upper | 1993 | year | first survey year from which the upper end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of opposing a police permit (gunlaw, scored 1 for oppose) stays above the rule in every later survey | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS police permit question | 1972-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| size_anes_harder | 15.7 | percentage points | size of the size of the Republican change minus the size of the Democratic change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the ANES question on buying a gun (VCF9238), answer more difficult | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2000 to 2020 | 95% CI 9.7 to 21.8 | 8,050 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| size_ces_assault | 7.2 | percentage points | size of the size of the Republican change minus the size of the Democratic change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the CES item on banning assault rifles (guns_assaultban), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2013 to 2021 | 95% CI 4.6 to 9.9 | 33,271 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| size_ces_names | 8.2 | percentage points | size of the Democratic change minus the size of the Republican change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the CES item on prohibiting publication of gun owners' names (guns_names), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2013 to 2020 | 95% CI 5.6 to 10.8 | 62,485 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| size_ces_permits | 4.6 | percentage points | size of the Democratic change minus the size of the Republican change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the CES item on easier concealed-carry permits (guns_permits), answer support | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 2013 to 2021 | 95% CI 1.8 to 7.4 | 33,311 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| size_gss_own | 20.8 | percentage points | size of the Democratic change minus the size of the Republican change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 1973-80 to 2016-24 | 95% CI 16.8 to 24.8 | 15,107 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| size_gss_permit | 9.6 | percentage points | size of the size of the Republican change minus the size of the Democratic change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the GSS question on a police permit to buy a gun (gunlaw), answer favor | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 1973-80 to 2016-24 | 95% CI 6.1 to 13.1 | 16,442 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| size_gss_personal | 6.7 | percentage points | size of the Democratic change minus the size of the Republican change (each change is a later minus earlier weighted share from two separate samples; sizes are absolute values); the GSS personally owns a gun follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home; no gun in the home counts as not owning), answer yes | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the item | 1980 to 2016-24 | 95% CI −0.4 to 13.8 | 9,989 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| t_bg_r | 80.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the 2024 ANES item on background checks for gun purchases (V242326), answer favor | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES background checks item | 2024 | 95% CI 77.9% to 82.8% | 2,074 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_gap_h | 50.7 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun (V242325), answer more difficult | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun | 2024 | 95% CI 47.0 to 54.3 | 4,389 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_h_d | 82.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun (V242325), answer more difficult | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun | 2024 | 95% CI 80.0% to 84.5% | 2,319 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_h_r | 31.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun (V242325), answer more difficult | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES question on buying a gun | 2024 | 95% CI 28.6% to 34.4% | 2,070 | w_post (V240107b, post-election); w_post_ftf and w_post_web for the mode views | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_own_d | 28.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share with one or more guns in the household (V241583, asked before the election) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES household guns question | 2024 | 95% CI 26.0% to 31.2% | 2,489 | w_pre (V240107a, pre-election) | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_own_gap | 23.6 | percentage points | weighted Republican share minus weighted Democratic share with one or more guns in the household (V241583) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES household guns question | 2024 | 95% CI 19.6 to 27.7 | 4,571 | w_pre (V240107a, pre-election) | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| t_own_r | 52.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share with one or more guns in the household (V241583, asked before the election) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the 2024 ANES household guns question | 2024 | 95% CI 49.1% to 55.3% | 2,082 | w_pre (V240107a, pre-election) | ANES 2024 Time Series |   |
| wh_chg_d | −21.3 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | White Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −24.1 to −18.6 | 6,839 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| wh_chg_r | +1.7 | percentage points | late-period share minus early-period share (two separate samples); the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | White Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 to 2016 to 2024 | 95% CI −1.6 to 5.0 | 5,359 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| wh_d_e | 49.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | White Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 47.6% to 51.3% | 3,413 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| wh_d_l | 28.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS gun in the home question (owngun), answer yes | White Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 26.1% to 30.1% | 3,426 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| wh_share_d_e | 84.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who are White (GSS race 1) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 1973 to 1980 (GSS surveys of 1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980, pooled) | 95% CI 83.0% to 85.5% | 4,054 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| wh_share_d_l | 64.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share who are White (GSS race 1) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS gun in the home question | 2016 to 2024 (GSS surveys of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, pooled) | 95% CI 62.9% to 66.4% | 5,174 | weight_use, rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are pooled | General Social Survey |   |
| z_anes_2000_lo | 0.38 | standard deviations of the answer | lower end of the 95% interval of the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score of the three-answer question (VCF9238, scored 1 more difficult, 2 same, 3 easier) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES question on buying a gun | 2000 |   | 1,559 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |

## Definitions

- Percentage point: The unit for the difference between two percentages. A change from one share to another is stated in points, not in percent, so that absolute and relative change are not confused.
- Partisan leaner: A respondent who first says they are independent but, when asked, says they lean toward one party. Most figures group leaners with the party they lean toward, and each chapter says which grouping it uses.
- Confidence interval: A range around an estimate that would contain the true value in 95% of repeated samples if the sampling model held. The book reports 95% intervals unless it says otherwise.
- Effective sample size: The number of equally weighted respondents that would give the same precision as the weighted sample. It is smaller than the raw count when the weights vary a lot, and it sets how wide the confidence interval is.
- Survey weights: Numbers that scale each respondent so the sample matches the population on known traits such as age, race, education and region. A weighted average counts a respondent with a large weight for more than one with a small weight.
- Party sorting: The alignment of party with other traits, such as ideology, religion, race and place, so that people who share a party also tend to share those traits.
- Standard deviation: A measure of how far values typically fall from their average. A larger standard deviation means the values are more spread out.
- Linear probability model: A regression of a yes-or-no outcome on predictors, fitted by least squares so that each coefficient is a change in the probability of yes. The book weights it and reports robust standard errors.
- HC3 robust standard errors: A way of computing standard errors that stays valid when the spread of the outcome differs across respondents, with a correction for small samples. The book uses it for regressions that have no clusters.
- Survey mode: How respondents were interviewed: in person, by phone, on paper or online. Mode can change answers, so a change in mode can look like a change in opinion.

## Methods

Sample. GSS respondents (raw file, weight_use) who answered the gun in the home question (owngun, yes or no; refused is missing): 47,521 respondents in 30 surveys from 1973 to 2024; the police permit question (gunlaw, favor or oppose): 50,498 respondents in 32 surveys from 1972 to 2024; the personally owns follow-up (rowngun, asked of respondents with a gun in the home from 1980): 41,426 respondents in 26 surveys. ANES Cumulative Data File respondents who answered the question on buying a gun (VCF9238): 22,800 respondents in 6 studies (2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020); ANES 2024 Time Series respondents with a post-election weight: 4,964. CES respondents who answered at least one of five gun items between 2010 and 2021: 443,846. Nationscape respondents who answered at least one of seven gun items in the weeks from July 2019 to 28 December 2020: 476,723.

Party and estimand. Democrats and Republicans include leaners (ANES and CES seven-point party identification 1 to 3 and 5 to 7; GSS partyid 0 to 2 and 4 to 6); independents are those who lean toward neither party (ANES and CES 4, GSS 3). Nationscape asks the three-category party question and, of every independent in every week, whether the respondent is closer to the Democratic Party, the Republican Party or neither, so its Democrats and Republicans include leaners and its independents answered neither; independents without a lean answer and respondents who chose something else have no party. Each outcome is the share giving one answer, as the wording table lists. The party gap is written so that it is positive when the party that favors that side is higher: Democratic minus Republican for favoring a police permit, making buying a gun more difficult, background checks, an assault rifle ban, a registry, limiting magazines, banning all guns, stricter sale laws and putting gun control above gun rights; Republican minus Democratic for a gun in the home, personal ownership, easier concealed-carry permits and prohibiting publication of owners' names.

Coding. Coding is read from stored labels and never from a correlation with party: GSS owngun, rowngun 1 yes, 2 no, 3 refused; gunlaw 1 favor, 2 oppose; region 1 northeast to 4 west; ANES VCF9238 1 more difficult, 2 keep the rules about the same, 3 make it easier; ANES 2024 V242325 1 more difficult, 2 easier, 3 keep the rules (recoded to the cumulative-file order), V242326 and V242329 1 favor, 2 oppose, 3 neither; CES raw items 1 support, 2 oppose and the sale-law scale 1 more strict, 2 less strict, 3 kept as they are (the stored 0 or 1 items are checked against the raw items); Nationscape items are stored as 1 for agree or yes. Personal ownership is 1 if owngun is yes and rowngun is yes, 0 if owngun is no or rowngun is no, and missing otherwise. Community type groups the NORC size of place code xnorcsiz: central cities (codes 1 and 2), suburbs and unincorporated areas of metropolitan cities (3 to 6), small cities and towns (7 and 8) and rural areas (9 and 10).

Weights. GSS weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before); the GSS interview mode is joined from the raw file. In person means interviewed in person (GSS mode 1) or in any survey before 2004, which was in person by design; web means GSS mode 4. One weighting rule applies to every pooled period and subgroup: the weights of all respondents who answered the item and named a party are rescaled to average one within each survey year, and only then is a subgroup (region, community type, race, owner, interview mode) selected. ANES weight VCF0009z, with weight_ftf and weight_web in 2012 and 2016 (the 2020 study has no mode weights). ANES 2024 post-election items use V240107b, the household guns item uses the pre-election weight V240107a, and the mode views use V240101b and V240102b of the fresh in-person and fresh web samples. CES weight, the single-wave weight. Nationscape weight.

Intervals. 95% intervals use the Kish effective sample size with a normal approximation, treat the weighted sample as a simple random sample and ignore the strata and clusters of the designs. A gap, a change between surveys or periods and a mode difference combine the two standard errors in quadrature, treating the estimates as independent. The place-adjusted gaps and changes are weighted linear probability models with HC3 errors. The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, so their intervals rest on a model. As a check on the simple-random-sample intervals, the pooled GSS gaps also have design-based intervals from a Taylor linearisation with the survey strata (vstrat) and primary sampling units (vpsu), which the GSS records from 1975 (the 1973 and 1974 respondents enter as single-respondent units): ownership gap 6.8 [3.9, 9.8] early and 27.7 [25.0, 30.3] late; permit gap 4.1 [1.9, 6.4] early and 29.4 [26.7, 32.2] late; the design-based standard error is 1.03 times the one used in the chapter for the early ownership gap and 0.97 times for the late one.

Periods. The early period pools the GSS surveys of 1973 to 1980 that asked the item (1973, 1974, 1976, 1977 and 1980 for a gun in the home, and also 1975 for the police permit) and the late period pools those of 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022 and 2024, after rescaling each year's weights to average one so that years count in proportion to their respondents. Personal ownership starts in 1980, so its early period is the 1980 survey alone. The CES and ANES changes compare the first and last year each item was asked.

Suppression. A Democratic or Republican cell in a yearly series needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100; an independent or all-respondent cell, and every cell in a mode, place, period or item split, needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. A gap needs both party cells to clear the floor. A Nationscape week needs at least 500 respondents on the item.

Dating by reference. The dates use the rule of the chapter Sort dates by attitude: the Republican minus Democratic gap in the within-year z-score, scored so that a higher value is less regulation (a gun in the home, opposing a permit, the three-answer ANES item scored 1 more difficult to 3 easier), a threshold of 0.25 standard deviations, the point-estimate date as the first survey from which the estimate stays above it and the lower-bound date as the first survey from which the lower end of the 95% interval stays above it; the upper-bound date is the first survey from which the upper end stays above it. This chapter standardizes over the Democratic and Republican identifiers with the item in each survey; the code of that chapter standardizes over all respondents with the item, and the dates are the same either way (checked in the build). The difference between the ownership and permit z-gaps is tested survey by survey as a difference of independent estimates.

Refusals. Refused answers to the household question (owngun refused, or owngun missing with rowngun refused) are left out. The bounds count every refusal as an owner or as a nonowner. Smith, Laken and Son's estimate that most refusers are owners covers the surveys of 1973 to 2012.

CES. The per-year sign check recomputes the party gap in the expected direction for every item-year (all item-years, 34 in all) and finds it above zero in each, so the 2014 reversal of the ACA repeal item that the loader corrects has no counterpart in the gun items. Nationscape. Weekly waves from July 2019 to 28 December 2020 are pooled with the Nationscape weight; the half-year comparison uses July to December 2019 and July to December 2020. ANES 2024. The 2024 buying-a-gun point comes from the 2024 Time Series because the cumulative file lacks the item for 2024; it is weighted with the post-election weight and plotted with the cumulative-file points.

## What these data cannot show

- Each survey draws a new sample, so a change in a party's share can come from people changing their view, changing their party or being replaced by new adults, and these data cannot separate the three.
- A Democratic fall in gun ownership could be Democrats who gave up a gun, gun owners who left the party, or younger Democrats who never owned one.
- The ownership results are not evidence that ownership changed party loyalty or that party loyalty changed ownership, which Joslyn and coauthors study with vote choice [3].
- The chapter has no birth cohort breakdown and does not date when any individual changed.
- The ownership measures are reports.
- One respondent answers for the home, so the household share depends on who answers, and Smith, Laken and Son show that husbands and wives report differently [4].
- Refusals are about 5.4% of Republican respondents in 2016 to 2024, and the bounds treat them as all owners or none, which leaves the Republican change in household ownership uncertain.
- The items count guns in the home or owned, not how many guns, what kind, whether they are carried or how they are stored.
- The policy items each name one proposal, so the chapter says nothing about other debates such as laws on carrying a gun without a permit or on removing guns from people judged to be dangerous, and it has no measure of how strongly respondents hold a view, which was the question in the study by Schuman and Presser [2].
- Wording limits every comparison across surveys.
- The CES items are for or against a proposal in a list, the ANES 2024 items offer a middle answer, and the Nationscape items offer not sure, so the levels differ by survey even where the gaps agree.
- The ANES 2024 buying a gun point comes from the separate Time Series file, and the GSS and ANES samples after 2020 mix or change interview mode, which affects the latest permit result, the Republican personal ownership rise and the 2020 ANES step.
- The GSS intervals treat respondents as drawn one by one; the design-based check above changes the pooled gaps little.
- The CES and Nationscape are opt-in panels, and the gun items in the CES end in 2021.
- Place is the respondent's own community type and census region, which are not the county and say nothing about rural counties as a whole.
- The chapter has no result on firearm deaths, which Planned, Firearm deaths and the vote (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/firearm-deaths-and-the-vote; planned) is planned to take up.

## References

1. Kish, Leslie (1965). Survey Sampling. John Wiley and Sons.
2. Schuman, Howard; Presser, Stanley (1977). Attitude Measurement and the Gun Control Paradox. Public Opinion Quarterly 41(4): 427-438. https://doi.org/10.1086/268405
3. Joslyn, Mark R.; Haider-Markel, Donald P.; Baggs, Michael; Bilbo, Andrew (2017). Emerging Political Identities? Gun Ownership and Voting in Presidential Elections. Social Science Quarterly 98(2): 382-396. https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12421
4. Smith, Tom W.; Laken, Faith; Son, Jaesok (2014). Gun Ownership in the United States: Measurement Issues and Trends. GSS Methodological Report No. 123, NORC at the University of Chicago (revised October 2015). https://gss.norc.org/Documents/reports/methodological-reports/MR123%20Gun%20Ownership.pdf
5. Dagonel, Angelo (2023). Guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences. Harvard Dataverse, Cumulative CES Policy Preferences, version 3 (guide last updated 2023-01-18). https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/OSXDQO
6. Tausanovitch, Chris; Vavreck, Lynn (2023). Democracy Fund + UCLA Nationscape Project (data version 20211215). Harvard Dataverse, version 1. https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/CQFP3Z
7. American National Election Studies (2021). ANES 2020 Time Series Study Full Release: User Guide and Codebook. Stanford University and the University of Michigan. https://electionstudies.org/data-center/2020-time-series-study/

## Provenance

- Pipeline version: 1.0.0
- Build script: book3/chapters/guns/build.py (sha256 2435098c44ad5ef8193deab2e6b0125641c3c5c85ee9608fc5fa6edef59655f2)
- Built on: 2026-10-03
- Site commit: 16414b2c7257546a7042d0b1734657f208999f60

Inputs:

| File | Size (bytes) | SHA-256, first 1 MB | SHA-256, last 1 MB |
| --- | ---: | --- | --- |
| data/anes/anes2024_ts/anes_timeseries_2024_spss_20260519.sav | 12,757,094 | 3107c838755f88353d0e3e39b2c3d5f76a2888cf56a179e3acac84ab431335d2 | bb318a018a39b4cf87ccc91b50a5b7c5b41746d28c0226f4a6c176e8c74966d6 |
| data/anes/anes_cdf_clean.parquet | 15,640,720 | b3f0c2d8ae5673b2c40cf6df71318ea3f712cd845c4f1aad0460f28d1b022643 | 04f06dae56b65649291caf6cf77aab9767d9c92d0c2669c6d3655d9063970583 |
| data/cces/cces_clean.parquet | 53,454,868 | 9430e88b3196c9ca2250bdda1908d3920e80e276ca0c529c514e2fc2bdd00806 | f61097c727c38fd8d7c8e53fe86935fb626f351a64d99ccb1ae0b56715b2c405 |
| data/gss/gss_all_raw2024.parquet | 35,044,704 | 6f6560d1929e8a100f576317a296ee88f777ca061ab7dbc1471cbdc7b3563538 | 5c3294f206beb53d9a8387fccb1983bf3088818df090bd8ed3f378adadafcf9b |
| data/nationscape/nationscape_clean.parquet | 43,528,088 | 6a7904b0ca979052a375585356a3e4fb85129f4902770bee653b54e95fc936e4 | 8dc1daf282a9fa90033abf3be0312eb5d1bf351a6a0b719c43204c904af86a44 |

Outputs:

| File | SHA-256 |
| --- | --- |
| facts.json | ec35efc6b8fb4d66d65a5da232ce6f1cda1747e043c980234d6ccb48f1216366 |
| figures/ces_items.json | b13291afa6257cda8a6ff4c35bd0fa8a9c7b16098c94184971f0f3d0f569d23a |
| figures/gap_by_year.json | c688906b84ecefe4eac999cb679b309d615678642ad2c11223011c21bbfdce41 |
| figures/mode_check.json | add3877504bee663726ce47ec8c1615175bc810ab402f2f04e8b9d6bdae7ccce |
| figures/nationscape.json | c0eaa33b7da0d9e6b0c364752f7188bf5b9c740604089e941e0ff46263702912 |
| figures/own_by_party.json | 742e060f9b946e3a0a0bde871e0c4786ab875553d6d1100d08d2b2a1ebf2fe70 |
| figures/permit_by_party.json | 00d52f14e3ddfa0c1cf44e88e92b79345fcb71aa0d9d27fb371d31f0530bb02c |
| figures/place_gap.json | 601b5e9c58784e23df9f895ed72e2cad13279493e707058f49fdf01280c3eef6 |
| figures/within_party.json | 8bcb2482539e0cc4954d5fb236db663654c7fb0cc00f213ad8908ad245d78c21 |
| figures/wording.json | 1045d838fb874fa20239e1b20abd4d0f494890a739c801526def19c7cd59a486 |
| meta.json | 9cef3177ab7854a58426b19fdfebcb843b22021a2ae9aef44ca4ef6d3ad229ff |
| refs.json | 332c6a3eb29691bb7b7ccc4b449e24b59c3f7da1117fc35240037f7f16e3891d |

## Machine formats

- Report (HTML): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns/report
- Report (Markdown): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/guns/report.md
- Every estimate (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/facts.json
- Table 1, figure "wording" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/wording.json
- Table 2, figure "own_by_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/own_by_party.json
- Table 3, figure "permit_by_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/permit_by_party.json
- Table 4, figure "gap_by_year" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/gap_by_year.json
- Table 5, figure "place_gap" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/place_gap.json
- Table 6, figure "ces_items" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/ces_items.json
- Table 7, figure "nationscape" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/nationscape.json
- Table 8, figure "mode_check" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/mode_check.json
- Table 9, figure "within_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/guns/figures/within_party.json
- Index of every report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms.txt; all reports in one file: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms-full.txt