# Racial attitudes and ideology: report

Companion 4.6a of The Public Mind, by Vishal Singh (NYU Stern). Generated from the chapter's data files; the reading version is at https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-and-ideology. Table n of this report is figure n of the chapter.

## Identification

- Title: Racial attitudes and ideology
- Chapter: Companion 4.6a (Part IV, Issues move on different schedules; Coalitions and political differences)
- Question: How closely does racial resentment track ideological self-placement, and how much of the rise runs through party?
- Dek: Among white non-Hispanic respondents to the American National Election Studies, the correlation between racial resentment and conservative self-placement was +0.27 in 1986 and +0.66 in 2024.
- Grain: individuals
- Status: draft
- Published: 2026-09-30
- Updated: not revised
- Data sources:
  - ANES Cumulative Data File. Cumulative Data File 1948-2024; racial resentment statements VCF9039 to VCF9042 (asked 1986-2024), self-placement VCF0803, party identification VCF0301, policy items VCF0806, VCF0839 and VCF0843; years: 1948-2024 (33 study years; even years only after 2004; no 2006, 2010 or 2014 study); weights: VCF0009z; weight_ftf and weight_web for the mode comparison
- Canonical URL: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-and-ideology
- Report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/report
- Markdown: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/report.md
- BibTeX key: singh2026racialattitudesandideology

```bibtex
@misc{singh2026racialattitudesandideology,
  author = {Singh, Vishal},
  title = {Racial attitudes and ideology},
  year = {2026},
  url = {https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-and-ideology},
  note = {In The Public Mind. Published 30 September 2026.}
}
```

## Principal estimates

The facts the dek and the opening prose cite, in order of appearance.

| Estimand | Population | Period | Value | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Fact id |
| --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | +0.27 | 95% CI 0.19 to 0.34 | 664 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File | r_white_1986 |
| weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | +0.66 | 95% CI 0.63 to 0.69 | 3,204 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File | r_white_2024 |
| standardized slope of self-placement on the resentment index in a regression with seven party-identification categories held fixed (HC3 interval); not a correlation: both variables are standardized on the whole white sample of the year, not within party categories | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | +0.23 | 95% CI 0.16 to 0.31 | 662 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File | net_1986 |
| standardized slope of self-placement on the resentment index in a regression with seven party-identification categories held fixed (HC3 interval); not a correlation: both variables are standardized on the whole white sample of the year, not within party categories | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | +0.24 | 95% CI 0.19 to 0.29 | 3,200 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File | net_2024 |
| one minus the ratio of the average of the two within-party per-decade changes (Democrats and Republicans, correlations standardized inside party and year) to the per-decade change in the total correlation; percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap (500 replicates, seed 12345) that resamples respondents inside each year; the share exceeds 100 percent in a replicate whose net trend is negative | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement, Democrats and Republicans (leaners included) | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 72% | 95% CI 63% to 83% | 20,614 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File | share_within |
| one minus the ratio of the per-decade change in the standardized slope net of party identification (year-specific party dummies) to the per-decade change in the total correlation; percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap (500 replicates, seed 12345) that resamples respondents inside each year; the share exceeds 100 percent in a replicate whose net trend is negative | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 97% | 95% CI 86% to 109% | 20,614 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File | share_party |
| count of respondents pooled across survey years | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986-2024 | 20,658 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | n_white |
| count of years with at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of 100 or more | ANES survey years with a headline estimate | 1986-2024 | 13 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | n_years |

## Findings

Among white non-Hispanic respondents to the American National Election Studies (ANES), the correlation between racial resentment and conservative self-placement rose from +0.27 (95% CI 0.19 to 0.34) in 1986 to +0.66 (95% CI 0.63 to 0.69) in 2024. Most of that rise is between the parties. With party identification held fixed, so that respondents are compared only with others in the same party category, the standardized slope is +0.23 (95% CI 0.16 to 0.31) in 1986 and +0.24 (95% CI 0.19 to 0.29) in 2024. Depending on how party is held fixed, 72% to 97% of the per-decade rise in the correlation is removed. Holding party fixed compares respondents who share a party label; it is an accounting of the association, not a test of whether party changed anyone's answers.

Racial resentment is measured with four ANES statements about the place of Black Americans in society [1]. Each statement is recoded so that its most resentful answer scores one and its least resentful answer scores zero, and the index averages the statements a respondent answered, at least two of the four, and multiplies by one hundred, so it runs from zero for the least resentful answers to one hundred for the most resentful. Differences in its average are in index points. Self-placement is the seven-point question that runs from extremely liberal to extremely conservative. The chapter reports the weighted correlation between the two by survey year, for the 20,658 white non-Hispanic respondents who have both answers in 13 ANES study years between 1986 and 2024. The series for respondents of every race and ethnicity is a toggle on the first figure. (Note: Agreement is the resentful answer for the statements that Black people should work their way up without special favors and that they should try harder. Disagreement is the resentful answer for the statements that slavery and discrimination have made it difficult to rise and that Black people have gotten less than they deserve. The direction comes from the answer labels stored with each item, not from any correlation with ideology. Intervals use the Kish effective sample size [2] and Fisher z [3], treat the weighted sample as a simple random sample and ignore clustering.) The same four statements define the resentment series in Chapter 4.7, Sort dates by attitude (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/sort-dates-by-attitude), which dates when each attitude became a partisan divide.

### The correlation rose after 2012

Table 1 shows the correlation for each survey year. It rose slowly from +0.27 in 1986 to +0.43 in 2008 and was +0.44 in 2012. The change between 2008 and 2012, the first Obama term, was +0.01 (95% CI −0.06 to 0.08), which the data cannot distinguish from zero. The rise came afterwards, by +0.23 (95% CI 0.19 to 0.27) from 2012 to 2020, to +0.67 in 2020, and the correlation was +0.66 in 2024. The series does not show a rise at the 2008 election. The increase falls in the years around the 2016 election, and studies of that campaign report that views about race and identity were tied more closely to vote choice than in earlier elections [4]. Chapter 4.6, Fifty years of racial attitudes (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/fifty-years-of-racial-attitudes) asks whether racial attitudes became more tied to vote choice during the Obama presidency.

Table 1. Among white respondents the correlation between resentment and conservative self-placement rose from +0.27 in 1986 to +0.66 in 2024

The series for all respondents has the same shape at a lower level, from +0.22 (95% CI 0.16 to 0.29) in 1986 to +0.63 (95% CI 0.60 to 0.65) in 2024. Restricting the headline series to white respondents matches the population that Kinder and Sanders study [1].

### The parties moved apart on resentment

Party identification is related to both variables, and both links tightened. Among white respondents the correlation between the resentment index and seven-point party identification rose from +0.06 (95% CI −0.01 to 0.12) in 1986 to +0.62 (95% CI 0.59 to 0.65) in 2024, and the correlation between party identification and self-placement rose from +0.37 to +0.79 (Chapter 1.1, Party and ideology (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/party-and-ideology) covers the second). The second view of Table 2 plots both. A correlation across all white respondents therefore mixes two things: how resentment and ideology line up among people who share a party, and how far apart the parties sit on both.

The first view of Table 2 shows where the first change came from. The gap in the average resentment score between white Republicans and white Democrats, counting leaners with the party they lean toward, went from 4.2 (95% CI 0.9 to 7.6) index points in 1986 to 37.6 (95% CI 35.3 to 39.9) in 2024. It widened in two stages. Through 2012 Republicans' average rose, from 61.2 to 75.3, while Democrats' stayed level, at 57.0 in 1986 and 55.5 in 2012. After 2012 Democrats' average fell by 26.0 (95% CI 23.5 to 28.4) index points and Republicans' by 8.1 (95% CI 6.2 to 10.0). (Note: Changes and gaps are computed from unrounded estimates, so a printed change can differ from the difference of the printed endpoints in the last digit.) The 1998 study asked only two of the four statements, so the level of its index is not comparable with the years on either side and the figure leaves 1998 out of the averages.

Table 2. The gap in average resentment between white Republicans and white Democrats widened from 4.2 index points in 1986 to 37.6 in 2024

Web respondents score higher than face-to-face respondents in the same year, by between 4.8 and 9.5 index points in the four party-by-year cells for 2012 and 2024, and the averages in Table 2 are not adjusted for mode. Table 3 gives the two modes separately, and the fall since 2012 appears in each mode and in both parties.

Table 3. Average resentment fell from 2012 to 2024 in both interview modes and both parties, and web respondents score 4.8 to 9.5 index points higher

### Holding party fixed removes most of the rise

Table 4 separates the two parts of that correlation. The net-of-party line is the standardized slope of self-placement on the resentment index in a regression that also contains a dummy variable for each of the seven party-identification categories, fitted separately in each year, so the party differences can vary by year. The slope was +0.23 (95% CI 0.16 to 0.31) in 1986 and +0.24 (95% CI 0.19 to 0.29) in 2024, while the total correlation went from +0.27 to +0.66. (Note: A dummy variable equals one for respondents in a category and zero otherwise. The seven categories are strong, weak and leaning Democrats, independents, and the same three for Republicans. Both variables are standardized with weighted means and standard deviations inside each survey year, so the standardized slope of self-placement on the index equals the weighted correlation and the two lines share an axis. The net-of-party line is a slope in units of the spread of both variables across all white respondents, which is larger than their spread inside party categories, so it differs from a correlation among respondents in the same category.)

Table 4. With party held fixed the slope is +0.23 in 1986 and +0.24 in 2024, against a total correlation of +0.27 and +0.66

A year-interaction test puts numbers on the difference. It regresses the standardized outcome on the index and on the index times decade, counting each survey year equally, and reads the change per decade from the second coefficient. In the net-of-party version the party categories enter as separate dummy variables in every survey year, as they do in the yearly fits. Table 5 gives the results. In total the correlation gained 0.112 (95% CI 0.090 to 0.133) per decade. With party identification held fixed the slope gained 0.004 (95% CI −0.011 to 0.018), an interval that includes zero, and the reduction is 97% (95% CI 86% to 109%) of the total gain. The upper end of that interval lies above the whole total gain because some redraws of the bootstrap sample give a net gain below zero. (Note: The interval for each share comes from a bootstrap, which redraws the sample of respondents inside each year many times and reads the interval from the spread of the estimates. Each trend interval is the wider of two: a respondent-level HC3 interval, and an interval that treats each survey year as a cluster, with critical values from the t distribution for the number of years. Neither is always the wider, so the cautious choice is the wider of the two.)

Table 5. Depending on the measure, 72% to 97% of the per-decade rise in the correlation disappears when party identification is held fixed

The share depends on the measure, and the three measures answer different questions. The slope keeps both variables in whole-sample units. The partial correlation removes party from both variables and then standardizes what is left, so it is expressed in units of the spread inside party categories, and its reduction is 84% (95% CI 74% to 96%). The third measure averages the Democratic and Republican correlations shown in the second view of Table 4, and its reduction is 72% (95% CI 63% to 83%). The three shares differ because the spread of each variable inside a party changed as the parties sorted. The data do not choose among them, and all three place most of the rise between the parties. That is an accounting statement. It does not say that party affiliation changed anyone's answers, and the section on what these data cannot show returns to the direction of influence.

### Resentment still tracks ideology within parties

Inside the parties, the correlation is the same measure applied to Democrats and Republicans separately, shown in the second view of Table 4. Among Democrats it was +0.41 (95% CI 0.31 to 0.50) in 1986 and +0.44 (95% CI 0.37 to 0.49) in 2024, and it stayed between +0.35 and +0.51 in every survey year. Among Republicans it rose from +0.04 (95% CI −0.07 to 0.16) to +0.26 (95% CI 0.20 to 0.33). The gain per decade is 0.018 (95% CI −0.002 to 0.039) among Democrats, an interval that includes zero, and 0.044 (95% CI 0.019 to 0.070) among Republicans. The difference between the two, 0.026 (95% CI −0.003 to 0.055), also includes zero, so these data do not separate the parties. (Note: For Democrats the year-clustered interval for the same gain, 0.018 (95% CI 0.008 to 0.029), is narrower and excludes zero. The text and the figures report the wider interval.) The gain inside each party is small next to the total gain of 0.112 per decade.

Table 6 sorts the 13,305 white respondents in the 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 studies into thirds of the resentment index, cutting the thirds inside each survey year. The index takes few distinct values, so the thirds are not equal in size, holding 37%, 36% and 28% of respondents. The most resentful third averages 5.3 (95% CI 5.2 to 5.3) on the seven-point self-placement scale and the least resentful third 3.2 (95% CI 3.1 to 3.2), a difference of 2.1 (95% CI 2.0 to 2.2) points. The third view shows the share who call themselves conservative, meaning slightly conservative, conservative or extremely conservative.

Table 6. The ideology gap between resentment thirds is 2.1 points among white respondents, 1.1 among Democrats and 0.6 among Republicans

Inside each party the gradient is present and narrower. The difference between the ends of the index is 1.1 (95% CI 0.9 to 1.2) points among Democrats and 0.6 (95% CI 0.5 to 0.7) among Republicans. Democrats in the most resentful third average 3.7 (95% CI 3.5 to 3.8), which is left of the scale midpoint, and Republicans in the least resentful third average 5.0 (95% CI 5.0 to 5.1), which is right of it. Those two groups are small, with 411 Democrats in the most resentful third and 926 Republicans in the least resentful third, so their intervals are wide. Within a party, more resentful respondents are more conservative on average, and the difference across all white respondents is larger because the parties differ on both scores.

### Each statement and each mode shows the rise

ANES added web interviews in 2012, and the 2020 and 2024 studies also mix modes, so a change in survey mode could raise or lower the correlation. Table 7 compares the two modes with mode-specific weights. Among face-to-face respondents the correlation went from +0.43 in 2012 to +0.70 (95% CI 0.63 to 0.75) in 2024, and among web respondents from +0.45 to +0.66 (95% CI 0.62 to 0.70). In each year with both modes the two estimates are within 0.05 of each other, and the face-to-face correlation in 2024 is above its 2008 value of +0.43. The comparison covers 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024. ANES 2020 has no mode weights, so the 2020 point cannot be checked this way.

Table 7. The correlation rose in both interview modes from 2012 to 2024, from +0.43 to +0.70 face-to-face and from +0.45 to +0.66 on the web

The index is an average, and an average can rise because one statement does. Table 8 shows that all four statements move the same way. The statement about slavery and discrimination has the lowest estimate in 1986, +0.14 (95% CI 0.06 to 0.21), although its interval overlaps those of the other three, and it ends at +0.56 (95% CI 0.52 to 0.59). The statement about special favors goes from +0.22 (95% CI 0.15 to 0.29) to +0.59 (95% CI 0.55 to 0.62), the statement about trying harder from +0.22 to +0.57, and the statement about what Black people deserve from +0.24 to +0.58.

Table 8. Each of the four resentment statements is more strongly correlated with conservative self-placement in 2024 than in 1986

### Health insurance and services show the same rise

Tesler [5] [6] describes a spillover of racialization, in which opinion on a policy came to line up with racial attitudes once the policy became attached to President Obama, even though the policy had no racial content. The ANES policy items let the same question be asked of the resentment index across the survey years. Health insurance and government services show the strengthening link that a spillover account predicts, and it appears inside both parties. Three features limit what that establishes. The defense item, included as a comparison, rises too, the 2008 to 2012 change is mixed with the move to web interviews, and party composition may have changed in ways that the data do not capture.

Table 9 shows the health-insurance, government-services and defense-spending items, each oriented so that a high value is the conservative position (a private plan rather than a government plan, fewer government services, and higher defense spending). Defense spending has no claim to be a placebo, because its correlation with the index is already +0.23 (95% CI 0.16 to 0.30) in 1986. The health-insurance item was not asked in 1986, 1990 or 1998, and the defense item was not asked in 1998 or 2012.

Table 9. By 2020 the resentment index correlated with the health-insurance, government-services and defense-spending items at +0.53, +0.48 and +0.53

Among white respondents the correlation of the index with the health-insurance item rose from +0.03 (95% CI −0.02 to 0.09) in 1988 to +0.48 (95% CI 0.44 to 0.52) in 2024, and with the government-services item from +0.06 (95% CI −0.01 to 0.13) in 1986 to +0.50 (95% CI 0.46 to 0.54). The defense item ends at +0.44 (95% CI 0.40 to 0.48). Table 11 gives the gain per decade for each item.

The 2008 to 2012 window is the comparison that bears on a spillover account, and it is also the window in which ANES added web interviews. Among all respondents the health-insurance correlation changed by +0.15 (95% CI 0.05 to 0.26) and the government-services correlation by +0.22 (95% CI 0.11 to 0.33). Table 10 separates the modes.

In 2012 web respondents show higher correlations than face-to-face respondents for both items, by +0.14 (95% CI 0.05 to 0.23) for health insurance and +0.14 (95% CI 0.05 to 0.23) for government services. Among face-to-face respondents alone, the only mode in 2008, the change from 2008 to 2012 is +0.06 (95% CI −0.06 to 0.19) for health insurance, an interval that includes zero, and +0.13 (95% CI 0.00 to 0.26) for government services, an interval whose lower end is at zero. The 2008 to 2012 change in the all-interview series therefore cannot be separated from the move to web interviews.

Table 10. In 2012 web respondents' correlations with the health-insurance and government-services items were +0.42 and +0.40, against +0.28 and +0.26 face-to-face

Holding party fixed removes part of the per-decade gains and not all of them. It removes 56% (95% CI 49% to 64%) to 67% (95% CI 59% to 77%) of the gain across the policy items, against 97% for self-placement, and the gains net of party stay above zero for every item. Inside the Democratic Party the health-insurance correlation rose from +0.04 in 1988 to +0.37 in 2024, and inside the Republican Party from +0.01 to +0.16, while the self-placement correlation inside the Democratic Party gained 0.018 per decade. The health-insurance item therefore moved with resentment inside that party where the ideology label moved little. The same patterns would also arise if the party groups had changed in composition in ways that the seven categories do not capture.

Table 11. Holding party identification fixed removes 56% to 67% of the per-decade rise in the three policy items, against 97% for self-placement

### The resentment index is contested

The scale has a long history of dispute. Kinder and Sears [7] proposed symbolic racism as a blend of anti-Black affect and traditional moral values, and Sears and Henry [8] report evidence that the measure combines anti-Black affect with conservative values such as individualism. Sniderman and Tetlock [9] argued that inferring prejudice from answers to such items attributes a motive that principled conservatism can also explain. Feldman and Huddy [10] found that resentment means different things to white liberals and conservatives. Among liberals it behaved as a measure of prejudice, and among conservatives it was tied to opposition to race-conscious programs regardless of the race of the recipient. Carmines, Sniderman and Easter [11] concluded that the items conflate resentment with racial policy attitudes and do not validly measure racism. The evidence here cannot settle the dispute. Two of the statements, about special favors and about trying harder, invite an answer based on views about government and individual responsibility, and those views are also related to self-placement. A correlation between the index and ideology is therefore partly a correlation between two related political attitudes, and if the scale carries different content on the left and the right, the correlation mixes those contents.

Two checks bear on the measure without resolving it. Among white respondents the index correlates −0.32 (95% CI −0.38 to −0.25) with the feeling thermometer toward Black Americans in 1986 and −0.28 (95% CI −0.32 to −0.23) in 2024. The sign is negative because more resentful respondents rate Black Americans colder. The yearly values run from −0.10 in 1998, when only two statements were asked, to −0.35 in 2016, so the index is related to warmth without being the same thing. The rise in Table 8 also appears in the statements about slavery and about what Black people deserve as well as in those about favors and effort, so the rise does not come from the items with the most policy content alone.

### What these data cannot show

The ANES is a series of cross-sections. A change from one year to the next mixes people who changed their answers, people who changed parties, and the replacement of older cohorts by younger ones, and this chapter cannot separate them. The Republican rise in the within-party correlation, for example, could come from Republicans who changed their views or from a different set of people calling themselves Republican in 2024 than in 1986.

The direction of influence is not identified. Resentment and party identification are measured in the same interview. Holding party fixed compares respondents who share a party label, and it does not show that party identification is an outcome or a cause of resentment. Engelhardt [12] reports, from panel studies in the 1990s and 2000s, that white respondents aligned their racial attitudes with their party loyalties, so a change in resentment scores can follow party as well as precede it. The data also cannot show why the parties moved apart. They hold no measures of the messages voters heard, no panel that follows the same people, and no experiment.

The share of the rise that is between the parties depends on how the association is measured, and the intervals reflect sampling error only. Several other limits are about measurement and coverage. The headline series describes white non-Hispanic respondents, and the toggle for all respondents pools every group as a comparison. The resentment statements were not asked in 1996 and 2002, and only two were asked in 1998. Intervals assume a simple random sample and ignore the ANES sampling design, which can raise or lower the variance. The mode checks cover the years with mode weights and leave out 2020, mean resentment and the policy-item correlations differ by mode within a year, and the trend tests pool the survey years without modeling the change to web interviews in 2012. The spillover comparison rests on policy items that the ANES asked in most years, it cannot separate the 2008 to 2012 change from the move to web interviews, and it cannot tell a racialized policy from one that became partisan for other reasons. The Floyd period in 2020 is in Planned, Racial attitudes after George Floyd's death (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-after-george-floyd; planned), and other racial attitudes, such as views on interracial marriage and aid to Black Americans, are in Chapter 4.6, Fifty years of racial attitudes (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/fifty-years-of-racial-attitudes).

## Tables

### Table 1. Among white respondents the correlation between resentment and conservative self-placement rose from +0.27 in 1986 to +0.66 in 2024

Weighted correlation of the racial resentment index with seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement, by ANES survey year, white non-Hispanic respondents

| Year | Sample | Correlation | Interval low | Interval high | Respondents | Effective n |
| ---: | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| 1986 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.27 | +0.19 | +0.34 | 664 | 664 |
| 1988 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.22 | +0.16 | +0.27 | 1,014 | 1,014 |
| 1990 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.31 | +0.23 | +0.38 | 529 | 529 |
| 1992 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.31 | +0.26 | +0.36 | 1,345 | 1,340 |
| 1994 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.33 | +0.27 | +0.38 | 1,099 | 914 |
| 1998 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.28 | +0.21 | +0.35 | 789 | 670 |
| 2000 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.39 | +0.30 | +0.47 | 471 | 389 |
| 2004 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.40 | +0.33 | +0.47 | 619 | 524 |
| 2008 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.43 | +0.37 | +0.49 | 823 | 660 |
| 2012 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.44 | +0.40 | +0.48 | 3,111 | 1,984 |
| 2016 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.58 | +0.55 | +0.61 | 2,191 | 1,562 |
| 2020 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.67 | +0.65 | +0.69 | 4,799 | 2,785 |
| 2024 | White non-Hispanic respondents | +0.66 | +0.63 | +0.69 | 3,204 | 1,502 |
| 1986 | All respondents | +0.22 | +0.16 | +0.29 | 812 | 812 |
| 1988 | All respondents | +0.26 | +0.21 | +0.31 | 1,256 | 1,256 |
| 1990 | All respondents | +0.26 | +0.19 | +0.33 | 657 | 657 |
| 1992 | All respondents | +0.32 | +0.28 | +0.37 | 1,652 | 1,646 |
| 1994 | All respondents | +0.30 | +0.25 | +0.36 | 1,381 | 1,131 |
| 1998 | All respondents | +0.27 | +0.21 | +0.33 | 999 | 851 |
| 2000 | All respondents | +0.34 | +0.26 | +0.41 | 577 | 473 |
| 2004 | All respondents | +0.39 | +0.33 | +0.45 | 824 | 693 |
| 2008 | All respondents | +0.39 | +0.34 | +0.44 | 1,481 | 980 |
| 2012 | All respondents | +0.41 | +0.38 | +0.44 | 4,930 | 2,761 |
| 2016 | All respondents | +0.55 | +0.51 | +0.58 | 2,874 | 2,017 |
| 2020 | All respondents | +0.64 | +0.62 | +0.65 | 6,333 | 3,532 |
| 2024 | All respondents | +0.63 | +0.60 | +0.65 | 4,263 | 2,005 |

Views: White non-Hispanic respondents (sample = White non-Hispanic respondents); All respondents (sample = All respondents).

Note: The resentment statements were not asked in 1996 and 2002. The 1998 index has two statements, so that year is marked and is not strictly comparable with the years on either side.

Note: ANES added web interviews in 2012, and the 2020 and 2024 studies also mix modes. The mode check later in the chapter compares the two modes.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1986-2024; weighted (VCF0009z); white non-Hispanic respondents; interval from Fisher z on the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/loading_trend.json

### Table 2. The gap in average resentment between white Republicans and white Democrats widened from 4.2 index points in 1986 to 37.6 in 2024

Weighted mean of the racial resentment index (0 least resentful, 100 most resentful) by party identification, leaners included, and, in the second view, weighted correlations, white non-Hispanic respondents

| Year | View | Series | Mean or correlation | Interval low | Interval high | Respondents | Effective n |
| ---: | --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| 1986 | means | Democrats | 56.99 | 54.42 | 59.56 | 375 | 375 |
| 1988 | means | Democrats | 60.70 | 58.74 | 62.65 | 538 | 538 |
| 1990 | means | Democrats | 55.68 | 53.02 | 58.34 | 338 | 338 |
| 1992 | means | Democrats | 57.25 | 55.44 | 59.06 | 765 | 762 |
| 1994 | means | Democrats | 59.93 | 57.84 | 62.03 | 555 | 454 |
| 2000 | means | Democrats | 58.27 | 55.96 | 60.59 | 516 | 413 |
| 2004 | means | Democrats | 56.20 | 53.03 | 59.37 | 308 | 252 |
| 2008 | means | Democrats | 56.20 | 53.64 | 58.75 | 443 | 353 |
| 2012 | means | Democrats | 55.52 | 53.81 | 57.23 | 1,295 | 823 |
| 2016 | means | Democrats | 41.37 | 39.32 | 43.42 | 1,037 | 729 |
| 2020 | means | Democrats | 27.10 | 25.70 | 28.50 | 2,224 | 1,251 |
| 2024 | means | Democrats | 29.57 | 27.77 | 31.37 | 1,547 | 727 |
| 1986 | means | Republicans | 61.23 | 59.10 | 63.36 | 356 | 356 |
| 1988 | means | Republicans | 64.87 | 63.30 | 66.44 | 657 | 657 |
| 1990 | means | Republicans | 59.40 | 57.02 | 61.79 | 317 | 317 |
| 1992 | means | Republicans | 65.23 | 63.77 | 66.69 | 747 | 744 |
| 1994 | means | Republicans | 68.27 | 66.69 | 69.85 | 651 | 546 |
| 2000 | means | Republicans | 68.99 | 67.11 | 70.87 | 529 | 445 |
| 2004 | means | Republicans | 69.58 | 67.43 | 71.73 | 377 | 319 |
| 2008 | means | Republicans | 72.60 | 70.66 | 74.53 | 464 | 377 |
| 2012 | means | Republicans | 75.27 | 74.06 | 76.49 | 1,524 | 982 |
| 2016 | means | Republicans | 70.60 | 69.22 | 71.98 | 1,270 | 904 |
| 2020 | means | Republicans | 67.59 | 66.47 | 68.71 | 2,603 | 1,530 |
| 2024 | means | Republicans | 67.13 | 65.68 | 68.58 | 1,803 | 852 |
| 1986 | means | All white respondents | 59.57 | 58.02 | 61.11 | 844 | 844 |
| 1988 | means | All white respondents | 63.62 | 62.46 | 64.79 | 1,355 | 1,355 |
| 1990 | means | All white respondents | 58.19 | 56.50 | 59.88 | 742 | 742 |
| 1992 | means | All white respondents | 61.60 | 60.50 | 62.69 | 1,723 | 1,716 |
| 1994 | means | All white respondents | 64.82 | 63.58 | 66.05 | 1,354 | 1,120 |
| 2000 | means | All white respondents | 64.12 | 62.69 | 65.55 | 1,197 | 977 |
| 2004 | means | All white respondents | 63.76 | 61.93 | 65.59 | 757 | 628 |
| 2008 | means | All white respondents | 64.77 | 63.19 | 66.34 | 1,040 | 834 |
| 2012 | means | All white respondents | 66.71 | 65.70 | 67.72 | 3,279 | 2,102 |
| 2016 | means | All white respondents | 58.27 | 56.98 | 59.55 | 2,626 | 1,847 |
| 2020 | means | All white respondents | 51.02 | 49.94 | 52.10 | 5,374 | 3,068 |
| 2024 | means | All white respondents | 51.52 | 50.11 | 52.93 | 3,552 | 1,668 |
| 1986 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.27 | 0.19 | 0.34 | 664 | 664 |
| 1988 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.22 | 0.16 | 0.27 | 1,014 | 1,014 |
| 1990 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.31 | 0.23 | 0.38 | 529 | 529 |
| 1992 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.31 | 0.26 | 0.36 | 1,345 | 1,340 |
| 1994 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.33 | 0.27 | 0.38 | 1,099 | 914 |
| 1998 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.28 | 0.21 | 0.35 | 789 | 670 |
| 2000 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.39 | 0.30 | 0.47 | 471 | 389 |
| 2004 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.40 | 0.33 | 0.47 | 619 | 524 |
| 2008 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.43 | 0.37 | 0.49 | 823 | 660 |
| 2012 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.44 | 0.40 | 0.48 | 3,111 | 1,984 |
| 2016 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.58 | 0.55 | 0.61 | 2,191 | 1,562 |
| 2020 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.67 | 0.65 | 0.69 | 4,799 | 2,785 |
| 2024 | corr | Resentment and ideology | 0.66 | 0.63 | 0.69 | 3,204 | 1,502 |
| 1986 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.06 | −0.01 | 0.12 | 838 | 838 |
| 1988 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.08 | 0.03 | 0.13 | 1,351 | 1,351 |
| 1990 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.08 | 0.01 | 0.15 | 740 | 740 |
| 1992 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.15 | 0.11 | 0.20 | 1,714 | 1,707 |
| 1994 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.19 | 0.14 | 0.25 | 1,347 | 1,114 |
| 1998 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.17 | 0.10 | 0.23 | 936 | 795 |
| 2000 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.21 | 0.15 | 0.27 | 1,189 | 971 |
| 2004 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.27 | 0.20 | 0.34 | 748 | 620 |
| 2008 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.33 | 0.27 | 0.39 | 1,029 | 825 |
| 2012 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.40 | 0.36 | 0.43 | 3,269 | 2,094 |
| 2016 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.49 | 0.45 | 0.52 | 2,618 | 1,849 |
| 2020 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.62 | 0.60 | 0.64 | 5,367 | 3,065 |
| 2024 | corr | Resentment and party | 0.62 | 0.59 | 0.65 | 3,540 | 1,662 |
| 1986 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.37 | 0.32 | 0.42 | 1,316 | 1,316 |
| 1988 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.45 | 0.40 | 0.50 | 1,131 | 1,131 |
| 1990 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.40 | 0.35 | 0.45 | 1,040 | 1,040 |
| 1992 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.47 | 0.43 | 0.51 | 1,462 | 1,457 |
| 1994 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.53 | 0.48 | 0.58 | 1,111 | 924 |
| 1998 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.48 | 0.42 | 0.54 | 793 | 673 |
| 2000 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.51 | 0.44 | 0.58 | 532 | 436 |
| 2004 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.63 | 0.58 | 0.68 | 675 | 571 |
| 2008 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.67 | 0.63 | 0.71 | 884 | 705 |
| 2012 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.68 | 0.65 | 0.70 | 3,326 | 2,123 |
| 2016 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.75 | 0.73 | 0.77 | 2,490 | 1,788 |
| 2020 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.79 | 0.78 | 0.80 | 5,290 | 3,085 |
| 2024 | corr | Party and ideology | 0.79 | 0.77 | 0.81 | 3,528 | 1,655 |

Views: Average resentment (panel = means); Correlations with party identification (panel = corr).

Note: Independents who do not lean to either party are left out of the two party lines and included in the all-respondents line.

Note: The 1998 study asked only two of the four statements, so the level of its index is not comparable with the years on either side and 1998 is left out of the means; the lines join 1994 and 2000. The resentment statements were not asked in 1996 and 2002.

Note: Web respondents score higher than face-to-face respondents in the same year, and these means are not adjusted for mode; the next figure gives the two modes separately.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1986-2024; weighted (VCF0009z); white non-Hispanic respondents; interval from the Kish effective sample size (Fisher z for the correlations)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/resentment_by_party.json

### Table 3. Average resentment fell from 2012 to 2024 in both interview modes and both parties, and web respondents score 4.8 to 9.5 index points higher

Weighted mean of the racial resentment index (0 least resentful, 100 most resentful) by interview mode, with the mode weights, white non-Hispanic Democrats and Republicans, leaners included, 2012 and 2024

| Party | Year and mode | Mean index | Interval low | Interval high | Respondents | Effective n |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Democrats | 2012, face-to-face | 52.4 | 49.3 | 55.6 | 363 | 255 |
| Democrats | 2012, web | 57.2 | 55.2 | 59.2 | 932 | 579 |
| Democrats | 2024, face-to-face | 23.0 | 19.5 | 26.5 | 278 | 150 |
| Democrats | 2024, web | 32.5 | 29.8 | 35.1 | 543 | 327 |
| Republicans | 2012, face-to-face | 72.0 | 69.7 | 74.3 | 397 | 295 |
| Republicans | 2012, web | 77.2 | 75.9 | 78.6 | 1,127 | 719 |
| Republicans | 2024, face-to-face | 63.8 | 60.4 | 67.2 | 314 | 171 |
| Republicans | 2024, web | 69.9 | 67.7 | 72.1 | 599 | 358 |

Note: ANES 2020 has no mode weights, and the 2024 panel and paper respondents are in neither mode, so the two modes do not cover every respondent.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 2012 and 2024; weighted with the mode weights (weight_ftf for in-person rows, weight_web for web rows); white non-Hispanic respondents; interval from the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/resentment_by_mode.json

### Table 4. With party held fixed the slope is +0.23 in 1986 and +0.24 in 2024, against a total correlation of +0.27 and +0.66

Standardized slope of seven-point self-placement on the racial resentment index, without and with the seven party-identification categories held fixed, and, in the second view, the correlation inside each party, white non-Hispanic respondents

| Year | View | Series | Correlation or slope | Interval low | Interval high | Respondents | Effective n |
| ---: | --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| 1986 | net | All white respondents | +0.27 | +0.19 | +0.34 | 664 | 664 |
| 1988 | net | All white respondents | +0.22 | +0.16 | +0.27 | 1,014 | 1,014 |
| 1990 | net | All white respondents | +0.31 | +0.23 | +0.38 | 529 | 529 |
| 1992 | net | All white respondents | +0.31 | +0.26 | +0.36 | 1,345 | 1,340 |
| 1994 | net | All white respondents | +0.33 | +0.27 | +0.38 | 1,099 | 914 |
| 1998 | net | All white respondents | +0.28 | +0.21 | +0.35 | 789 | 670 |
| 2000 | net | All white respondents | +0.39 | +0.30 | +0.47 | 471 | 389 |
| 2004 | net | All white respondents | +0.40 | +0.33 | +0.47 | 619 | 524 |
| 2008 | net | All white respondents | +0.43 | +0.37 | +0.49 | 823 | 660 |
| 2012 | net | All white respondents | +0.44 | +0.40 | +0.48 | 3,111 | 1,984 |
| 2016 | net | All white respondents | +0.58 | +0.55 | +0.61 | 2,191 | 1,562 |
| 2020 | net | All white respondents | +0.67 | +0.65 | +0.69 | 4,799 | 2,785 |
| 2024 | net | All white respondents | +0.66 | +0.63 | +0.69 | 3,204 | 1,502 |
| 1986 | net | Net of party identification | +0.23 | +0.16 | +0.31 | 662 | 662 |
| 1988 | net | Net of party identification | +0.16 | +0.10 | +0.22 | 1,011 | 1,011 |
| 1990 | net | Net of party identification | +0.25 | +0.17 | +0.33 | 529 | 529 |
| 1992 | net | Net of party identification | +0.21 | +0.16 | +0.26 | 1,342 | 1,337 |
| 1994 | net | Net of party identification | +0.21 | +0.15 | +0.26 | 1,097 | 913 |
| 1998 | net | Net of party identification | +0.18 | +0.11 | +0.25 | 784 | 666 |
| 2000 | net | Net of party identification | +0.25 | +0.16 | +0.34 | 470 | 389 |
| 2004 | net | Net of party identification | +0.21 | +0.14 | +0.29 | 614 | 520 |
| 2008 | net | Net of party identification | +0.20 | +0.14 | +0.26 | 817 | 655 |
| 2012 | net | Net of party identification | +0.19 | +0.15 | +0.22 | 3,104 | 1,978 |
| 2016 | net | Net of party identification | +0.22 | +0.18 | +0.26 | 2,189 | 1,561 |
| 2020 | net | Net of party identification | +0.24 | +0.20 | +0.27 | 4,795 | 2,782 |
| 2024 | net | Net of party identification | +0.24 | +0.19 | +0.29 | 3,200 | 1,500 |
| 1986 | within | All white respondents | +0.27 | +0.19 | +0.34 | 664 | 664 |
| 1988 | within | All white respondents | +0.22 | +0.16 | +0.27 | 1,014 | 1,014 |
| 1990 | within | All white respondents | +0.31 | +0.23 | +0.38 | 529 | 529 |
| 1992 | within | All white respondents | +0.31 | +0.26 | +0.36 | 1,345 | 1,340 |
| 1994 | within | All white respondents | +0.33 | +0.27 | +0.38 | 1,099 | 914 |
| 1998 | within | All white respondents | +0.28 | +0.21 | +0.35 | 789 | 670 |
| 2000 | within | All white respondents | +0.39 | +0.30 | +0.47 | 471 | 389 |
| 2004 | within | All white respondents | +0.40 | +0.33 | +0.47 | 619 | 524 |
| 2008 | within | All white respondents | +0.43 | +0.37 | +0.49 | 823 | 660 |
| 2012 | within | All white respondents | +0.44 | +0.40 | +0.48 | 3,111 | 1,984 |
| 2016 | within | All white respondents | +0.58 | +0.55 | +0.61 | 2,191 | 1,562 |
| 2020 | within | All white respondents | +0.67 | +0.65 | +0.69 | 4,799 | 2,785 |
| 2024 | within | All white respondents | +0.66 | +0.63 | +0.69 | 3,204 | 1,502 |
| 1986 | within | Democrats | +0.41 | +0.31 | +0.50 | 292 | 292 |
| 1988 | within | Democrats | +0.37 | +0.28 | +0.45 | 385 | 385 |
| 1990 | within | Democrats | +0.41 | +0.30 | +0.51 | 245 | 245 |
| 1992 | within | Democrats | +0.39 | +0.32 | +0.46 | 582 | 580 |
| 1994 | within | Democrats | +0.40 | +0.31 | +0.49 | 429 | 352 |
| 1998 | within | Democrats | +0.39 | +0.29 | +0.48 | 348 | 299 |
| 2000 | within | Democrats | +0.35 | +0.21 | +0.48 | 204 | 166 |
| 2004 | within | Democrats | +0.51 | +0.40 | +0.60 | 250 | 210 |
| 2008 | within | Democrats | +0.46 | +0.36 | +0.55 | 335 | 267 |
| 2012 | within | Democrats | +0.39 | +0.33 | +0.45 | 1,229 | 774 |
| 2016 | within | Democrats | +0.47 | +0.40 | +0.53 | 868 | 609 |
| 2020 | within | Democrats | +0.46 | +0.41 | +0.50 | 2,036 | 1,147 |
| 2024 | within | Democrats | +0.44 | +0.37 | +0.49 | 1,447 | 673 |
| 1986 | within | Republicans | +0.04 | −0.07 | +0.16 | 298 | 298 |
| 1988 | within | Republicans | +0.06 | −0.02 | +0.14 | 532 | 532 |
| 1990 | within | Republicans | +0.16 | +0.04 | +0.28 | 246 | 246 |
| 1992 | within | Republicans | +0.03 | −0.05 | +0.11 | 625 | 623 |
| 1994 | within | Republicans | +0.08 | −0.01 | +0.17 | 579 | 487 |
| 1998 | within | Republicans | +0.05 | −0.06 | +0.16 | 363 | 307 |
| 2000 | within | Republicans | +0.23 | +0.09 | +0.36 | 221 | 186 |
| 2004 | within | Republicans | +0.05 | −0.07 | +0.17 | 326 | 279 |
| 2008 | within | Republicans | +0.04 | −0.07 | +0.14 | 404 | 326 |
| 2012 | within | Republicans | +0.13 | +0.07 | +0.19 | 1,473 | 946 |
| 2016 | within | Republicans | +0.16 | +0.09 | +0.23 | 1,116 | 805 |
| 2020 | within | Republicans | +0.26 | +0.21 | +0.31 | 2,346 | 1,410 |
| 2024 | within | Republicans | +0.26 | +0.20 | +0.33 | 1,631 | 778 |

Views: Total and net of party identification (panel = net); Inside each party (panel = within).

Note: Independents who do not lean to either party are in the total and net-of-party lines and in neither party line.

Note: The resentment statements were not asked in 1996 and 2002. The 1998 index has two statements, so that year is marked and is not strictly comparable with the years on either side.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1986-2024; weighted (VCF0009z); white non-Hispanic respondents; net-of-party slopes with HC3 intervals

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/party_conditioning.json

### Table 5. Depending on the measure, 72% to 97% of the per-decade rise in the correlation disappears when party identification is held fixed

Change per decade in the correlation, or in the standardized slope, of self-placement on the racial resentment index, and the share of the total change that disappears when party is held fixed, white non-Hispanic respondents, survey years 1986 to 2024

| Measure | Change per decade | Interval low | Interval high | Share of the total change removed | Interval low | Interval high |
| --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| All white respondents (total correlation) | +0.112 | +0.090 | +0.133 | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Net of party identification (standardized slope) | +0.004 | −0.011 | +0.018 | 97% | 86% | 109% |
| Partial correlation given party identification | +0.018 | +0.004 | +0.032 | 84% | 74% | 96% |
| Average of the Democratic and Republican correlations | +0.031 | +0.017 | +0.045 | 72% | 63% | 83% |
| Inside Democrats | +0.018 | −0.002 | +0.039 | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Inside Republicans | +0.044 | +0.019 | +0.070 | n/a | n/a | n/a |
| Republican minus Democratic change | +0.026 | −0.003 | +0.055 | n/a | n/a | n/a |

Note: Each share has a percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap that resamples respondents inside each year. The share passes 100 percent in a replicate whose held-fixed change is negative.

Note: Each change is a year-interaction coefficient. Its interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval; for Democrats the year-clustered interval is narrower and excludes zero.

Note: The trend tests pool the survey years and do not model the change in interview mode in 2012.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1986-2024; weighted (VCF0009z); white non-Hispanic respondents; year-interaction coefficients, each survey year counting equally; shares with percentile intervals from a seeded bootstrap

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/share_table.json

### Table 6. The ideology gap between resentment thirds is 2.1 points among white respondents, 1.1 among Democrats and 0.6 among Republicans

Gap in mean seven-point self-placement (1 extremely liberal, 7 extremely conservative) between the most and least resentful third of the racial resentment index; the other views show the mean in each third and the share conservative; white non-Hispanic respondents, 2012 to 2024 pooled

| View | Group | Third of the index | Gap in mean self-placement | Low | High | Mean self-placement | Low | High | Percent conservative | Low | High | Respondents |
| --- | --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| gap | All white respondents | n/a | 2.10 | 2.02 | 2.17 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | 8,643 |
| gap | Democrats | n/a | 1.08 | 0.92 | 1.23 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | 4,249 |
| gap | Republicans | n/a | 0.58 | 0.48 | 0.68 | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | n/a | 3,711 |
| terc | All white respondents | Least resentful third | n/a | n/a | n/a | 3.19 | 3.14 | 3.24 | 18.7 | 17.3 | 20.1 | 5,160 |
| terc | All white respondents | Middle third | n/a | n/a | n/a | 4.72 | 4.67 | 4.77 | 54.1 | 52.3 | 56.0 | 4,662 |
| terc | All white respondents | Most resentful third | n/a | n/a | n/a | 5.29 | 5.23 | 5.34 | 69.8 | 67.8 | 71.8 | 3,483 |
| terc | Democrats | Least resentful third | n/a | n/a | n/a | 2.59 | 2.55 | 2.64 | 4.2 | 3.3 | 5.0 | 3,838 |
| terc | Democrats | Middle third | n/a | n/a | n/a | 3.48 | 3.40 | 3.56 | 10.4 | 8.2 | 12.5 | 1,331 |
| terc | Democrats | Most resentful third | n/a | n/a | n/a | 3.67 | 3.52 | 3.82 | 18.1 | 13.3 | 23.0 | 411 |
| terc | Republicans | Least resentful third | n/a | n/a | n/a | 5.04 | 4.95 | 5.13 | 69.8 | 65.9 | 73.6 | 926 |
| terc | Republicans | Middle third | n/a | n/a | n/a | 5.36 | 5.31 | 5.41 | 78.4 | 76.5 | 80.4 | 2,855 |
| terc | Republicans | Most resentful third | n/a | n/a | n/a | 5.62 | 5.57 | 5.67 | 81.7 | 79.8 | 83.5 | 2,785 |

Views: Gap between the ends (panel = gap); Mean self-placement (panel = terc); Share conservative (panel = terc).

Note: Thirds are cut within each survey year on all white respondents, so they mean the same thing in every group. Group sizes are in the tooltips and the data table.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024; weighted (VCF0009z); white non-Hispanic respondents; intervals from the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/tercile_ideology.json

### Table 7. The correlation rose in both interview modes from 2012 to 2024, from +0.43 to +0.70 face-to-face and from +0.45 to +0.66 on the web

Weighted correlation of the resentment index with seven-point self-placement by interview mode, white non-Hispanic respondents, years with mode weights

| Year and mode | Correlation | Interval low | Interval high | Respondents | Effective n |
| --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| 2008, face-to-face | +0.43 | +0.37 | +0.49 | 823 | 660 |
| 2012, face-to-face | +0.43 | +0.36 | +0.50 | 702 | 501 |
| 2012, web | +0.45 | +0.41 | +0.49 | 2,409 | 1,522 |
| 2016, face-to-face | +0.55 | +0.47 | +0.61 | 581 | 384 |
| 2016, web | +0.59 | +0.56 | +0.63 | 1,610 | 1,183 |
| 2024, face-to-face | +0.70 | +0.63 | +0.75 | 550 | 296 |
| 2024, web | +0.66 | +0.62 | +0.70 | 1,098 | 657 |

Note: ANES 2020 has no mode weights, so it has no row. The 2024 panel and paper respondents are in neither mode.

Note: ANES interviews were mainly in person before 2012; the mode weights exist from 2008.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 2008-2024; weighted with the mode weights (weight_ftf for in-person rows, weight_web for web rows); white non-Hispanic respondents

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/mode_check.json

### Table 8. Each of the four resentment statements is more strongly correlated with conservative self-placement in 2024 than in 1986

Weighted correlation of each statement, recoded 0 to 1 so that 1 is the most resentful answer, and of the four-statement index, with seven-point self-placement, white non-Hispanic respondents

| Row | Statement | Correlation, 1986 | Low | High | Respondents, 1986 | Correlation, 2024 | Low | High | Respondents, 2024 |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Slavery made it hard | Generations of slavery and discrimination have made it difficult for Black people to work their way up | +0.14 | +0.06 | +0.21 | 662 | +0.56 | +0.52 | +0.59 | 3,205 |
| No special favors | Other minorities overcame prejudice without special favors, and Black people should do the same | +0.22 | +0.15 | +0.29 | 660 | +0.59 | +0.55 | +0.62 | 3,084 |
| Try harder | If Black people would only try harder they could be just as well off as white people | +0.22 | +0.15 | +0.29 | 661 | +0.57 | +0.53 | +0.60 | 3,202 |
| Got less than deserved | Over the past few years Black people have gotten less than they deserve | +0.24 | +0.17 | +0.31 | 654 | +0.58 | +0.54 | +0.61 | 3,200 |
| Four-statement index | Mean of the statements answered (at least two), scaled from 0 to 100 | +0.27 | +0.19 | +0.34 | 664 | +0.66 | +0.63 | +0.69 | 3,204 |

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1986-2024; weighted (VCF0009z); white non-Hispanic respondents; interval from Fisher z on the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/item_check.json

### Table 9. By 2020 the resentment index correlated with the health-insurance, government-services and defense-spending items at +0.53, +0.48 and +0.53

Weighted correlation of the racial resentment index with three policy items, each oriented so that a high value is the conservative position, white non-Hispanic respondents

| Year | Sample | Outcome | Correlation | Interval low | Interval high | Respondents | Effective n |
| ---: | --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| 1988 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.03 | −0.02 | +0.09 | 1,164 | 1,164 |
| 1992 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.13 | +0.08 | +0.18 | 1,515 | 1,509 |
| 1994 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.16 | +0.10 | +0.21 | 1,266 | 1,052 |
| 2000 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.10 | +0.02 | +0.19 | 618 | 504 |
| 2004 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.18 | +0.10 | +0.26 | 710 | 589 |
| 2008 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.21 | +0.12 | +0.31 | 476 | 384 |
| 2012 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.37 | +0.33 | +0.40 | 3,120 | 2,001 |
| 2016 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.44 | +0.40 | +0.48 | 2,380 | 1,684 |
| 2020 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.53 | +0.51 | +0.56 | 4,912 | 2,869 |
| 2024 | All white respondents | Health insurance | +0.48 | +0.44 | +0.52 | 3,164 | 1,480 |
| 1988 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | 0.00 | −0.05 | +0.06 | 1,160 | 1,160 |
| 1992 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | +0.07 | +0.02 | +0.12 | 1,508 | 1,502 |
| 1994 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | +0.08 | +0.02 | +0.14 | 1,261 | 1,047 |
| 2000 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | +0.04 | −0.05 | +0.13 | 613 | 500 |
| 2004 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | +0.09 | +0.01 | +0.17 | 701 | 581 |
| 2008 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | +0.11 | +0.01 | +0.22 | 471 | 381 |
| 2012 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | +0.17 | +0.13 | +0.22 | 3,113 | 1,996 |
| 2016 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | +0.22 | +0.17 | +0.26 | 2,374 | 1,687 |
| 2020 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | +0.20 | +0.16 | +0.24 | 4,906 | 2,866 |
| 2024 | Net of party identification | Health insurance | +0.23 | +0.17 | +0.30 | 3,157 | 1,477 |
| 1988 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.04 | −0.05 | +0.13 | 457 | 457 |
| 1992 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.13 | +0.05 | +0.20 | 679 | 676 |
| 1994 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.07 | −0.02 | +0.17 | 510 | 419 |
| 2000 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.07 | −0.06 | +0.20 | 280 | 228 |
| 2004 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.13 | 0.00 | +0.26 | 282 | 231 |
| 2008 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.24 | +0.09 | +0.38 | 199 | 160 |
| 2012 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.24 | +0.17 | +0.30 | 1,232 | 782 |
| 2016 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.37 | +0.30 | +0.43 | 943 | 661 |
| 2020 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.28 | +0.23 | +0.33 | 2,094 | 1,189 |
| 2024 | Inside Democrats | Health insurance | +0.37 | +0.30 | +0.44 | 1,429 | 671 |
| 1988 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.01 | −0.07 | +0.10 | 581 | 581 |
| 1992 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.05 | −0.03 | +0.12 | 659 | 657 |
| 1994 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.15 | +0.06 | +0.23 | 628 | 529 |
| 2000 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.06 | −0.07 | +0.19 | 266 | 226 |
| 2004 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.07 | −0.04 | +0.19 | 358 | 302 |
| 2008 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.02 | −0.13 | +0.16 | 217 | 177 |
| 2012 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.17 | +0.11 | +0.23 | 1,473 | 950 |
| 2016 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.15 | +0.09 | +0.22 | 1,178 | 849 |
| 2020 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.19 | +0.14 | +0.24 | 2,372 | 1,426 |
| 2024 | Inside Republicans | Health insurance | +0.16 | +0.09 | +0.23 | 1,590 | 746 |
| 1986 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.06 | −0.01 | +0.13 | 769 | 769 |
| 1988 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.07 | +0.01 | +0.13 | 1,105 | 1,105 |
| 1990 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.12 | +0.04 | +0.19 | 633 | 633 |
| 1992 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.15 | +0.10 | +0.20 | 1,463 | 1,458 |
| 1994 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.13 | +0.07 | +0.19 | 1,222 | 1,009 |
| 1998 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.12 | +0.05 | +0.19 | 875 | 744 |
| 2000 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.16 | +0.07 | +0.24 | 574 | 470 |
| 2004 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.17 | +0.09 | +0.25 | 674 | 564 |
| 2008 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.13 | +0.02 | +0.23 | 450 | 366 |
| 2012 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.35 | +0.31 | +0.39 | 3,027 | 1,939 |
| 2016 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.45 | +0.41 | +0.49 | 2,300 | 1,629 |
| 2020 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.48 | +0.45 | +0.51 | 4,693 | 2,735 |
| 2024 | All white respondents | Government services | +0.50 | +0.46 | +0.54 | 3,131 | 1,468 |
| 1986 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.04 | −0.04 | +0.11 | 764 | 764 |
| 1988 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.05 | −0.01 | +0.11 | 1,101 | 1,101 |
| 1990 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.09 | +0.01 | +0.17 | 632 | 632 |
| 1992 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.09 | +0.04 | +0.14 | 1,459 | 1,454 |
| 1994 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.06 | 0.00 | +0.13 | 1,215 | 1,003 |
| 1998 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.08 | +0.01 | +0.15 | 870 | 740 |
| 2000 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.07 | −0.03 | +0.16 | 570 | 467 |
| 2004 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.07 | −0.02 | +0.16 | 666 | 556 |
| 2008 | Net of party identification | Government services | −0.01 | −0.10 | +0.08 | 448 | 364 |
| 2012 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.16 | +0.12 | +0.20 | 3,020 | 1,934 |
| 2016 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.21 | +0.16 | +0.26 | 2,297 | 1,626 |
| 2020 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.18 | +0.14 | +0.23 | 4,690 | 2,734 |
| 2024 | Net of party identification | Government services | +0.23 | +0.18 | +0.29 | 3,125 | 1,465 |
| 1986 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.15 | +0.04 | +0.25 | 335 | 335 |
| 1988 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.12 | +0.03 | +0.21 | 436 | 436 |
| 1990 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.22 | +0.11 | +0.33 | 293 | 293 |
| 1992 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.14 | +0.07 | +0.22 | 656 | 654 |
| 1994 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.12 | +0.02 | +0.22 | 488 | 398 |
| 1998 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.13 | +0.02 | +0.23 | 388 | 335 |
| 2000 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.04 | −0.09 | +0.18 | 261 | 209 |
| 2004 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.07 | −0.06 | +0.20 | 273 | 227 |
| 2008 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.10 | −0.07 | +0.25 | 185 | 150 |
| 2012 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.24 | +0.17 | +0.30 | 1,193 | 758 |
| 2016 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.34 | +0.27 | +0.40 | 930 | 650 |
| 2020 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.25 | +0.20 | +0.31 | 2,042 | 1,147 |
| 2024 | Inside Democrats | Government services | +0.32 | +0.25 | +0.38 | 1,424 | 663 |
| 1986 | Inside Republicans | Government services | −0.08 | −0.18 | +0.03 | 330 | 330 |
| 1988 | Inside Republicans | Government services | −0.02 | −0.10 | +0.06 | 556 | 556 |
| 1990 | Inside Republicans | Government services | −0.03 | −0.15 | +0.09 | 275 | 275 |
| 1992 | Inside Republicans | Government services | +0.10 | +0.02 | +0.17 | 656 | 653 |
| 1994 | Inside Republicans | Government services | +0.05 | −0.04 | +0.13 | 615 | 516 |
| 1998 | Inside Republicans | Government services | +0.09 | −0.02 | +0.20 | 381 | 322 |
| 2000 | Inside Republicans | Government services | +0.07 | −0.06 | +0.20 | 251 | 214 |
| 2004 | Inside Republicans | Government services | +0.05 | −0.07 | +0.16 | 338 | 287 |
| 2008 | Inside Republicans | Government services | −0.09 | −0.24 | +0.06 | 213 | 174 |
| 2012 | Inside Republicans | Government services | +0.15 | +0.08 | +0.21 | 1,454 | 936 |
| 2016 | Inside Republicans | Government services | +0.16 | +0.09 | +0.22 | 1,133 | 813 |
| 2020 | Inside Republicans | Government services | +0.14 | +0.09 | +0.19 | 2,234 | 1,356 |
| 2024 | Inside Republicans | Government services | +0.19 | +0.12 | +0.26 | 1,564 | 741 |
| 1986 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.23 | +0.16 | +0.30 | 769 | 769 |
| 1988 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.23 | +0.18 | +0.29 | 1,226 | 1,226 |
| 1990 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.29 | +0.22 | +0.36 | 664 | 664 |
| 1992 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.25 | +0.20 | +0.29 | 1,541 | 1,535 |
| 1994 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.21 | +0.15 | +0.27 | 1,277 | 1,058 |
| 2000 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.22 | +0.13 | +0.30 | 571 | 464 |
| 2004 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.31 | +0.23 | +0.38 | 684 | 575 |
| 2008 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.30 | +0.20 | +0.39 | 459 | 369 |
| 2016 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.48 | +0.44 | +0.52 | 2,346 | 1,679 |
| 2020 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.53 | +0.50 | +0.55 | 4,824 | 2,781 |
| 2024 | All white respondents | Defense spending | +0.44 | +0.40 | +0.48 | 3,099 | 1,450 |
| 1986 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.21 | +0.14 | +0.28 | 764 | 764 |
| 1988 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.21 | +0.16 | +0.27 | 1,224 | 1,224 |
| 1990 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.27 | +0.20 | +0.35 | 663 | 663 |
| 1992 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.21 | +0.16 | +0.26 | 1,539 | 1,533 |
| 1994 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.16 | +0.10 | +0.22 | 1,271 | 1,053 |
| 2000 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.16 | +0.06 | +0.25 | 566 | 460 |
| 2004 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.21 | +0.11 | +0.30 | 677 | 569 |
| 2008 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.22 | +0.11 | +0.33 | 455 | 366 |
| 2016 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.35 | +0.30 | +0.40 | 2,343 | 1,676 |
| 2020 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.34 | +0.29 | +0.38 | 4,822 | 2,779 |
| 2024 | Net of party identification | Defense spending | +0.31 | +0.25 | +0.37 | 3,096 | 1,449 |
| 1986 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.32 | +0.22 | +0.41 | 339 | 339 |
| 1988 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.27 | +0.18 | +0.35 | 478 | 478 |
| 1990 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.37 | +0.27 | +0.46 | 302 | 302 |
| 1992 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.29 | +0.22 | +0.35 | 690 | 687 |
| 1994 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.24 | +0.15 | +0.33 | 516 | 422 |
| 2000 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.17 | +0.03 | +0.30 | 259 | 207 |
| 2004 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.33 | +0.21 | +0.44 | 274 | 229 |
| 2008 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.27 | +0.12 | +0.41 | 193 | 155 |
| 2016 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.46 | +0.40 | +0.52 | 933 | 664 |
| 2020 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.42 | +0.37 | +0.46 | 2,029 | 1,136 |
| 2024 | Inside Democrats | Defense spending | +0.35 | +0.28 | +0.42 | 1,397 | 656 |
| 1986 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.10 | −0.01 | +0.20 | 332 | 332 |
| 1988 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.22 | +0.14 | +0.29 | 618 | 618 |
| 1990 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.20 | +0.09 | +0.30 | 297 | 297 |
| 1992 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.10 | +0.03 | +0.18 | 681 | 679 |
| 1994 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.17 | +0.09 | +0.25 | 634 | 533 |
| 2000 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.14 | 0.00 | +0.26 | 255 | 217 |
| 2004 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.13 | +0.02 | +0.24 | 349 | 297 |
| 2008 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.23 | +0.08 | +0.36 | 215 | 174 |
| 2016 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.23 | +0.16 | +0.29 | 1,158 | 835 |
| 2020 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.22 | +0.17 | +0.27 | 2,374 | 1,410 |
| 2024 | Inside Republicans | Defense spending | +0.23 | +0.16 | +0.30 | 1,570 | 739 |

Views: All white respondents (conditioning = All white respondents); Net of party identification (conditioning = Net of party identification); Inside Democrats (conditioning = Inside Democrats); Inside Republicans (conditioning = Inside Republicans).

Note: The left dashed rule marks 1998, when the index had two statements; the right dashed rule marks 2012, when ANES added web interviews.

Note: The health-insurance item was not asked in 1986, 1990 or 1998, and the defense item was not asked in 1998 or 2012, so those lines join the years on either side. The resentment statements were not asked in 1996 and 2002.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1986-2024; weighted (VCF0009z); white non-Hispanic respondents; net-of-party slopes with HC3 intervals

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/spillover.json

### Table 10. In 2012 web respondents' correlations with the health-insurance and government-services items were +0.42 and +0.40, against +0.28 and +0.26 face-to-face

Weighted correlation of the racial resentment index with each policy item, oriented so that a high value is the conservative position, by interview mode, white non-Hispanic respondents, years with mode weights

| Item | Year and mode | Correlation | Interval low | Interval high | Respondents | Effective n |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Health insurance | 2008, face-to-face | +0.21 | +0.12 | +0.31 | 476 | 384 |
| Health insurance | 2012, face-to-face | +0.28 | +0.20 | +0.35 | 801 | 573 |
| Health insurance | 2012, web | +0.42 | +0.37 | +0.46 | 2,319 | 1,470 |
| Health insurance | 2016, face-to-face | +0.47 | +0.40 | +0.54 | 671 | 437 |
| Health insurance | 2016, web | +0.43 | +0.38 | +0.47 | 1,709 | 1,252 |
| Health insurance | 2024, face-to-face | +0.51 | +0.42 | +0.58 | 591 | 317 |
| Health insurance | 2024, web | +0.47 | +0.41 | +0.53 | 1,120 | 677 |
| Government services | 2008, face-to-face | +0.13 | +0.02 | +0.23 | 450 | 366 |
| Government services | 2012, face-to-face | +0.26 | +0.18 | +0.34 | 755 | 539 |
| Government services | 2012, web | +0.40 | +0.35 | +0.44 | 2,272 | 1,442 |
| Government services | 2016, face-to-face | +0.43 | +0.35 | +0.51 | 631 | 410 |
| Government services | 2016, web | +0.46 | +0.41 | +0.50 | 1,669 | 1,222 |
| Government services | 2024, face-to-face | +0.53 | +0.44 | +0.61 | 545 | 294 |
| Government services | 2024, web | +0.47 | +0.41 | +0.53 | 1,077 | 648 |

Note: ANES 2020 has no mode weights, so it has no row. The 2024 panel and paper respondents are in neither mode. The defense item is left out because it was not asked in 2012.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 2008-2024; weighted with the mode weights (weight_ftf for in-person rows, weight_web for web rows); white non-Hispanic respondents

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/spillover_mode.json

### Table 11. Holding party identification fixed removes 56% to 67% of the per-decade rise in the three policy items, against 97% for self-placement

Change per decade in the standardized slope of each policy item on the racial resentment index, with 95% intervals, white non-Hispanic respondents, survey years 1986 to 2024

| Outcome | Sample | Change per decade | Interval low | Interval high | Survey years | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Health insurance | All white respondents | +0.135 | +0.106 | +0.165 | 10 | 19,264 |
| Health insurance | Net of party identification | +0.060 | +0.045 | +0.075 | 10 | 19,264 |
| Health insurance | Democrats | +0.092 | +0.067 | +0.117 | 10 | 8,105 |
| Health insurance | Republicans | +0.038 | +0.016 | +0.060 | 10 | 9,322 |
| Government services | All white respondents | +0.118 | +0.095 | +0.141 | 13 | 20,857 |
| Government services | Net of party identification | +0.039 | +0.017 | +0.061 | 13 | 20,857 |
| Government services | Democrats | +0.044 | +0.016 | +0.073 | 13 | 8,904 |
| Government services | Republicans | +0.051 | +0.028 | +0.073 | 13 | 10,000 |
| Defense spending | All white respondents | +0.073 | +0.045 | +0.101 | 11 | 17,420 |
| Defense spending | Net of party identification | +0.032 | +0.009 | +0.054 | 11 | 17,420 |
| Defense spending | Democrats | +0.031 | 0.000 | +0.061 | 11 | 7,410 |
| Defense spending | Republicans | +0.024 | +0.004 | +0.044 | 11 | 8,483 |

Note: The interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and an interval that clusters on survey year with t critical values.

Note: The health-insurance item was asked in fewer survey years than the others, and the defense item was not asked in 1998 or 2012.

Note: Each test pools the survey years and does not model the change in interview mode in 2012.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1986-2024; weighted (VCF0009z); white non-Hispanic respondents; year-interaction coefficients, each survey year counting equally

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/policy_trends.json

## All estimates

Every fact in facts.json (139), sorted by id.

| Fact id | Value | Unit | Estimand | Population | Period | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Note |
| --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| change_2008_2012 | +0.01 | change in the correlation coefficient, 2008 to 2012 | difference between two weighted correlations (delta-method interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI −0.06 to 0.08 | 3,934 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| dem_r_1986 | +0.41 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation inside the party between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.31 to 0.50 | 292 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| dem_r_2024 | +0.44 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation inside the party between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.37 to 0.49 | 1,447 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| dem_r_max | +0.51 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | maximum of the yearly weighted correlations inside the Democratic Party | white non-Hispanic Democrats (leaners included) with an index score and a self-placement | 1986-2024, highest over the survey years |   |   | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| dem_r_min | +0.35 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | minimum of the yearly weighted correlations inside the Democratic Party | white non-Hispanic Democrats (leaners included) with an index score and a self-placement | 1986-2024, lowest over the survey years |   |   | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| df_1986 | +0.23 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point defense-spending position (7 greatly increase), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.16 to 0.30 | 769 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| df_2020 | +0.53 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point defense-spending position (7 greatly increase), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2020 | 95% CI 0.50 to 0.55 | 4,824 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| df_2024 | +0.44 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point defense-spending position (7 greatly increase), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.40 to 0.48 | 3,099 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| fall_dem | 26.0 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index (2012 minus 2024) | difference between two weighted means | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) with an index score | 2012 to 2024 | 95% CI 23.5 to 28.4 | 2,842 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| fall_rep | 8.1 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index (2012 minus 2024) | difference between two weighted means | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) with an index score | 2012 to 2024 | 95% CI 6.2 to 10.0 | 3,327 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gap_res_1986 | 4.2 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index (Republicans minus Democrats) | difference between two weighted means | white non-Hispanic partisans (leaners included) with an index score | 1986 | 95% CI 0.9 to 7.6 | 731 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gap_res_2024 | 37.6 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index (Republicans minus Democrats) | difference between two weighted means | white non-Hispanic partisans (leaners included) with an index score | 2024 | 95% CI 35.3 to 39.9 | 3,350 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_1988 | +0.03 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1988 | 95% CI −0.02 to 0.09 | 1,164 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_2008 | +0.21 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2008 | 95% CI 0.12 to 0.31 | 476 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_2012 | +0.37 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012 | 95% CI 0.33 to 0.40 | 3,120 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_2020 | +0.53 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2020 | 95% CI 0.51 to 0.56 | 4,912 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_2024 | +0.48 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.44 to 0.52 | 3,164 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_chg_0812 | +0.15 | change in the correlation coefficient, 2008 to 2012 | difference between two weighted correlations of the resentment index with seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan) (delta-method interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI 0.05 to 0.26 | 3,596 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_dem_1988 | +0.04 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic Democrats (leaners included) | 1988 | 95% CI −0.05 to 0.13 | 457 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_dem_2024 | +0.37 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic Democrats (leaners included) | 2024 | 95% CI 0.30 to 0.44 | 1,429 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_ftf_2008 | +0.21 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_ftf), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2008 | 95% CI 0.12 to 0.31 | 476 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_ftf_2012 | +0.28 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_ftf), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2012 | 95% CI 0.20 to 0.35 | 801 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_ftf_2016 | +0.47 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_ftf), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2016 | 95% CI 0.40 to 0.54 | 671 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_ftf_2024 | +0.51 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_ftf), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2024 | 95% CI 0.42 to 0.58 | 591 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_ftf_chg_0812 | +0.06 | change in the correlation coefficient, 2008 to 2012, face-to-face respondents only | difference between two weighted correlations of the resentment index with seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), both among face-to-face respondents with the mode weight (delta-method interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement, interviewed in person | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI −0.06 to 0.19 | 1,277 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_gap_2012 | +0.14 | difference in the correlation coefficient, 2012 (web minus face-to-face) | difference between the web and face-to-face weighted correlations of the resentment index with seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), each with its mode weight (delta-method interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012 | 95% CI 0.05 to 0.23 | 3,120 | weight_ftf and weight_web | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_net_1988 | 0.00 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | standardized slope of seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan) on the resentment index with the seven party-identification categories held fixed (HC3 interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1988 | 95% CI −0.05 to 0.06 | 1,160 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_net_2024 | +0.23 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | standardized slope of seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan) on the resentment index with the seven party-identification categories held fixed (HC3 interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.17 to 0.30 | 3,157 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_rep_1988 | +0.01 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic Republicans (leaners included) | 1988 | 95% CI −0.07 to 0.10 | 581 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_rep_2024 | +0.16 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic Republicans (leaners included) | 2024 | 95% CI 0.09 to 0.23 | 1,590 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_web_2012 | +0.42 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_web), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed on the web | 2012 | 95% CI 0.37 to 0.46 | 2,319 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_web_2016 | +0.43 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_web), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed on the web | 2016 | 95% CI 0.38 to 0.47 | 1,709 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| hl_web_2024 | +0.47 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_web), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed on the web | 2024 | 95% CI 0.41 to 0.53 | 1,120 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| item_deserve_1986 | +0.24 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between one of the four resentment statements (recoded 0 to 1) and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.17 to 0.31 | 654 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| item_deserve_2024 | +0.58 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between one of the four resentment statements (recoded 0 to 1) and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.54 to 0.61 | 3,200 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| item_difficulty_1986 | +0.14 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between one of the four resentment statements (recoded 0 to 1) and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.06 to 0.21 | 662 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| item_difficulty_2024 | +0.56 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between one of the four resentment statements (recoded 0 to 1) and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.52 to 0.59 | 3,205 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| item_favors_1986 | +0.22 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between one of the four resentment statements (recoded 0 to 1) and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.15 to 0.29 | 660 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| item_favors_2024 | +0.59 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between one of the four resentment statements (recoded 0 to 1) and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.55 to 0.62 | 3,084 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| item_try_1986 | +0.22 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between one of the four resentment statements (recoded 0 to 1) and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.15 to 0.29 | 661 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| item_try_2024 | +0.57 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between one of the four resentment statements (recoded 0 to 1) and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.53 to 0.60 | 3,202 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mode_ftf_2008 | +0.43 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2008 | 95% CI 0.37 to 0.49 | 823 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mode_ftf_2012 | +0.43 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2012 | 95% CI 0.36 to 0.50 | 702 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mode_ftf_2016 | +0.55 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2016 | 95% CI 0.47 to 0.61 | 581 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mode_ftf_2024 | +0.70 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2024 | 95% CI 0.63 to 0.75 | 550 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mode_gap_max | 0.05 | absolute difference in correlation coefficients | largest absolute gap between the web and face-to-face correlations in a year with both | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012, 2016 and 2024 |   | 7,773 | weight_ftf and weight_web | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mode_web_2012 | +0.45 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed on the web | 2012 | 95% CI 0.41 to 0.49 | 2,409 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mode_web_2016 | +0.59 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed on the web | 2016 | 95% CI 0.56 to 0.63 | 1,610 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mode_web_2024 | +0.66 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed on the web | 2024 | 95% CI 0.62 to 0.70 | 1,098 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_terc | 13,305 | respondents | count of respondents in the four survey years used for the thirds | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_white | 20,658 | respondents | count of respondents pooled across survey years | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_years | 13 | survey years | count of years with at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of 100 or more | ANES survey years with a headline estimate | 1986-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| net_1986 | +0.23 | standardized slope (change in self-placement standard deviations per standard deviation of the index) | standardized slope of self-placement on the resentment index in a regression with seven party-identification categories held fixed (HC3 interval); not a correlation: both variables are standardized on the whole white sample of the year, not within party categories | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.16 to 0.31 | 662 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| net_2024 | +0.24 | standardized slope (change in self-placement standard deviations per standard deviation of the index) | standardized slope of self-placement on the resentment index in a regression with seven party-identification categories held fixed (HC3 interval); not a correlation: both variables are standardized on the whole white sample of the year, not within party categories | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.19 to 0.29 | 3,200 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_all_1986 | +0.22 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | all respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.16 to 0.29 | 812 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_all_2024 | +0.63 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | all respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.60 to 0.65 | 4,263 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_pid_ideol_1986 | +0.37 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between seven-point party identification and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement | white non-Hispanic respondents with a party identification and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.32 to 0.42 | 1,316 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_pid_ideol_2024 | +0.79 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between seven-point party identification and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement | white non-Hispanic respondents with a party identification and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.77 to 0.81 | 3,528 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_res_pid_1986 | +0.06 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point party identification (1 strong Democrat, 7 strong Republican) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI −0.01 to 0.12 | 838 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_res_pid_2024 | +0.62 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point party identification (1 strong Democrat, 7 strong Republican) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.59 to 0.65 | 3,540 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_white_1986 | +0.27 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI 0.19 to 0.34 | 664 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_white_2008 | +0.43 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2008 | 95% CI 0.37 to 0.49 | 823 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_white_2012 | +0.44 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012 | 95% CI 0.40 to 0.48 | 3,111 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_white_2016 | +0.58 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2016 | 95% CI 0.55 to 0.61 | 2,191 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_white_2020 | +0.67 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2020 | 95% CI 0.65 to 0.69 | 4,799 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| r_white_2024 | +0.66 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.63 to 0.69 | 3,204 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| rep_r_1986 | +0.04 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation inside the party between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI −0.07 to 0.16 | 298 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| rep_r_2024 | +0.26 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation inside the party between the racial resentment index and seven-point liberal-conservative self-placement (Fisher z interval on the Kish effective sample size) | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.20 to 0.33 | 1,631 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| res_dem_1986 | 57.0 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) with an index score | 1986 | 95% CI 54.4 to 59.6 | 375 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| res_dem_2012 | 55.5 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) with an index score | 2012 | 95% CI 53.8 to 57.2 | 1,295 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| res_dem_2024 | 29.6 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) with an index score | 2024 | 95% CI 27.8 to 31.4 | 1,547 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| res_rep_1986 | 61.2 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) with an index score | 1986 | 95% CI 59.1 to 63.4 | 356 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| res_rep_2012 | 75.3 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) with an index score | 2012 | 95% CI 74.1 to 76.5 | 1,524 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| res_rep_2024 | 67.1 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) with an index score | 2024 | 95% CI 65.7 to 68.6 | 1,803 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_dem_2012_ftf | 52.4 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index with the mode-specific weight | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) interviewed in person with an index score | 2012 | 95% CI 49.3 to 55.6 | 363 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_dem_2012_web | 57.2 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index with the mode-specific weight | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) interviewed on the web with an index score | 2012 | 95% CI 55.2 to 59.2 | 932 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_dem_2024_ftf | 23.0 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index with the mode-specific weight | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) interviewed in person with an index score | 2024 | 95% CI 19.5 to 26.5 | 278 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_dem_2024_web | 32.5 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index with the mode-specific weight | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) interviewed on the web with an index score | 2024 | 95% CI 29.8 to 35.1 | 543 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_gap_max | 9.5 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index (web minus face-to-face) | largest of the four web-minus-face-to-face differences in mean resentment (Democrats and Republicans, 2012 and 2024) | white non-Hispanic Democrats and Republicans (leaners included) | 2012 and 2024 |   |   | weight_ftf and weight_web | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_gap_min | 4.8 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index (web minus face-to-face) | smallest of the four web-minus-face-to-face differences in mean resentment (Democrats and Republicans, 2012 and 2024) | white non-Hispanic Democrats and Republicans (leaners included) | 2012 and 2024 |   |   | weight_ftf and weight_web | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_rep_2012_ftf | 72.0 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index with the mode-specific weight | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) interviewed in person with an index score | 2012 | 95% CI 69.7 to 74.3 | 397 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_rep_2012_web | 77.2 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index with the mode-specific weight | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) interviewed on the web with an index score | 2012 | 95% CI 75.9 to 78.6 | 1,127 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_rep_2024_ftf | 63.8 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index with the mode-specific weight | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) interviewed in person with an index score | 2024 | 95% CI 60.4 to 67.2 | 314 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| resm_rep_2024_web | 69.9 | points on the 0 to 100 resentment index | weighted mean of the racial resentment index with the mode-specific weight | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) interviewed on the web with an index score | 2024 | 95% CI 67.7 to 72.1 | 599 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| rise_2012_2020 | +0.23 | change in the correlation coefficient, 2012 to 2020 | difference between two weighted correlations (delta-method interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012 to 2020 | 95% CI 0.19 to 0.27 | 7,910 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| share_partial | 84% | percent of the per-decade rise in the total correlation | one minus the ratio of the per-decade change in the partial correlation given party identification (both variables residualized on year-specific party dummies and re-standardized) to the per-decade change in the total correlation; percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap (500 replicates, seed 12345) that resamples respondents inside each year; the share exceeds 100 percent in a replicate whose net trend is negative | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 74% to 96% | 20,614 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| share_party | 97% | percent of the per-decade rise in the total correlation | one minus the ratio of the per-decade change in the standardized slope net of party identification (year-specific party dummies) to the per-decade change in the total correlation; percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap (500 replicates, seed 12345) that resamples respondents inside each year; the share exceeds 100 percent in a replicate whose net trend is negative | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 86% to 109% | 20,614 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| share_pol_max | 67% | percent of the per-decade rise in the item's correlation with the resentment index | largest of the three policy items' shares (seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services)): one minus the ratio of the net-of-party to the total per-decade change; percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 59% to 77% | 20,857 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| share_pol_min | 56% | percent of the per-decade rise in the item's correlation with the resentment index | smallest of the three policy items' shares (seven-point health-insurance position (1 government plan, 7 private plan)): one minus the ratio of the net-of-party to the total per-decade change; percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 10 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 49% to 64% | 19,264 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| share_within | 72% | percent of the per-decade rise in the total correlation | one minus the ratio of the average of the two within-party per-decade changes (Democrats and Republicans, correlations standardized inside party and year) to the per-decade change in the total correlation; percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap (500 replicates, seed 12345) that resamples respondents inside each year; the share exceeds 100 percent in a replicate whose net trend is negative | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement, Democrats and Republicans (leaners included) | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 63% to 83% | 20,614 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_1986 | +0.06 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 1986 | 95% CI −0.01 to 0.13 | 769 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_2008 | +0.13 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2008 | 95% CI 0.02 to 0.23 | 450 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_2012 | +0.35 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012 | 95% CI 0.31 to 0.39 | 3,027 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_2020 | +0.48 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2020 | 95% CI 0.45 to 0.51 | 4,693 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_2024 | +0.50 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2024 | 95% CI 0.46 to 0.54 | 3,131 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_chg_0812 | +0.22 | change in the correlation coefficient, 2008 to 2012 | difference between two weighted correlations of the resentment index with seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services) (delta-method interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI 0.11 to 0.33 | 3,477 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_ftf_2008 | +0.13 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_ftf), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2008 | 95% CI 0.02 to 0.23 | 450 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_ftf_2012 | +0.26 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_ftf), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2012 | 95% CI 0.18 to 0.34 | 755 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_ftf_2016 | +0.43 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_ftf), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2016 | 95% CI 0.35 to 0.51 | 631 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_ftf_2024 | +0.53 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_ftf), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed in person | 2024 | 95% CI 0.44 to 0.61 | 545 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_ftf_chg_0812 | +0.13 | change in the correlation coefficient, 2008 to 2012, face-to-face respondents only | difference between two weighted correlations of the resentment index with seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), both among face-to-face respondents with the mode weight (delta-method interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement, interviewed in person | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI 0.00 to 0.26 | 1,205 | weight_ftf (face-to-face rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_gap_2012 | +0.14 | difference in the correlation coefficient, 2012 (web minus face-to-face) | difference between the web and face-to-face weighted correlations of the resentment index with seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), each with its mode weight (delta-method interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012 | 95% CI 0.05 to 0.23 | 3,027 | weight_ftf and weight_web | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_web_2012 | +0.40 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_web), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed on the web | 2012 | 95% CI 0.35 to 0.44 | 2,272 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_web_2016 | +0.46 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_web), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed on the web | 2016 | 95% CI 0.41 to 0.50 | 1,669 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| sv_web_2024 | +0.47 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 | weighted Pearson correlation between the racial resentment index and seven-point government-services position (reversed: 7 fewer services), oriented so that a high value is the conservative pole (Fisher z interval); mode-specific weight (weight_web), only respondents interviewed in that mode | white non-Hispanic respondents interviewed on the web | 2024 | 95% CI 0.41 to 0.53 | 1,077 | weight_web (web rows) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_dem_gap | 1.1 | points on the seven-point self-placement scale (most minus least resentful third) | difference between two weighted means | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included) | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.9 to 1.2 | 4,249 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_dem_high_mean | 3.7 | points on the seven-point scale (1 extremely liberal, 7 extremely conservative) | weighted mean of seven-point self-placement | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included), most resentful third of the resentment index within each survey year | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 3.5 to 3.8 | 411 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_dem_low_mean | 2.6 | points on the seven-point scale (1 extremely liberal, 7 extremely conservative) | weighted mean of seven-point self-placement | white non-Hispanic democrats (leaners included), least resentful third of the resentment index within each survey year | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 2.5 to 2.6 | 3,838 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_gap | 2.1 | points on the seven-point self-placement scale (most minus least resentful third) | difference between two weighted means | white non-Hispanic respondents | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 2.0 to 2.2 | 8,643 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_high_con | 70% | percent calling themselves slightly conservative, conservative or extremely conservative | weighted share with self-placement of 5 to 7 | white non-Hispanic respondents, most resentful third | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 68% to 72% | 3,483 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_high_mean | 5.3 | points on the seven-point scale (1 extremely liberal, 7 extremely conservative) | weighted mean of seven-point self-placement | white non-Hispanic respondents, most resentful third of the resentment index within each survey year | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 5.2 to 5.3 | 3,483 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_low_con | 19% | percent calling themselves slightly conservative, conservative or extremely conservative | weighted share with self-placement of 5 to 7 | white non-Hispanic respondents, least resentful third | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 17% to 20% | 5,160 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_low_mean | 3.2 | points on the seven-point scale (1 extremely liberal, 7 extremely conservative) | weighted mean of seven-point self-placement | white non-Hispanic respondents, least resentful third of the resentment index within each survey year | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 3.1 to 3.2 | 5,160 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_n_dem_high | 411 | respondents | count of respondents in the cell | white non-Hispanic democrats in the most resentful third of the resentment index | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_n_rep_low | 926 | respondents | count of respondents in the cell | white non-Hispanic republicans in the least resentful third of the resentment index | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_rep_gap | 0.6 | points on the seven-point self-placement scale (most minus least resentful third) | difference between two weighted means | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included) | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.5 to 0.7 | 3,711 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_rep_high_mean | 5.6 | points on the seven-point scale (1 extremely liberal, 7 extremely conservative) | weighted mean of seven-point self-placement | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included), most resentful third of the resentment index within each survey year | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 5.6 to 5.7 | 2,785 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_rep_low_mean | 5.0 | points on the seven-point scale (1 extremely liberal, 7 extremely conservative) | weighted mean of seven-point self-placement | white non-Hispanic republicans (leaners included), least resentful third of the resentment index within each survey year | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 5.0 to 5.1 | 926 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_size_high | 28% | percent of white respondents in the most resentful third of the resentment index | weighted share of the pooled white sample that falls in the third (thirds are cut inside each survey year on the weighted distribution, and the index has few distinct values) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 27% to 29% | 13,305 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_size_low | 37% | percent of white respondents in the least resentful third of the resentment index | weighted share of the pooled white sample that falls in the third (thirds are cut inside each survey year on the weighted distribution, and the index has few distinct values) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 36% to 38% | 13,305 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| terc_size_mid | 36% | percent of white respondents in the middle third of the resentment index | weighted share of the pooled white sample that falls in the third (thirds are cut inside each survey year on the weighted distribution, and the index has few distinct values) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 2012, 2016, 2020 and 2024 | 95% CI 34% to 37% | 13,305 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| therm_1986 | −0.32 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 (negative: warmer feelings go with lower resentment) | weighted Pearson correlation between the resentment index and the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer toward Black Americans (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a thermometer rating of Black Americans | 1986 | 95% CI −0.38 to −0.25 | 798 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| therm_2024 | −0.28 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 (negative: warmer feelings go with lower resentment) | weighted Pearson correlation between the resentment index and the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer toward Black Americans (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a thermometer rating of Black Americans | 2024 | 95% CI −0.32 to −0.23 | 3,370 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| therm_strongest | −0.35 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 (negative: warmer feelings go with lower resentment) | weighted Pearson correlation between the resentment index and the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer toward Black Americans (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a thermometer rating of Black Americans | 2016, the year with the strongest correlation of the 13 survey years | 95% CI −0.39 to −0.30 | 2,590 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| therm_weakest | −0.10 | correlation coefficient, from −1 to +1 (negative: warmer feelings go with lower resentment) | weighted Pearson correlation between the resentment index and the 0 to 100 feeling thermometer toward Black Americans (Fisher z interval) | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a thermometer rating of Black Americans | 1998, the year with the weakest correlation of the 13 survey years | 95% CI −0.17 to −0.03 | 874 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_dem | 0.018 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of self-placement on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval | white non-Hispanic Democrats (leaners included) | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI −0.002 to 0.039 | 8,650 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_dem_cl | 0.018 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of self-placement on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval; this fact prints the year-clustered interval (t critical values, one cluster per survey year), which is the narrower one for Democrats | white non-Hispanic Democrats (leaners included) | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.008 to 0.029 | 8,650 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_df_net | 0.032 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of the defense-spending item on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval Net of party identification: the regression adds one dummy variable for each year-by-party-identification category (seven categories in every year), so the effect of party may differ by year. | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement, party-identification categories held fixed | 11 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.009 to 0.054 | 17,420 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_df_total | 0.073 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of the defense-spending item on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 11 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.045 to 0.101 | 17,420 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_hl_net | 0.060 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of the health-insurance item on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval Net of party identification: the regression adds one dummy variable for each year-by-party-identification category (seven categories in every year), so the effect of party may differ by year. | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement, party-identification categories held fixed | 10 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.045 to 0.075 | 19,264 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_hl_total | 0.135 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of the health-insurance item on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 10 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.106 to 0.165 | 19,264 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_net | 0.004 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of self-placement on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval Net of party identification: the regression adds one dummy variable for each year-by-party-identification category (seven categories in every year), so the effect of party may differ by year. | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement, party-identification categories held fixed | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI −0.011 to 0.018 | 20,614 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_partial | 0.018 | change in the partial correlation per decade | per-decade change in the correlation between self-placement and the resentment index after removing year-specific party-identification dummies from both, each survey year counting equally; percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap (500 replicates, seed 12345) that resamples respondents inside each year | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.004 to 0.032 | 20,614 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_party_diff | 0.026 | difference in the change per decade of the within-party correlation (Republicans minus Democrats) | coefficient on Republican x index x decade in one weighted regression of the standardized outcome (standardized inside party and year, each party-year counting equally); the interval is the wider of HC3 and a year-clustered interval | white non-Hispanic Democrats and Republicans (leaners included) | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI −0.003 to 0.055 | 18,810 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_rep | 0.044 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of self-placement on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval | white non-Hispanic Republicans (leaners included) | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.019 to 0.070 | 10,160 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_sv_net | 0.039 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of the government-services item on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval Net of party identification: the regression adds one dummy variable for each year-by-party-identification category (seven categories in every year), so the effect of party may differ by year. | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement, party-identification categories held fixed | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.017 to 0.061 | 20,857 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_sv_total | 0.118 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of the government-services item on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.095 to 0.141 | 20,857 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_total | 0.112 | change in the standardized slope per decade (equal to the change in the correlation for the total and within-party rows) | change per decade in the standardized slope of self-placement on the racial resentment index: the coefficient on index x decade in a weighted regression, each survey year counting equally; the interval is the wider of a respondent-level HC3 interval and a year-clustered interval | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.090 to 0.133 | 20,614 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| tr_within | 0.031 | change in the average within-party correlation per decade | average of the Democratic and Republican per-decade changes in the within-party correlation, each survey year counting equally; percentile interval from a seeded bootstrap (500 replicates, seed 12345) that resamples respondents inside each year | white non-Hispanic respondents with an index score and a self-placement, Democrats and Republicans (leaners included) | 13 years between 1986 and 2024 | 95% CI 0.017 to 0.045 | 20,614 | weight (VCF0009z); mode-specific weight_ftf or weight_web where stated | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |

## Definitions

- Correlation: A number from minus 1 to plus 1 for how closely two measures move together in a straight-line pattern. Zero means no straight-line pattern; a correlation does not say that one measure causes the other.
- Racial resentment: A survey scale, developed by Donald Kinder and Lynn Sanders, that measures moral judgments about the work ethic and deservingness of Black Americans. Higher scores mean more resentment.
- Standardized coefficient: A regression coefficient measured in standard deviations of the variables involved. It lets effects on differently scaled variables be compared.
- Effective sample size: The number of equally weighted respondents that would give the same precision as the weighted sample. It is smaller than the raw count when the weights vary a lot, and it sets how wide the confidence interval is.
- Survey weights: Numbers that scale each respondent so the sample matches the population on known traits such as age, race, education and region. A weighted average counts a respondent with a large weight for more than one with a small weight.
- Partisan leaner: A respondent who first says they are independent but, when asked, says they lean toward one party. Most figures group leaners with the party they lean toward, and each chapter says which grouping it uses.
- HC3 robust standard errors: A way of computing standard errors that stays valid when the spread of the outcome differs across respondents, with a correction for small samples. The book uses it for regressions that have no clusters.
- Clustered standard errors: Standard errors that allow answers within the same group, such as the same county or the same week, to be related. They are wider than ordinary errors when members of a group resemble each other.
- Survey mode: How respondents were interviewed: in person, by phone, on paper or online. Mode can change answers, so a change in mode can look like a change in opinion.
- Feeling thermometer: A 0 to 100 rating of a group or person, where 0 is the coldest feeling and 100 the warmest. The American National Election Studies ask respondents to rate parties, candidates and social groups this way.

## Methods

Sample: white non-Hispanic respondents in the ANES Cumulative Data File, the 13 study years from 1986 to 2024 with at least two of the four resentment statements (none in 1996 and 2002, two in 1998); 20,658 respondents have an index score and a self-placement. Index: each statement recoded from 0 (least resentful answer) to 1 (most resentful), averaged over the statements answered and multiplied by 100. Weights: VCF0009z; mode estimates use weight_ftf and weight_web (2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024).

Estimator: weighted Pearson correlation, equal to the standardized slope when both variables are standardized within the year; net of party means dummy variables for the seven party-identification categories, fitted in each year. Trends: change per decade from a weighted regression on index x decade, with the wider of an HC3 and a year-clustered interval. Intervals: 95%; Fisher z on the Kish effective sample size for correlations; percentile intervals from a seeded bootstrap (500 replicates, seed 12345) for shares; none reflects the survey design. Suppression: at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of 100 per year. Changes and shares use unrounded estimates.

## What these data cannot show

- The ANES is a series of cross-sections.
- A change from one year to the next mixes people who changed their answers, people who changed parties, and the replacement of older cohorts by younger ones, and this chapter cannot separate them.
- The Republican rise in the within-party correlation, for example, could come from Republicans who changed their views or from a different set of people calling themselves Republican in 2024 than in 1986.
- The direction of influence is not identified.
- Resentment and party identification are measured in the same interview.
- Holding party fixed compares respondents who share a party label, and it does not show that party identification is an outcome or a cause of resentment.
- Engelhardt [12] reports, from panel studies in the 1990s and 2000s, that white respondents aligned their racial attitudes with their party loyalties, so a change in resentment scores can follow party as well as precede it.
- The data also cannot show why the parties moved apart.
- They hold no measures of the messages voters heard, no panel that follows the same people, and no experiment.
- The share of the rise that is between the parties depends on how the association is measured, and the intervals reflect sampling error only.
- Several other limits are about measurement and coverage.
- The headline series describes white non-Hispanic respondents, and the toggle for all respondents pools every group as a comparison.
- The resentment statements were not asked in 1996 and 2002, and only two were asked in 1998.
- Intervals assume a simple random sample and ignore the ANES sampling design, which can raise or lower the variance.
- The mode checks cover the years with mode weights and leave out 2020, mean resentment and the policy-item correlations differ by mode within a year, and the trend tests pool the survey years without modeling the change to web interviews in 2012.
- The spillover comparison rests on policy items that the ANES asked in most years, it cannot separate the 2008 to 2012 change from the move to web interviews, and it cannot tell a racialized policy from one that became partisan for other reasons.
- The Floyd period in 2020 is in Planned, Racial attitudes after George Floyd's death (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-after-george-floyd; planned), and other racial attitudes, such as views on interracial marriage and aid to Black Americans, are in Chapter 4.6, Fifty years of racial attitudes (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/fifty-years-of-racial-attitudes).

## References

1. Kinder, Donald R.; Sanders, Lynn M. (1996). Divided by Color: Racial Politics and Democratic Ideals. University of Chicago Press.
2. Kish, Leslie (1965). Survey Sampling. John Wiley and Sons.
3. Fisher, Ronald A. (1921). On the Probable Error of a Coefficient of Correlation Deduced from a Small Sample. Metron 1(4): 3-32.
4. Sides, John; Tesler, Michael; Vavreck, Lynn (2018). Identity Crisis: The 2016 Presidential Campaign and the Battle for the Meaning of America. Princeton University Press. https://press.princeton.edu/books/hardcover/9780691174198/identity-crisis
5. Tesler, Michael (2012). The Spillover of Racialization into Health Care: How President Obama Polarized Public Opinion by Racial Attitudes and Race. American Journal of Political Science 56(3): 690-704. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00577.x
6. Tesler, Michael (2016). Post-Racial or Most-Racial? Race and Politics in the Obama Era. University of Chicago Press. https://press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/chicago/P/bo22961444.html
7. Kinder, Donald R.; Sears, David O. (1981). Prejudice and Politics: Symbolic Racism Versus Racial Threats to the Good Life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 40(3): 414-431.
8. Sears, David O.; Henry, P. J. (2003). The Origins of Symbolic Racism. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 85(2): 259-275.
9. Sniderman, Paul M.; Tetlock, Philip E. (1986). Symbolic Racism: Problems of Motive Attribution in Political Analysis. Journal of Social Issues 42(2): 129-150. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-4560.1986.tb00229.x
10. Feldman, Stanley; Huddy, Leonie (2005). Racial Resentment and White Opposition to Race-Conscious Programs: Principles or Prejudice?. American Journal of Political Science 49(1): 168-183. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.0092-5853.2005.00117.x
11. Carmines, Edward G.; Sniderman, Paul M.; Easter, Beth C. (2011). On the Meaning, Measurement, and Implications of Racial Resentment. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 634(1): 98-116. https://doi.org/10.1177/0002716210387499
12. Engelhardt, Andrew M. (2021). Racial Attitudes Through a Partisan Lens. British Journal of Political Science 51(3): 1062-1079. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0007123419000437

## Provenance

- Pipeline version: 1.0.0
- Build script: book3/chapters/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/build.py (sha256 2d588b0bcfb4d88c458c66d37aa978f36c28f544582ecfea5e9b74c8de9a0a6a)
- Built on: 2026-09-30
- Site commit: 16414b2c7257546a7042d0b1734657f208999f60

Inputs:

| File | Size (bytes) | SHA-256, first 1 MB | SHA-256, last 1 MB |
| --- | ---: | --- | --- |
| data/anes/anes_cdf_clean.parquet | 15,640,720 | b3f0c2d8ae5673b2c40cf6df71318ea3f712cd845c4f1aad0460f28d1b022643 | 04f06dae56b65649291caf6cf77aab9767d9c92d0c2669c6d3655d9063970583 |

Outputs:

| File | SHA-256 |
| --- | --- |
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| figures/mode_check.json | b3c6c01e9062863d1e464133592d941aac3dc2faacfb0225ebfb26af8510ef11 |
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| figures/policy_trends.json | 6e559efe67bf7ff904a347c40a75198d4a0495ef41e1f18e46f636b148edf81f |
| figures/resentment_by_mode.json | b1a36a3a47c9fb20f1d677f539b91d3f644080dceedfb36491088ab2a1aedc20 |
| figures/resentment_by_party.json | 5c10a983279a4d7efd79ef9b3bfe20f2cce5cefb0039062506d89417302cc58c |
| figures/share_table.json | 6e2e27a800d0ca96afe6a25a6ded1774bed7760b60f3346afde0350d53861848 |
| figures/spillover.json | 6774dd94f9268580539a8227b1ed4780ced80468b7addb96c8f727d953740592 |
| figures/spillover_mode.json | 2f9cf067e9d711cbcf5f74437d452e0bd918866b2514e03d9b437246132f9356 |
| figures/tercile_ideology.json | d9aebe6f25ddfecb1373e84f3288fad7d90c4d7631bf3fbc931c6786b221ca70 |
| meta.json | c0de600c00a1cfaf176b608beed01f74ee0746b6890cbe2c834c26632278c1bf |
| refs.json | bf2e01a7f067ea20cddc654fbcb948b9fbe7d5e6a891bd8be64b6c8e34c78316 |

## Machine formats

- Report (HTML): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/report
- Report (Markdown): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/report.md
- Every estimate (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/facts.json
- Table 1, figure "loading_trend" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/loading_trend.json
- Table 2, figure "resentment_by_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/resentment_by_party.json
- Table 3, figure "resentment_by_mode" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/resentment_by_mode.json
- Table 4, figure "party_conditioning" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/party_conditioning.json
- Table 5, figure "share_table" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/share_table.json
- Table 6, figure "tercile_ideology" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/tercile_ideology.json
- Table 7, figure "mode_check" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/mode_check.json
- Table 8, figure "item_check" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/item_check.json
- Table 9, figure "spillover" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/spillover.json
- Table 10, figure "spillover_mode" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/spillover_mode.json
- Table 11, figure "policy_trends" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/racial-attitudes-and-ideology/figures/policy_trends.json
- Index of every report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms.txt; all reports in one file: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms-full.txt