↖︎ Vishal Singh
Loading data…

Election 2026 · A data booklet

Election 2026 · A data booklet

Reading the 2026 exit poll

Four short pieces built from one file of published exit poll tables: why there is only one exit poll, how white voters split by education, how Hispanic voters voted, and a tool to explore every table.

Author
AffiliationNYU Stern
Published

The Voter Poll by SSRS, via NBC News

Four short pieces built from one file of published exit poll tables: why there is only one exit poll, how white voters split by education, how Hispanic voters voted, and a tool to explore every table.

AuthorVishal Singh
AffiliationNYU Stern
DataThe Voter Poll by SSRS, via NBC News

Chapter 1 · Explainer

Why America has one exit poll

Every network reported the same survey on election night 2026. Why no one competes with it, why its respondent-level data comes out years late and for a fee, and what an open alternative would need.

AuthorVishal Singh
AffiliationNYU Stern
PublishedNovember 5, 2026

On November 3, ABC, CBS, CNN, Fox News, MS Now, NBC and the Associated Press all described the electorate with the same numbers. They came from the Voter Poll by SSRS, which the seven organizations use together for the first general election in a decade.1 The poll's crosstabs are free to read on any network site. The respondent-level file is not, and when past exit-poll files have been released, it has taken years and a fee.

Both facts have the same source. The exit poll is built for one customer group, a handful of news organizations that need a fast, defensible answer on one night, and it is priced and governed accordingly.

How the pool formed

Networks used to run competing exit polls. Competition was expensive, and from 1990 they pooled the work. Pooling saved money but left one point of failure, and that failure came twice.

1967
Warren Mitofsky develops the exit poll at CBS News. Other networks follow, and calling races first becomes a competition.2
1990–1993
With costs rising, the networks pool exit polling and vote counting, first as Voter Research & Surveys and then as Voter News Service (VNS).2
2000 · 2002
VNS data feeds the networks' Florida calls in 2000; in 2002 a software failure leaves the networks with no exit poll data on election night. VNS is dissolved in January 2003.2,3
2003
The National Election Pool forms and hires Edison Research, which remains its only exit-poll provider until 2025.4
2017–2024
Fox News and the AP leave the pool and build AP VoteCast with NORC, a survey of voters conducted by phone and online instead of at polling places.5 For four elections there are two competing surveys, and they disagree on groups such as Hispanic voters.
2025–2026
SSRS acquires Edison. Its new Voter Poll merges the Edison and VoteCast methods, and every network plus the AP signs on. Competition is back to zero.4,1

The pattern is that the buyers, not a dominant seller, keep the market at one supplier. Few organizations need the product, each needs all 50 states on the same night, and none wants to pay for a full operation alone. When Fox left the pool in 2017, the open question was whether the remaining members could afford a survey that costs millions without it.6

What the “exit poll” is now

Very little of it is exit interviews. In 2016, Edison interviewed about 85,000 voters in person at roughly 1,000 polling places plus 16,000 early and absentee voters by phone.7 In 2026 the Voter Poll interviewed roughly 75,000 voters before Election Day, through mailed invitations, phone, text and online panels, and added in-person interviews at polling places in 15 states.8 Its samples come from the voter file, which SSRS licenses in full from the data vendor L2, and from its probability-based Opinion Panel. They also include an opt-in online panel, Verasight, whose members are partly recruited through internet advertising.9,8

The data are then weighted to an estimate of each state's electorate and reweighted on election night as counts arrive, so the published crosstabs keep changing for days.7

Why a mobile startup can't simply do it better

Collecting answers on phones is not the hard part; the incumbent already does much of its fieldwork by text and online panel. The barriers are elsewhere.

The buyer. The product's value is concentrated in a few hours on one night, and the customers are the same seven organizations that have just signed with SSRS. A startup has no one to sell to unless it persuades a network to put an untested survey on air.

The track record. The networks have been burned before, in 2000 and 2002. In 2016 a startup, VoteCastr, published real-time Election Day estimates with Slate and Vice News in seven battleground states. It missed the winner in five of the seven.10 Edison's Joe Lenski has described the exit poll as a survey that gets graded within two hours of polls closing, against precinct returns from the places it sampled.7 A new entrant gets one public test, on the most watched night of the cycle.

The sampling frame. A credible voter survey needs a sample drawn from the voter file in every state, with enough respondents to report Black, Hispanic, Asian and young voters separately, in English and Spanish. A sample recruited through an app overrepresents the people who use that app. Older and offline voters are hard to reach, and the fix, licensing voter files and running probability-based recruitment, is the expensive part of the incumbent's operation.

Verification. On election night no one can confirm that a respondent voted. Vote history in the voter file arrives weeks or months later. Until then the survey relies on self-reports and weighting, and a mobile panel is more exposed to fraudulent and duplicate respondents than an interviewer at a polling place.

The weighting inputs. The final numbers depend on reweighting to the actual vote, which requires fast precinct and county counts. The AP, a pool member, also runs the main vote-counting operation.

Is the microdata really never released?

It is released, but late, for a fee, and not for the current election. The Roper Center at Cornell archives respondent-level exit polls back to 1972 and sells them: a national file costs $1,625 to $2,165 and a single state $605 to $810, depending on membership.11 The 2016 and 2018 pool files became available in January 2020.12 Access once required an application and a signed data protection plan covering all data derived from the files; that requirement has since been dropped.13 AP VoteCast public-use files for 2018 through 2024 are posted by AP-NORC.5 I found no announcement on when or whether the 2026 Voter Poll file will be released.

The open alternative already exists, just not on election night. The Cooperative Election Study, run by a consortium of universities and fielded by YouGov, surveys about 60,000 Americans each federal election. It matches respondents to the voter file to validate who actually voted and posts the full file free on the Harvard Dataverse.14 Universities fund it by buying 1,000-person modules for $14,000 each. The data reach teams in March, with validated vote added later.15

Voter Poll (SSRS)AP VoteCastCooperative Election Study
Results availableElection nightElection nightMonths later
Respondent-level fileNo release announcedPublic-use files, 2018–2024Free download
Who actually votedSelf-report, weighted to voteSelf-report, weighted to voteChecked against voter file
Sample~75,000 before Election Day, plus in-person in 15 states120,000+ (2018 design)~60,000
Paid for bySeven news organizationsAP and Fox NewsUniversity teams, NSF

VoteCast sample size is the 2018 plan.16 Voter Poll figures are for 2026.8

Should someone build it?

A startup trying to beat SSRS at election-night calls faces the barriers above and a market of seven buyers. There is a gap, but it is in a different place: no survey of the electorate is both fast and open. The networks get speed, academics get openness a few months later, and everyone between those points reads crosstabs off news sites.

What a fast, open voter survey would need

  1. Sample from the voter file, recruited by text and mail. Recruit from the voter file into a mobile panel before the election, rather than relying on app users.
  2. No race calls. Release estimates after polls close and publish the method in advance. Live estimates while polls are open are what VoteCastr tried, and they are the part most exposed to error.
  3. Microdata in weeks, not years. Post the respondent file with weights and code, without precinct identifiers, within weeks of the election.
  4. Validation later. Match respondents to vote history when states update their files and release a validated version, as the CES does.
  5. Funding from users, not broadcasters. Universities, foundations and data journalists, pooled the way the CES pools university teams. At CES module prices of about $14 per respondent, 60,000 interviews cost on the order of $840,000. The fast-release version would cost more.

The pooling logic that produced the networks' single exit poll works the other way too. A consortium of the people who want the data afterward could fund a survey whose main product is the respondent file, released fast enough to matter while the election is still being explained.

Chapter 2 · Exit poll analysis

White voters in 2026: the college divide

White voters split evenly in the House vote. Those with a college degree voted Democratic by 21 points and those without one voted Republican by 21. Income, age and gender explain almost none of that gap.

AuthorVishal Singh
AffiliationNYU Stern
DataThe Voter Poll by SSRS, via NBC News · pulled Nov 5, 2026

National House vote. Margins are Democratic share minus Republican share, in percentage points, from the published rounded percentages.

i
In plain terms

Among white voters, a four-year degree tells you more about someone's vote than their income, age or gender does. A white college graduate earning under $50,000 was much more likely to vote Democratic than a white voter without a degree earning over $100,000.

This report shows how large that divide is, what it lines up with, and where it is smaller or larger.

The analysis uses the national exit poll tables for all voters, white voters, white college graduates and white voters without a degree (136 questions each), plus the white-voter rows in 67 state Senate and governor polls. These are published tables, not respondent-level data, so every comparison is between two tables at a time.

1. A gradient, not a line

The divide is not a single break at the bachelor's degree. White voters with a high school diploma voted R+31; those with some college or an associate degree were about R+13; bachelor's degree holders D+13; and those with a graduate degree D+33. Gender shifts each group by 12–17 points but does not change the order: white women without a degree voted more Republican than white men with one.

The same divide shows up in Senate and governor races. In the chart below, House figures come from the national poll; Senate and governor figures are the median across the state races that report each group, with every race shown as a faint dot.

2. Where the 42-point gap comes from

Start with party. Among white college graduates, 53% call themselves Democrats or lean that way and 40% Republicans. Among white voters without a degree it is nearly reversed: 33% and 59%. Democrats in both groups vote almost identically. Republicans without a degree are somewhat more loyal (R+91 vs. R+79), and independents differ more, but most of the gap comes from how many voters are in each party.

i
Read this with care

Party identification, 2024 vote and Trump approval are almost the same thing as the vote: 98% of white Democrats voted Democratic, and 93% of white 2024 Trump voters voted Republican. So saying these “explain” the education gap mostly restates it. They tell us the gap is long-standing partisanship, not a new 2026 swing, but not why it exists.

The more useful rows are the second group, traits that come before party. If college graduates were simply younger, richer or more urban, those rows would absorb the gap. They don't.

Each row below splits the gap along one question. The gray part is composition: the gap you would get if college and non-college whites in each answer group voted alike, given how differently they are spread across the groups. The colored part is the within-group difference that remains.

3. Degree, not income

Among white voters without a degree, those earning over $50,000 voted slightly more Republican than those earning less; among college graduates, income barely matters. At every income level the degree gap is 43–45 points.

4. Same views, different votes

The gap shrinks among voters who share a view on immigration or Trump. Among white voters who say immigrants help the country, college graduates and non-graduates vote within about 11 points of each other. It stays large among voters who share a view on the economy. White college graduates who call the economy “not so good” voted D+32; non-graduates with the same view voted R+28.

i
In plain terms

Views on immigration and Trump line up with the vote in the same way for both groups. Views on the economy do not: a non-college white voter who is unhappy with the economy is still more likely to vote Republican than not. The two groups give different meaning to economic conditions, not just different ratings of them.

5. Age, place and religion

The degree gap shows up in every subgroup, but its size varies. It is smallest among white evangelicals (14 points: R+57 among graduates, R+71 among non-graduates) and voters under 30 (18 points), and largest in union households (54 points: D+40 vs. R+14). In small towns and rural areas, white college graduates split evenly while non-graduates voted R+38. Young non-college whites stand out from their group: those under 30 voted D+23, while every older non-college age group voted Republican.

White college graduatesWhite, no degree

6. The states

White college graduatesWhite, no degreeAll voters in the state
Show as table

7. What these tables cannot show

Two-way tables only. The college and non-college tables cross education with one other question at a time. Whether the degree gap holds among, say, young rural evangelicals needs respondent-level data.

Education is not randomly assigned. College graduates differ from non-graduates in where they grew up, what jobs they hold and who they live among. The tables show that the gap is not explained by income, age, gender or area as measured here; they do not show that the degree itself causes it.

No sample sizes or margins of error. The tables give rounded percentages. National white subgroups are large; state cells for white college men or women can be small and noisy.

Comparisons with earlier years. 2026 is the first year all networks used the SSRS poll. The education gap was already large in earlier exit polls, but changes from 2024 mix real movement with a change in method.

Data

The Voter Poll by SSRS for ABC News, the Associated Press, CBS News, CNN, Fox News, NBC News and MS Now. National tables for all voters, white voters, white voters with a college degree and white voters without one, and state race tables, as published by NBC News, retrieved Nov 4–5, 2026.

Methods

Margins are Democratic share minus Republican share from rounded percentages. A group's House vote is the share-weighted average over the gender question. The decomposition in section 2 compares white college graduates (C) with white non-graduates (N), one question at a time: composition = Σ (C share − N share) × N margin; within-group = Σ C share × (C margin − N margin). In state races the margin is the leading non-Republican minus the leading Republican; that is an independent in Idaho, Montana, Nebraska and South Dakota Senate. Tennessee and Wyoming governor are excluded because NBC lists only two candidates whose shares sum well under 100. Exit polls are reweighted to the official count after the election, so figures will shift.

Chapter 3 · Exit poll analysis

The Hispanic vote in 2026: what the exit poll shows

Hispanic voters backed Democrats for the House by about 30 points, 18 points more than voters overall. Most of that difference lines up with partisanship. Income, education and religion account for almost none of it.

AuthorVishal Singh
AffiliationNYU Stern
DataThe Voter Poll by SSRS, via NBC News · pulled Nov 5, 2026

National House vote. Margins are Democratic share minus Republican share, in percentage points, computed from the published rounded percentages.

This report uses only the published exit poll tables: the national poll among all voters and among Hispanic voters (136 questions each), plus the Latino rows that 35 state Senate and governor polls report. Without respondent-level data, every comparison here is between two tables at a time. That rules out holding several traits fixed at once, but it is enough to show where Hispanic voters differ from the electorate and where they do not.

i
In plain terms

Hispanic voters leaned Democratic by about 30 points, but they are far from uniform. Young, Catholic and nonreligious Hispanic voters leaned heavily Democratic; Protestant and older Hispanic voters much less so or not at all.

The gap with other voters is mostly a gap in party loyalty. It is not explained by Hispanic voters being younger, poorer or less likely to hold a degree.

1. Where the 18-point gap comes from

Hispanic voters were about 18 points more Democratic than all voters. Start with party. Hispanic voters are more likely to call themselves Democrats or lean that way (58% against 49% of all voters), and within each party group they vote about like other partisans.

i
Read this with care

Party identification, 2024 vote and Trump approval are close to the vote itself: nearly every Democrat votes Democratic and nearly every Republican votes Republican. So when these questions “explain” the gap, they mostly restate it. They show the gap is long-standing partisanship rather than a 2026 swing, but not why Hispanic voters lean Democratic.

The more informative rows are the second group below, traits that come before party. If Hispanic voters were more Democratic simply because they are younger, lower-income or more urban, those rows would absorb the gap.

Each row splits the gap along one question. The gray part is composition: the gap you would get if Hispanic voters in each answer group voted like all voters in that group, given how Hispanic voters are spread across the groups. The violet part is the within-group difference: Hispanic voters voting differently from others who gave the same answer.

Income, religion and education account for almost none of the gap through composition. The difference within those groups is uneven: Hispanic voters without a degree were 31 points more Democratic than all voters without a degree, but Hispanic college graduates only 3 points more. Catholics differ by 33 points; Protestants and other Christians by 7. Age and place account for more: Hispanic voters are younger and more urban, which covers about a third of the gap.

2. Same answer, more Democratic vote

Each dot is one answer to one question, such as “Catholic,” “Very concerned about grocery costs” or “Trump’s tariffs hurt the economy.” Its horizontal position is how all voters giving that answer voted; its vertical position is how Hispanic voters giving the same answer voted. Dots above the diagonal are groups where Hispanic voters were more Democratic.

3. Divisions inside the Hispanic electorate

The education divide that splits white voters barely registers among Hispanic voters: Hispanic college graduates voted D+31 and those without a degree D+29. Age, gender and especially religion divide them more. Hispanic voters under 30 voted D+61; those 65 and older D+10. Catholics, 42% of Hispanic voters, voted D+34, while Protestants and other Christians voted R+14. Hispanic voters in small towns and rural areas still voted D+13, while rural voters overall voted R+16.

Hispanic votersAll voters

4. Switching since 2024

The poll asked how respondents voted for president in 2024. Recalled votes are imperfect, and a midterm electorate is not the 2024 electorate. Read this as a measure of switching among people who voted in 2026, not as an estimate of how Hispanic voters as a whole have moved.

5. Cost of living and immigration

The economy was the top issue for 45% of Hispanic voters, against 39% of all voters, and Hispanic voters reported more financial strain on each of the measures below. One in three said inflation had caused their family a severe hardship in the past year, against one in five voters overall.

Immigration was the third most-named issue among Hispanic voters (15%), after the economy and the state of democracy. The views of Hispanic voters who put immigration first differ sharply from those of the electorate as a whole. Voters overall who picked immigration voted R+79; Hispanic voters who picked it voted R+24. Among voters who called immigration enforcement crucial to their vote, the gap is wider still: R+15 overall and D+20 among Hispanic voters.

6. The states

Of the 69 state Senate and governor polls, 35 report a Latino vote. In 32 of them, Latino voters were more Democratic than the state’s electorate as a whole; the exceptions are both Alaska races and Minnesota Senate. The gap with white voters is widest in Georgia and Texas. In the Georgia governor race, Latino voters went D+26 and white voters R+31; in the Texas Senate race, D+38 and R+14.

Latino voters (dot area = Latino share of state electorate)All voters in the stateWhite voters
Show as table

In states with both a Senate and a governor race, the same Latino respondents answered both vote questions, so differences between the two races reflect the candidates rather than who was sampled. In New Mexico, Latino voters gave Ben Ray Luján a 30-point margin in the Senate race and Deb Haaland a 14-point margin for governor.

Where both Latino men and Latino women are reported, women were more Democratic in every race, though the size of the gap varies widely. In New York the gap was 41 points; in Georgia, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Nevada it was 7 points or less.

Across offices, the national House figure and the typical state race tell a similar story. House figures come from the national poll; Senate and governor figures are the median across the state races that report a Latino vote, with every race shown as a faint dot.

7. What these tables cannot show

No sample sizes or margins of error. The published tables give rounded percentages only. The national Hispanic table reports nearly every cell, but state Latino figures often rest on groups that are 2–5% of a state sample; NBC hides cells it judges too small, and the remaining small cells can still move several points from sampling error and rounding alone.

Two-way tables only. The Hispanic filter gives Hispanic × one question at a time. Questions such as whether the religious divide holds among young Hispanic voters, or whether partisanship explains the gap once income is held fixed, need respondent-level data.

No national-origin detail. The poll does not separate Mexican American, Puerto Rican, Cuban American and other Hispanic voters nationally. Only Florida asks, and only one category is reported there. State variation (Florida versus Arizona versus New York) partly reflects these origin differences, but the tables cannot separate origin from place.

Comparisons with past elections. 2026 is the first cycle in which all networks and the AP use the SSRS poll. Earlier exit polls (Edison Research for the network pool, AP VoteCast for the AP and Fox) used different methods and produced different Hispanic estimates, so a change from 2024 mixes real movement with a change in survey firm.

Next steps. Pew’s validated-voter study, AP and SSRS respondent-level files when released, and precinct-level estimates in heavily Hispanic areas would let these patterns be tested with traits held fixed and with origin groups separated.

Data

The Voter Poll by SSRS, conducted for ABC News, the Associated Press, CBS News, CNN, Fox News, NBC News and MS Now. It combines in-person Election Day interviews with mail, phone and online surveys of early and absentee voters. National tables (all voters and the Hispanic Voters subset) and state race tables as published by NBC News, retrieved Nov 4–5, 2026. Hispanic and Latino are self-reported and used interchangeably, following the poll.

Methods

Margins are Democratic share minus Republican share, from rounded percentages. The House vote for a group is the share-weighted average over the gender question. The decomposition in section 1 splits the gap for one question at a time: composition = Σ (Hispanic share − all-voter share) × all-voter margin; within-group = Σ Hispanic share × (Hispanic margin − all-voter margin). The two parts sum to the overall gap up to rounding and suppressed cells. In state races, the margin is the leading non-Republican candidate minus the leading Republican; that is the Democrat in every race reported here except Nebraska Senate (Dan Osborn, independent). Exit polls are reweighted to the official count after the election, so all figures will shift.

Chapter 4 · Explore

Explore the tables

Every number in this booklet comes from the same file. Use these views to look up any group, question or race.

House is the national poll. Senate and governor results come from separate state polls, so each dot is one state race and the bold mark is the median across races. A race appears only if it reports that group.

Share of the voter groupDemocratRepublican
Show as table

How one group voted, state by state

Each tile is a state, colored by the leading non-Republican candidate's margin over the Republican among the voters you select (in most races, the Democrat). “All voters” is the margin implied by the poll's own gender crosstab. Gray outlines mark states with no exit poll for that office.

R+60
D+60
Show as table

Comparing two groups across races

Pick a question and two of its answers. Each row is a race; the line spans the gap between the two groups' Democratic margins. Rows are sorted by the size of that gap.

vs

Any race, any question

Open the full crosstab for a single race. The gray bar is the answer's share of that state's voters; the split bar shows how those voters divided among the candidates.

Show as table

Data

The Voter Poll by SSRS, conducted for ABC News, the Associated Press, CBS News, CNN, Fox News, NBC News and MS Now. It combines in-person Election Day interviews with mail, phone and online surveys of early and absentee voters. State tables are as published on NBC News race pages; each race's crosstab update time is shown in the race explorer.

Notes

All numbers are rounded percentages as published, so margins can be off by a point. Tennessee and Wyoming governor list only two candidates even though their shares sum well under 100; the page shows them as published. Cells NBC suppresses for small samples are left blank. Exit polls are reweighted to the official count over the days after the election, so these figures will shift.