# Health care: report

Chapter 4.4 of The Public Mind, by Vishal Singh (NYU Stern). Generated from the chapter's data files; the reading version is at https://vishalsingh.org/politics/health-care. Table n of this report is figure n of the chapter.

## Identification

- Title: Health care
- Chapter: 4.4 (Part IV, Issues move on different schedules; Coalitions and political differences)
- Question: How have views on government's role in health care divided by party?
- Dek: In the American National Election Studies, the share on the government side of the health insurance scale was 24.4 points higher among Democrats than Republicans in 1970 and 46.6 points higher in 2024.
- Grain: individuals
- Status: draft
- Published: 2026-10-03
- Updated: not revised
- Data sources:
  - ANES Cumulative Data File. Cumulative Data File 1948-2024, government health insurance scale (VCF0806) in the 16 studies from 1970 to 2024; mode weights for 2012, 2016 and 2024; years: 1948-2024 (33 study years; even years only after 2004; no 2006, 2010 or 2014 study); weights: weight (VCF0009z); weight_ftf and weight_web for the mode split
  - General Social Survey. Cumulative data 1972-2024: helpsick (26 surveys, 1975-2024) and natheal (34 surveys, 1973-2024); interview mode and interview date joined from the raw file; years: 1972-2024 (35 study years); weights: weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)
  - Cooperative Election Study. Cumulative CES policy preferences, five health items 2012-2021, with the loader's 2014 recode of the ACA repeal item; years: 2006-2024 (every year; self-reported turnout is available in the 10 even years); weights: weight (single-wave weight)
- Canonical URL: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/health-care
- Report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/health-care/report
- Markdown: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/health-care/report.md
- BibTeX key: singh2026healthcare

```bibtex
@misc{singh2026healthcare,
  author = {Singh, Vishal},
  title = {Health care},
  year = {2026},
  url = {https://vishalsingh.org/politics/health-care},
  note = {In The Public Mind. Published 3 October 2026.}
}
```

## Principal estimates

The facts the dek and the opening prose cite, in order of appearance.

| Estimand | Population | Period | Value | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Fact id |
| --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1970 | 24.4 | 95% CI 18.6 to 30.2 | 1,112 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | gp_a_1970 |
| weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2024 | 46.6 | 95% CI 42.8 to 50.4 | 4,489 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | gp_a_2024 |
| weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2024 | 71.7% | 95% CI 69.0% to 74.3% | 2,360 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | lv_a_d_2024 |
| weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2024 | 25.1% | 95% CI 22.4% to 27.7% | 2,129 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File | lv_a_r_2024 |
| count of ANES study years with VCF0806 | ANES studies that asked the question | 1970-2024 | 16 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | n_anes_waves |
| weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1975 | 17.1 | 95% CI 10.8 to 23.4 | 1,236 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey | gp_g_1975 |
| weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2024 | 42.5 | 95% CI 36.1 to 48.9 | 1,538 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey | gp_g_2024 |
| weighted share choosing the midpoint (point 4) of the seven-point scale, years pooled | ANES respondents who answered the government health insurance question | ANES 1970-2024 | 18% | 95% CI 18% to 19% | 38,318 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_mid_share |
| count of respondents who answered VCF0806 | ANES respondents who answered the government health insurance question | 1970-2024 | 38,318 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | n_anes_item |
| count of respondents who answered helpsick | GSS respondents who answered the help-pay question | 1975-2024 | 39,798 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_gss_help |
| count of GSS survey years with helpsick | GSS survey years that asked the help-pay question | 1975-2024 | 26 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_gss_help_waves |
| count of respondents who answered natheal | GSS respondents who answered the health spending question | 1973-2024 | 41,240 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_gss_spend |
| count of GSS survey years with natheal | GSS survey years that asked the health spending question | 1973-2024 | 34 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_gss_spend_waves |
| share of all respondents (2705) who answered the government health insurance scale (unweighted count) | ANES respondents in 1972 | 1972 | 41% |   | 1,112 | none (unweighted count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_cov_1972 |
| share of all respondents (2257) who answered the government health insurance scale (unweighted count) | ANES respondents in 1984 | 1984 | 35% |   | 792 | none (unweighted count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_cov_1984 |
| share of all respondents (1807) who answered the government health insurance scale (unweighted count) | ANES respondents in 2000 | 2000 | 52% |   | 935 | none (unweighted count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_cov_2000 |
| share of all respondents (2322) who answered the government health insurance scale (unweighted count) | ANES respondents in 2008 | 2008 | 45% |   | 1,044 | none (unweighted count) | ANES Cumulative Data File | a_cov_2008 |

## Findings

In the American National Election Studies (ANES), 71.7% of Democrats and 25.1% of Republicans placed themselves on the government side of a seven-point scale from a government insurance plan to private insurance plans in 2024, a gap of 46.6 (95% CI 42.8 to 50.4) points. The gap was already 24.4 (95% CI 18.6 to 30.2) points in 1970, the first study that asked, and its interval lies above zero in all 16 ANES studies that did, so the two parties did not start from agreement. The General Social Survey (GSS) words the question differently, asking whether the federal government should help people pay for doctors and hospital bills, and shows a gap of 17.1 (95% CI 10.8 to 23.4) points in 1975 and 42.5 (95% CI 36.1 to 48.9) points in 2024.

Each question is scored for its government-side answer: the answers nearest the government plan on the ANES scale, the answers nearest government help on the GSS five-point scale and, for the Cooperative Election Study (CES), the answer that Democrats give more often (supporting a proposal, or opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act). The ANES cut counts every answer from the government plan up to, but not including, the midpoint as the government side and leaves the midpoint, which 18% of the answers chose, in the denominator. A gap is the Democratic share minus the Republican share, in points, so a positive gap means that Democrats were more likely to give the answer. Party includes leaners, and independents are the respondents who lean toward neither party. Every interval is a 95% confidence interval. Democratic, independent and Republican shares are reported separately, because a gap can widen when either party moves. (Note: Shares use the survey weights and cover respondents who answered the item: 38,318 in 16 ANES studies from 1970 to 2024, 39,798 in 26 GSS surveys from 1975 to 2024 for the question on help paying for medical care, and 41,240 in 34 GSS surveys from 1973 to 2024 for the question on spending. The ANES asked the scale of only a subsample of respondents in 1972, 1984, 2000 and 2008, reaching 41%, 35%, 52% and 45% of respondents. Answers of don't know and of not having thought about it are left out. Intervals use the Kish effective sample size [1] and treat the weighted sample as if respondents had been drawn one by one, which ignores the stages of the sample design. The CES is an opt-in panel, so its intervals rest on a model and say nothing about who chose to join.)

Each survey asks in its own words (Table 1), so a level in one survey is not comparable with a level in another and no line in this chapter joins two surveys. The ANES scale contrasts a government insurance plan with private insurance. The GSS question asks about the responsibility of the government in Washington for help with medical bills. A second GSS question asks whether the country spends too much, too little or about the right amount on the nation's health, and it mentions neither insurance nor the government's role. The CES asks about named policies, and its spending item concerns state legislatures.

Table 1. Each survey asks about government's role in health care in its own words and on its own scale

Two dates are marked on the charts. President Clinton's health plan was proposed in 1993 and did not pass Congress in 1994 [2], and the Affordable Care Act became law in March 2010 [3]. The dates are positions on the axis. Each survey is treated as its own sample, with the ANES panel overlaps described at the end, so a comparison of surveys before and after a date gives the timing of two measurements and does not test whether the event moved opinion. Tesler reports that opinion on health care came to line up with racial attitudes under President Obama [4], and Companion 4.6a, Racial attitudes and ideology (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/racial-attitudes-and-ideology) tests that with the ANES item used here. Chapter 8.3, Party and place (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/party-and-place) compares the ACA party gap with the gap between deep-red and deep-blue counties, and Chapter 4.7, Sort dates by attitude (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/sort-dates-by-attitude) dates when other attitudes became partisan, so this chapter dates no threshold. The [Issues explorer](https://vishalsingh.org/politics/explore/issues) shows the CES gaps by group and place.

### The parties differed before 1993

Table 2 plots the gap in every survey year. Before 1993 the ANES gap ran from 16.8 (95% CI 9.7 to 23.9) points in 1984 to 30.2 (95% CI 25.8 to 34.5) points in 1992. Pooled over the studies from 1970 to 1992 it was 24.3 (95% CI 22.3 to 26.3) points, with 55.2% of Democrats and 30.8% of Republicans on the government side. The GSS gap on help with medical bills was 17.3 (95% CI 15.0 to 19.6) points pooled over the surveys from 1975 to 1991, with 58.1% of Democrats and 40.8% of Republicans on the government side. The interval for the gap lies above zero in all 7 ANES studies and all 9 GSS help-pay surveys before 1993, and in every later one.

Table 2. The party gap on government's role in health care was above zero in every survey that asked about it and larger after 2010 than before 1993

The gap was larger in each later period on the cut used here. Pooled over the studies of 1994 to 2008 the ANES gap was 30.5 (95% CI 27.8 to 33.3) points, and pooled over 2012 to 2024 it was 46.8 (95% CI 45.1 to 48.4) points. The gap changed by +6.2 (95% CI 2.8 to 9.6) points from the period before 1993 to the middle one and by +16.2 (95% CI 13.0 to 19.4) points from the middle one to the last. The second change is larger than the first, and their intervals do not overlap. The GSS help-pay gap was 26.4 (95% CI 24.3 to 28.4) points pooled over 1993 to 2008 and 39.9 (95% CI 37.6 to 42.1) points pooled over 2010 to 2024, changes of +9.1 (95% CI 6.0 to 12.1) and +13.5 (95% CI 10.4 to 16.6) points. In the GSS the two changes have overlapping intervals, so the data do not rank them. The point estimate of every survey from 2010 on is larger than that of any survey before 1993 in both series.

The first ANES change depends on where the scale is cut. Counting a narrower government side, the end point of the scale and the point beside it, gives pooled gaps of 22.5, 23.9 and 39.0 points and a first change of +1.4 (95% CI −1.8 to 4.5) points, an interval that includes zero. Counting every answer up to the midpoint gives a first change of +10.9 (95% CI 7.5 to 14.3) points. The second change, the change from the first period to the last, and the fall in the Republican share in each step hold under all three cuts. The GSS changes keep their sign under the two other cuts tested, which narrow the government side to the end answer and which widen it to include the midpoint. The ANES therefore finds a larger gap from 2010 on under every cut and a larger gap in the middle period only on the cut used here.

Between adjacent surveys the gap moves in both directions, by amounts that single-year samples mostly cannot separate from zero. The interval for the change between adjacent ANES studies excludes zero for 4 of the 15 pairs: 1988 to 1992 (+7.5 (95% CI 1.0 to 14.0) points), 2008 to 2012 (+9.8 (95% CI 1.4 to 18.2)), 2016 to 2020 (+14.3 (95% CI 9.8 to 18.8)) and 2020 to 2024 (−7.4 (95% CI −12.1 to −2.8)), a fall. In the GSS it does so for 3 of the 25 pairs: 1975 to 1983 (+9.9 (95% CI 0.8 to 18.9) points), 1983 to 1984 (−9.7 (95% CI −19.3 to −0.2)), a fall, and 2018 to 2021 (+9.9 (95% CI 1.4 to 18.4)). Of these 7 intervals, 5 have a bound within 2 points of zero, and the intervals ignore the stages of the sample design, so each of these steps is weak evidence taken alone. The GSS gap rose and then fell by similar amounts in adjacent surveys in 1975 to 1984, so the single-year points describe a period better than any one step.

### The Republican share was lower after both dates

The Republican share on the government side was lower after both dates in both surveys, and in the ANES so was the Democratic share. Table 3 compares the surveys on either side of each date. Around the Clinton plan the ANES gap changed by +0.5 (95% CI −6.2 to 7.3) points from 1992 to 1994, as the Democratic share changed by −12.1 (95% CI −17.0 to −7.2) points and the Republican share by −12.6 (95% CI −17.3 to −8.0) points. In the GSS the gap changed by +7.0 (95% CI −1.9 to 16.0) points from 1993 to 1994, with the Republican share changing by −8.5 (95% CI −15.0 to −1.9) points and the Democratic share by −1.4 (95% CI −7.5 to 4.7) points. Around the ACA debate the ANES gap changed by +9.8 (95% CI 1.4 to 18.2) points from 2008 to 2012, with Republican and Democratic changes of −15.5 (95% CI −21.8 to −9.2) and −5.7 (95% CI −11.2 to −0.1) points. The GSS gap changed by +7.5 (95% CI −2.2 to 17.1) points from 2008 to 2010, with Republican and Democratic changes of −13.8 (95% CI −20.9 to −6.7) and −6.3 (95% CI −12.9 to 0.2) points. The GSS 2010 survey was in the field from mid-March to mid-August, and 94% of the respondents who answered the help-pay question were interviewed after the law was signed in late March.

The Republican change has an interval below zero in all four comparisons. The Democratic fall in the two ANES comparisons has an interval for 2008 to 2012 that reaches close to zero. The gap's interval excludes zero only for the ANES in 2008 to 2012, and the ANES gap changed little from 1992 to 1994 because the Democratic and Republican shares fell by similar amounts. The 1992 ANES is high for both parties. The Democratic share was 52.3% in 1988, 64.2% in 1992 and 52.1% in 1994, and the Republican share was 29.6%, 34.1% and 21.4%, so the change from 1992 to 1994 starts from a high point. The Republican share in 1994 and 1996 (21.4% and 21.0%) was also below its level in 2000, 2004 and 2008 (29.1%, 28.9% and 28.9%), so the middle period averages a dip and the fall from before 1993 to that period is not a steady decline. The ANES row for 2008 to 2012 spans the study's addition of a web sample, taken up below.

Table 3. The Republican share on the government side was lower in the survey after each date than in the survey before it

### The Republican share fell in both steps

The Democratic share rose in the last step in both surveys, and in the first step only in the GSS. Table 4 shows the shares behind the gaps. In the ANES the Republican share on the government side was 30.8% before 1993, 24.9% from 1994 to 2008 and 17.9% from 2012 on, falling by −5.9 (95% CI −8.4 to −3.5) and −7.0 (95% CI −9.2 to −4.8) points between periods. The Democratic share was 55.2%, 55.4% and 64.7%, and it changed by +0.3 (95% CI −2.1 to 2.7) points in the first step, an interval that includes zero, and by +9.3 (95% CI 6.9 to 11.6) points in the second. In the GSS help-pay question the Republican share fell from 40.8% to 35.7% to 28.5%, by −5.2 (95% CI −7.5 to −2.9) and −7.2 (95% CI −9.4 to −4.9) points. The Democratic share rose from 58.1% to 62.0% to 68.4%, by +3.9 (95% CI 1.8 to 5.9) and +6.4 (95% CI 4.3 to 8.4) points.

Over the whole span the ANES Republican share changed by −12.9 (95% CI −14.7 to −11.1) points and the Democratic share by +9.6 (95% CI 7.7 to 11.4) points. The fall in the Republican share exceeds the rise in the Democratic share by +3.3 (95% CI 0.8 to 5.9) points, an interval above zero, so the ANES says that the Republican share moved more. The GSS shares changed by −12.3 (95% CI −14.7 to −9.9) and +10.2 (95% CI 8.1 to 12.3) points, and the fall exceeds the rise by +2.1 (95% CI −1.1 to 5.3) points, an interval that includes zero, so the GSS does not say which party moved more. In both surveys the Republican share fell in every step and the Democratic share rose in the last step, and the Democratic share rose in the first step in the GSS and not in the ANES. The ANES gap fell between 2020 and 2024 with the Republican share changing by +8.2 (95% CI 5.0 to 11.4) points and the Democratic share by +0.8 (95% CI −2.6 to 4.1) points, an interval that includes zero.

Table 4. In the ANES and the GSS help-pay question the Republican share on the government side was lower and the Democratic share higher from 2010 on than before 1993

Independents lay between the two parties in all 12 ANES studies and all 21 GSS surveys whose independent cell clears the floor. The independent share in the ANES was 47.8% before 1993 and 42.1% from 2012 on, and in the GSS 49.4% and 51.8%.

### The spending question has its own pattern

The GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health does not mention the government's role or insurance. A majority of Republicans said too little in 25 of the 34 surveys by point estimate, and the interval for the Republican share lies above a majority in 19 of them and below a majority in 4. The gap on this question was 13.2 (95% CI 11.4 to 15.0), 17.6 (95% CI 15.5 to 19.7) and 25.5 (95% CI 22.8 to 28.2) points pooled over the three periods, and its interval lies above zero in 32 of the 34 surveys. Because it is a different question, its levels are not compared with the help-pay levels.

The spending question also moves with the period in a way the help-pay question does not. The share of all respondents saying too little was 63.0% before 1993, 71.9% from 1993 to 2008 and 65.5% from 2010 on, changing by +8.9 (95% CI 7.7 to 10.2) and −6.4 (95% CI −7.9 to −4.9) points, whereas the help-pay share among all respondents changes by an amount whose interval includes zero in both steps. The Republican share was 54.5%, 61.9% and 50.7%, and the Democratic share rose and then fell, so the spending gap widened in the last period with the Republican share falling by more than the Democratic share. The gap does not settle. It was 29.2 (95% CI 21.0 to 37.4) points in 2010 and 15.4 (95% CI 8.6 to 22.3) in 2016, a change of −13.8 (95% CI −24.4 to −3.1) points whose interval excludes zero. It was 41.7 (95% CI 36.0 to 47.3) in 2021, the largest gap in the series, and 15.3 (95% CI 8.2 to 22.5) in 2024, a change of −26.3 (95% CI −35.5 to −17.2) points, also with an interval that excludes zero. The 2021 survey was mostly web, and among web respondents the change from 2021 to 2024 was −18.7 (95% CI −29.7 to −7.7) points. The in-person spending cells in 2022 and 2024 are too small to report, so no in-person survey checks the 2021 value.

### The CES gaps on the ACA and on later proposals

In the CES, Democrats were more likely than Republicans to give the Democratic-side answer in all 22 item-years other than the 2014 repeal item, by 37.3 to 68.7 points. The 2014 repeal item gives a gap of 69.2 (95% CI 68.2 to 70.2) points after a recode that is explained below. The CES asked about the Affordable Care Act in every year from 2012 to 2021 (Table 5). The share opposing repeal was 80.3% among Democrats and 23.9% among Republicans in 2012, a gap of 56.4 (95% CI 55.2 to 57.6) points, and 79.6% and 26.6% in 2021, a gap of 53.1 (95% CI 51.5 to 54.6) points. In the years other than 2014 the gap ran from 51.3 to 68.7 points. The CES health items begin in 2012, after the law passed, so they cannot show whether the gap on the ACA widened the way the ANES and GSS gaps did. The wording of the repeal question changes in 2014, in 2016 and from 2018, so the lines in the figure join only years with the same wording. Within the 2018 to 2021 wording the Democratic share changed by −5.4 (95% CI −6.5 to −4.2) points, the Republican share by +3.1 (95% CI 1.7 to 4.6) points and the gap by −8.5 (95% CI −10.3 to −6.7) points.

Table 5. Democrats opposed repealing the ACA more often than Republicans in every CES year, counting 2014 after a recode, with independents between them

The 2014 point needs its own explanation. The cumulative file gives support the same code and label in every year, but in 2014 the code labelled support is the Democratic answer. Read at face value, the stored 2014 answers would make Democrats more likely than Republicans to support repealing the law, by 69.2 (95% CI 68.2 to 70.2) points, whereas in the other years Republicans are more likely than Democrats to support repeal, by 51.3 to 68.7 points. The loader reverses the code for the 55,829 respondents who answered in 2014, and the reversed gap is 69.2 (95% CI 68.2 to 70.2) points. The guide to the cumulative policy file says that an earlier version of the file applied the same switch of support and oppose to the 2014 answers and that the later version does not, because the 2014 question already asked about repealing the law [5]. The stored counts equal the later version, so the file in use is the one without the switch. What differs in 2014 is the party pattern of the answers and not the label, and the reversal rests on that pattern and on the earlier version's switch, not on a value label that explains it. The 2014 question also differs in wording from the neighboring years, describing the provisions of the law and asking how the respondent would vote (Table 1). The chapter therefore draws 2014 as an open point apart from the lines and uses it in no comparison.

Table 6 gives the other CES health items. The Medicare for All gap was 52.2 (95% CI 51.2 to 53.3) points in 2018 under one wording, and 53.2 (95% CI 51.4 to 55.0), 57.8 (95% CI 56.8 to 58.8) and 57.9 (95% CI 56.5 to 59.4) points in 2019, 2020 and 2021 under another. The gap on restoring the ACA mandate was 42.1 (95% CI 40.3 to 43.9), 43.7 (95% CI 42.6 to 44.8) and 41.5 (95% CI 39.9 to 43.0) points in 2019, 2020 and 2021, and the gap on lowering the Medicare eligibility age was 37.3 (95% CI 35.4 to 39.3) and 40.0 (95% CI 38.9 to 41.2) points in 2019 and 2020. On state health spending the gap was 45.4 (95% CI 44.1 to 46.7), 40.5 (95% CI 39.3 to 41.7), 45.3 (95% CI 44.2 to 46.4) and 49.0 (95% CI 47.9 to 50.1) points in the four even years. The interval for the gap lies above zero in every item-year, counting 2014 after the recode, and the independent share lies between the parties in every one.

Table 6. Democrats gave the Democratic-side answer more often than Republicans on every other CES health item, with independents between them

### Interview mode changes the reading of the latest movement

The ANES added a web sample in 2012, the 2020 ANES study had no in-person interviews [6], and the GSS moved to the web in 2021, when 87.3% of the respondents who answered the help-pay question were interviewed that way. The latest movements in each survey therefore mix any change of opinion with a change of mode. Table 7 compares like with like where the data allow it.

In the ANES the gap changed by +9.8 (95% CI 1.4 to 18.2) points from 2008 to 2012. Among in-person respondents, the only mode in 2008, the change is +8.2 (95% CI −1.5 to 17.8) points, an interval that includes zero, and the Republican share among them changed by −11.7 (95% CI −18.9 to −4.5) points, an interval below zero. Web and in-person respondents in 2012 differ by +2.5 (95% CI −4.4 to 9.4) points, and the web minus in-person differences in 2016 and 2024 are −4.9 (95% CI −12.9 to 3.0) and +1.7 (95% CI −8.0 to 11.4) points. All three intervals include zero, and together they run from −12.9 to +11.4 points, so they do not rule out a mode difference as large as the rise from 2008 to 2012.

The largest step is 2016 to 2020, +14.3 (95% CI 9.8 to 18.8) points. The 2020 study has no separate weights by mode, but 2016 web respondents alone give a rise of +15.6 (95% CI 10.6 to 20.6) points to all 2020 respondents. That compares one mode with all respondents and cannot separate the 2020 design from a change of opinion. The two samples also share people, since the 2020 study includes 2,839 re-interviews of 2016 respondents among 8,280 pre-election interviews. From 2020 to 2024 the gap changed by −7.4 (95% CI −12.1 to −2.8) points, and among 2024 fresh web respondents alone the change from 2020 is −4.9 (95% CI −11.1 to 1.2) points, an interval that includes zero. In 2024, 1,901 of the 4,489 partisans who answered the scale come from the panel outside the fresh samples, and the gap among the fresh in-person and web samples alone is 47.0 (95% CI 42.2 to 51.9) points, against 46.6 for all respondents.

Table 7. The ANES gap was higher in 2020 than among 2016 web respondents, and the in-person GSS gap in 2022 cannot be told from its 2018 level

In the GSS the help-pay gap changed by +9.9 (95% CI 1.4 to 18.4) points from 2018 to 2021, the survey in which most interviews moved to the web and which has no in-person group. The like-for-like comparison runs from 2018 to 2022, the first later survey with in-person respondents. Among all respondents the change is +1.9 (95% CI −8.0 to 11.7) points, and among in-person respondents it is −6.0 (95% CI −18.9 to 6.8) points. Both intervals include zero, and the in-person interval still allows a rise. The gap among web respondents was 45.5 points in 2021, 43.9 in 2022 and 49.5 in 2024, and among in-person respondents it was 39.1 in 2018 and 33.1 in 2022. The web gap exceeds the in-person gap in the same survey by +10.9 (95% CI −3.5 to 25.2) points in 2022 and +16.8 (95% CI 2.8 to 30.7) points in 2024, so the all-respondent GSS series cannot separate the mode from the 2021 move. The rise around the ACA debate appears among in-person respondents, +10.5 (95% CI 0.2 to 20.9) points from 2008 to 2010, although the lower end of that interval is close to zero.

The period comparison does not depend on the web samples. Among in-person respondents alone the ANES gap was 43.0 (95% CI 39.1 to 46.8) points over 2012, 2016 and 2024, a change of +18.6 (95% CI 14.3 to 23.0) points from the period before 1993. The in-person GSS gap over 2010 to 2018, 2022 and 2024 was 36.8 (95% CI 33.9 to 39.7) points, a change of +19.5 (95% CI 15.8 to 23.2) points.

### The gap widened within age and education groups

A widening gap among all respondents could come from one kind of respondent. Table 8 splits the gap by age and education and compares the period before 1993 with 2010 and after. Among all ANES partisans the gap was 24.3 (95% CI 22.3 to 26.3) points before 1993 and 46.8 (95% CI 45.1 to 48.4) points from 2010 on, and in every group of either survey the later interval lies above the earlier one.

Table 8. The party gap was larger from 2010 on than before 1993 in every age and education group

The three age groups have overlapping intervals in both periods and in both surveys. The later ANES gaps are 44.7 (95% CI 41.8 to 47.6) points in the youngest group, 46.2 (95% CI 43.5 to 48.9) points in the middle group and 48.5 (95% CI 45.5 to 51.6) points in the oldest group, the one at or above the age of Medicare eligibility. Education separates the groups in both periods. In the ANES the gap among people with a high school education or less was 19.3 (95% CI 16.6 to 22.0) points before 1993 and 33.9 (95% CI 30.3 to 37.5) points from 2010 on, against 34.7 (95% CI 30.4 to 38.9) and 59.5 (95% CI 57.3 to 61.7) points among college graduates. In the GSS the same order holds between people without and with a bachelor's degree, at 33.8 (95% CI 30.9 to 36.7) and 53.4 (95% CI 50.0 to 56.8) points in the later period.

Both parties contribute to the education difference in the later period. Among ANES Democrats the government-side share was 57.0% (95% CI 54.2% to 59.7%) with a high school education or less and 72.7% (95% CI 71.0% to 74.3%) among college graduates, and among Republicans it was 23.1% (95% CI 20.8% to 25.4%) and 13.2% (95% CI 11.8% to 14.6%). Chapter 3.4, The diploma divide (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/the-diploma-divide) takes up the education divide in vote and party.

### What these data cannot show

The intervals treat each study as an independent sample, and the ANES has exceptions. The 2020 study includes 2,839 re-interviews of 2016 respondents among 8,280 pre-election interviews, and 1,901 of the 4,489 partisans who answered the scale in 2024 come from the panel outside the fresh samples. The intervals for changes that involve 2016, 2020 and 2024, and for the mode comparisons that set one mode against all 2020 respondents, treat the samples as independent. If answers by the same person are positively correlated across waves, those intervals are wider than panel-aware intervals would be. A gap can also widen because people change their view, change their party or are replaced by new adults, and the surveys cannot say which. The comparisons around the Clinton plan and the ACA debate use two surveys each, one on either side, and give no read of the months between them; the ANES fields a study only in election years, and the GSS surveys that bracket each date are a year or more apart. They cannot separate the two events from anything else that happened between the surveys, and they say nothing about the cause of the Republican decline in either period.

The three surveys measure three things. The ANES scale is about insurance, the GSS help-pay question is about the federal government's responsibility for medical bills, and the CES items name policies that were on the national agenda in the years they were asked. A reader should not take the ANES gap, the GSS gap and the CES gap as three estimates of one quantity. The CES health items begin in 2012 and end in 2021, so they have nothing before the ACA passed and nothing for 2022 to 2024. The wording changes for the ACA item in 2014, 2016 and 2018 and for Medicare for All in 2019, and the 2014 answers needed a reversal that rests on the party pattern and on an earlier version of the file, not on a value label. The CES intervals ignore how the panel was recruited. The government side of the ANES scale is also a choice, and the first change between periods depends on it.

The 2020 ANES study has no mode weights, so the 2016 to 2020 step cannot be split by mode, and the web and in-person comparisons are wide. The ANES asked the scale of a subsample of respondents in 1972, 1984, 2000 and 2008, reaching 41%, 35%, 52% and 45% of respondents, so the intervals for those studies are wider and the 2008 to 2012 step carries a wide interval. The GSS asked the spending question of a subsample from 1984 to 1993. Neither survey measures how much respondents care about the issue, how they would trade coverage against cost, or what they know about the programs they were asked about, and neither the ANES scale nor the GSS items name Medicare or Medicaid. The group results combine years, so they describe the periods and not any single year, and the groups are cross-sections, not people followed over time.

## Tables

### Table 1. Each survey asks about government's role in health care in its own words and on its own scale

Question wording or file label, answers offered, years used and the answer counted, by survey and item

| Survey | Item | Question wording or file label | Answers | Years used | Answer counted |
| --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- |
| ANES cumulative file | Government against private health insurance (VCF0806) | A government insurance plan that would cover all medical and hospital expenses, against medical expenses paid by individuals and private insurance plans; respondents place themselves on a seven-point scale (file label: Government Health Insurance Scale; end points: government insurance plan, private insurance plan). | Seven points; haven't thought much is left out | 1970, 1972, 1976, 1978, 1984, 1988, 1992, 1994, 1996, 2000, 2004, 2008, 2012, 2016, 2020, 2024 | Points 1 to 3, the government side |
| GSS | Government help paying for medical care (helpsick) | In general, some people think that it is the responsibility of the government in Washington to see to it that people have help in paying for doctors and hospital bills. Others think that these matters are not the responsibility of the federal government and that people should take care of these things themselves. Where would you place yourself on this scale, or haven't you made up your mind on this? | Five points, 1 government should help to 5 people should help themselves; the midpoint is agree with both | 1975, 1983, 1984, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024 | Points 1 and 2, the government side |
| GSS | Spending on the nation's health (natheal) | Are we spending too much, too little, or about the right amount on improving and protecting the nation's health? | Too little, about the right amount, too much | 1973, 1974, 1975, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1980, 1982, 1983, 1984, 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1991, 1993, 1994, 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, 2008, 2010, 2012, 2014, 2016, 2018, 2021, 2022, 2024 | Too little |
| CES | Repeal the Affordable Care Act, 2012, 2013, 2015, 2017 | Congress considered many important bills over the past few years. For each of the following tell us whether you support or oppose the legislation in principle. Repeal Affordable Care Act. Would repeal the Affordable Care Act. | Support, oppose | 2012, 2013, 2015, 2017 | Oppose |
| CES | Repeal the Affordable Care Act, 2014 | The Affordable Health Care Act was passed into law in 2010. It does the following: requires Americans to obtain health insurance; prevents insurance companies from denying coverage for pre-existing conditions; allows people to keep current health insurance and care provider; sets up national health insurance option for those without coverage, but allows states the option to implement their own insurance system. Would you vote to repeal the Affordable Care Act if you were in Congress in today? | Support, oppose (in the file, code 1 is the Democratic answer in this year; see the text) | 2014 | Oppose, after the loader recode |
| CES | Repeal the Affordable Care Act, 2016 | Congress considers many issues. If you were in Congress would you vote for or against each of the following? Repeal Affordable Care Act. Would repeal the Affordable Care Act of 2009 (also known as Obamacare). | Support, oppose | 2016 | Oppose |
| CES | Repeal the Affordable Care Act, 2018 to 2021 | Thinking now about health care policy, would you support or oppose each of the following proposals? Repeal the entire Affordable Care Act. (The 2020 and 2021 stems are shortened.) | Support, oppose | 2018 to 2021 | Oppose |
| CES | Medicare for All, 2018 | Thinking now about health care policy, would you support or oppose each of the following proposals? Provide Medicare for all Americans. | Support, oppose | 2018 | Support |
| CES | Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 | Expand Medicare to a single comprehensive public health care coverage program that would cover all Americans. (The 2019 stem is the health care policy stem above.) | Support, oppose | 2019 to 2021 | Support |
| CES | Restore the ACA mandate | Restore the Affordable Care Act's mandate that all individuals be required to purchase health insurance. | Support, oppose | 2019, 2020, 2021 | Support |
| CES | Lower the Medicare age | Lower the eligibility age for Medicare from 65 to 50. | Support, oppose | 2019, 2020 | Support |
| CES | State spending on health care | State legislatures must make choices when making spending decisions on important state programs. Would you like your legislature to increase or decrease spending on the five areas below? Health Care. (2014 and 2020 use shorter forms.) | Greatly increase, slightly increase, maintain, slightly decrease, greatly decrease | 2014, 2016, 2018, 2020 | Greatly or slightly increase |

Note: The ANES row gives the file label and the end points of the scale; the full question text was not checked in each study. The GSS wording is from the GSS dictionary and the CES wording is quoted from the guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences file, whose item labels are shorter.

Note: The CES health spending item asks about state legislatures, not the federal government. The ANES seven-point item is coded 1 for the government plan in the cumulative file, and the file leaves out the respondents who were not asked the scale: it reaches only a subsample in 1972, 1984, 2000 and 2008.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1970-2024, General Social Survey dictionary, 1973-2024, and the guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences file, 2012-2021; question wording only, no weights apply

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/wording.json

### Table 2. The party gap on government's role in health care was above zero in every survey that asked about it and larger after 2010 than before 1993

Democratic minus Republican share on the government side (ANES, GSS help) or saying we spend too little (GSS spending), party identifiers including leaners, 1970 to 2024; 95% intervals

| Survey and answer | Year | Gap (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| ANES: government plan | 1970 | 24.4 | 18.6 | 30.2 | 1,112 |
| ANES: government plan | 1972 | 18.8 | 12.5 | 25.0 | 959 |
| ANES: government plan | 1976 | 24.2 | 19.3 | 29.2 | 1,494 |
| ANES: government plan | 1978 | 25.1 | 20.3 | 29.8 | 1,596 |
| ANES: government plan | 1984 | 16.8 | 9.7 | 23.9 | 688 |
| ANES: government plan | 1988 | 22.7 | 17.9 | 27.5 | 1,512 |
| ANES: government plan | 1992 | 30.2 | 25.8 | 34.5 | 1,873 |
| ANES: government plan | 1994 | 30.7 | 25.6 | 35.9 | 1,470 |
| ANES: government plan | 1996 | 31.0 | 25.7 | 36.3 | 1,402 |
| ANES: government plan | 2000 | 24.4 | 17.1 | 31.6 | 822 |
| ANES: government plan | 2004 | 32.6 | 26.2 | 39.1 | 991 |
| ANES: government plan | 2008 | 32.1 | 24.3 | 39.9 | 914 |
| ANES: government plan | 2012 | 41.9 | 38.7 | 45.1 | 4,760 |
| ANES: government plan | 2016 | 39.8 | 36.2 | 43.4 | 3,294 |
| ANES: government plan | 2020 | 54.0 | 51.3 | 56.7 | 6,577 |
| ANES: government plan | 2024 | 46.6 | 42.8 | 50.4 | 4,489 |
| GSS: government should help | 1975 | 17.1 | 10.8 | 23.4 | 1,236 |
| GSS: government should help | 1983 | 27.0 | 20.5 | 33.5 | 1,348 |
| GSS: government should help | 1984 | 17.3 | 10.3 | 24.2 | 1,235 |
| GSS: government should help | 1986 | 21.4 | 15.3 | 27.5 | 1,233 |
| GSS: government should help | 1987 | 16.8 | 10.7 | 22.9 | 1,565 |
| GSS: government should help | 1988 | 11.8 | 4.4 | 19.3 | 857 |
| GSS: government should help | 1989 | 16.4 | 9.1 | 23.8 | 872 |
| GSS: government should help | 1990 | 12.9 | 5.1 | 20.7 | 771 |
| GSS: government should help | 1991 | 14.1 | 6.8 | 21.4 | 866 |
| GSS: government should help | 1993 | 20.0 | 12.7 | 27.3 | 882 |
| GSS: government should help | 1994 | 27.0 | 21.8 | 32.2 | 1,654 |
| GSS: government should help | 1996 | 23.8 | 18.4 | 29.2 | 1,539 |
| GSS: government should help | 1998 | 21.8 | 16.3 | 27.4 | 1,508 |
| GSS: government should help | 2000 | 29.1 | 23.6 | 34.7 | 1,445 |
| GSS: government should help | 2002 | 30.5 | 22.4 | 38.7 | 705 |
| GSS: government should help | 2004 | 22.5 | 14.1 | 31.0 | 727 |
| GSS: government should help | 2006 | 29.2 | 23.4 | 35.1 | 1,498 |
| GSS: government should help | 2008 | 32.1 | 25.3 | 38.9 | 1,093 |
| GSS: government should help | 2010 | 39.6 | 32.8 | 46.4 | 1,060 |
| GSS: government should help | 2012 | 31.8 | 24.5 | 39.0 | 1,017 |
| GSS: government should help | 2014 | 38.6 | 32.9 | 44.3 | 1,255 |
| GSS: government should help | 2016 | 43.6 | 38.1 | 49.1 | 1,520 |
| GSS: government should help | 2018 | 36.5 | 29.6 | 43.5 | 1,203 |
| GSS: government should help | 2021 | 46.4 | 41.5 | 51.3 | 2,005 |
| GSS: government should help | 2022 | 38.4 | 31.4 | 45.4 | 1,703 |
| GSS: government should help | 2024 | 42.5 | 36.1 | 48.9 | 1,538 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1973 | 13.4 | 7.4 | 19.5 | 1,242 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1974 | 6.9 | 0.7 | 13.1 | 1,212 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1975 | 12.4 | 6.2 | 18.7 | 1,225 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1976 | 11.6 | 5.2 | 18.1 | 1,205 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1977 | 14.0 | 7.7 | 20.3 | 1,277 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1978 | 18.5 | 11.4 | 25.6 | 1,247 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1980 | 21.9 | 15.0 | 28.9 | 1,164 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1982 | 14.1 | 7.3 | 20.9 | 1,538 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1983 | 18.7 | 12.0 | 25.4 | 1,345 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1984 | 23.0 | 11.7 | 34.2 | 404 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1985 | 10.9 | 1.6 | 20.2 | 639 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1986 | 14.6 | 5.9 | 23.4 | 614 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1987 | 15.2 | 5.3 | 25.2 | 517 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1988 | 6.7 | −1.7 | 15.1 | 598 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1989 | 10.7 | 2.5 | 18.8 | 639 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1990 | 7.0 | −1.1 | 15.1 | 572 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1991 | 12.0 | 4.0 | 19.9 | 631 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1993 | 17.3 | 9.6 | 24.9 | 662 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1994 | 24.7 | 18.8 | 30.7 | 1,234 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1996 | 21.2 | 15.2 | 27.2 | 1,153 |
| GSS: spending too little | 1998 | 14.1 | 7.9 | 20.4 | 1,075 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2000 | 14.8 | 8.6 | 21.0 | 1,068 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2002 | 16.2 | 9.9 | 22.4 | 1,042 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2004 | 14.3 | 8.5 | 20.1 | 1,150 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2006 | 17.8 | 11.5 | 24.1 | 1,130 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2008 | 15.7 | 8.4 | 23.0 | 787 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2010 | 29.2 | 21.0 | 37.4 | 792 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2012 | 25.1 | 16.2 | 34.1 | 752 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2014 | 25.7 | 18.5 | 32.9 | 965 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2016 | 15.4 | 8.6 | 22.3 | 1,129 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2018 | 23.4 | 15.9 | 31.0 | 898 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2021 | 41.7 | 36.0 | 47.3 | 1,467 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2022 | 29.8 | 21.3 | 38.4 | 1,248 |
| GSS: spending too little | 2024 | 15.3 | 8.2 | 22.5 | 1,155 |

Note: The 2012, 2016 and 2024 ANES studies combined in-person and web samples, and the 2020 study had no in-person interviews. GSS interviews were mostly in person through 2018, mostly on the web in 2021, and in both modes in 2022 and 2024. The text and the mode figure check what these changes can do to the lines.

Note: The ANES asked the scale of a subsample of respondents in 1972, 1984, 2000 and 2008, so those intervals are wider. The ANES government side is the three points nearest the government plan, and the midpoint stays in the denominator. The GSS asked the spending question of a subsample from 1984 to 1993, so its intervals are wider there. A party cell needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1970-2024, and General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight, VCF0009z; weight_use)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/gap_by_year.json

### Table 3. The Republican share on the government side was lower in the survey after each date than in the survey before it

Change between the surveys that bracket the Clinton plan (1993 to 1994) and the ACA debate and passage (2009 to 2010) in the party gap and in each party's government-side share; leaners included; 95% intervals

| Panel | Comparison | Change (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Change in the gap | ANES 1992 to 1994 | 0.5 | −6.2 | 7.3 | 3,343 |
| Change in the Democratic share | ANES 1992 to 1994 | −12.1 | −17.0 | −7.2 | 1,822 |
| Change in the Republican share | ANES 1992 to 1994 | −12.6 | −17.3 | −8.0 | 1,521 |
| Change in the gap | GSS 1993 to 1994 | 7.0 | −1.9 | 16.0 | 2,536 |
| Change in the Democratic share | GSS 1993 to 1994 | −1.4 | −7.5 | 4.7 | 1,383 |
| Change in the Republican share | GSS 1993 to 1994 | −8.5 | −15.0 | −1.9 | 1,153 |
| Change in the gap | ANES 2008 to 2012 | 9.8 | 1.4 | 18.2 | 5,674 |
| Change in the Democratic share | ANES 2008 to 2012 | −5.7 | −11.2 | −0.1 | 3,469 |
| Change in the Republican share | ANES 2008 to 2012 | −15.5 | −21.8 | −9.2 | 2,205 |
| Change in the gap | GSS 2008 to 2010 | 7.5 | −2.2 | 17.1 | 2,153 |
| Change in the Democratic share | GSS 2008 to 2010 | −6.3 | −12.9 | 0.2 | 1,296 |
| Change in the Republican share | GSS 2008 to 2010 | −13.8 | −20.9 | −6.7 | 857 |

Note: The ANES added web interviews in 2012, so the 2008 to 2012 row mixes a change of mode with any change of opinion; the mode figure splits it. The GSS pairs are the closest GSS surveys on each side of the event dates.

Note: The 2008 ANES asked the item of a subsample of its respondents, which widens the intervals of the 2008 to 2012 row. The GSS 2010 survey was in the field from March to August, and most of its interviews followed the signing of the ACA in late March.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1992, 1994, 2008 and 2012, and General Social Survey, 1993, 1994, 2008 and 2010; weighted (weight, VCF0009z; weight_use)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/dated_changes.json

### Table 4. In the ANES and the GSS help-pay question the Republican share on the government side was lower and the Democratic share higher from 2010 on than before 1993

Share on the government side (ANES, GSS help-pay) or saying we spend too little (GSS spending), by party identification; leaners are in the parties and independents lean toward neither; all respondents dashed; 95% intervals

| Survey and answer | Group | Year | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 1970 | 45.2 | 42.4 | 47.9 | 1,284 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 1972 | 45.5 | 42.6 | 48.4 | 1,112 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 1976 | 44.2 | 41.9 | 46.6 | 1,769 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 1978 | 45.2 | 42.9 | 47.4 | 1,884 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 1984 | 37.8 | 34.4 | 41.1 | 792 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 1988 | 42.4 | 40.0 | 44.7 | 1,707 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 1992 | 51.6 | 49.5 | 53.8 | 2,140 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 1994 | 38.2 | 35.6 | 40.8 | 1,637 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 1996 | 39.3 | 36.6 | 42.1 | 1,536 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 2000 | 44.4 | 40.8 | 47.9 | 935 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 2004 | 46.7 | 43.5 | 49.9 | 1,112 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 2008 | 47.5 | 43.7 | 51.3 | 1,044 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 2012 | 35.7 | 34.0 | 37.4 | 5,471 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 2016 | 38.2 | 36.4 | 40.1 | 3,765 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 2020 | 45.0 | 43.5 | 46.5 | 7,352 |
| ANES: government plan | All respondents | 2024 | 49.7 | 47.7 | 51.8 | 4,778 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 1970 | 54.5 | 50.8 | 58.2 | 697 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 1972 | 52.9 | 48.8 | 57.1 | 561 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 1976 | 53.6 | 50.2 | 56.9 | 869 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 1978 | 54.4 | 51.3 | 57.5 | 1,006 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 1984 | 45.0 | 39.7 | 50.2 | 347 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 1988 | 52.3 | 48.9 | 55.8 | 793 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 1992 | 64.2 | 61.3 | 67.1 | 1,068 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 1994 | 52.1 | 48.2 | 56.1 | 754 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 1996 | 52.0 | 48.1 | 55.9 | 806 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 2000 | 53.5 | 48.5 | 58.5 | 480 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 2004 | 61.6 | 57.0 | 66.1 | 536 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 2008 | 61.0 | 56.0 | 65.9 | 620 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 2012 | 55.3 | 52.8 | 57.8 | 2,849 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 2016 | 56.6 | 53.7 | 59.4 | 1,704 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 2020 | 70.9 | 68.8 | 73.0 | 3,472 |
| ANES: government plan | Democrats | 2024 | 71.7 | 69.0 | 74.3 | 2,360 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 1970 | 43.8 | 36.2 | 51.5 | 162 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 1972 | 48.0 | 39.9 | 56.0 | 148 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 1976 | 47.0 | 40.7 | 53.2 | 257 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 1978 | 46.3 | 40.4 | 52.3 | 272 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 1988 | 48.1 | 40.8 | 55.3 | 183 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 1992 | 53.4 | 47.3 | 59.6 | 257 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 1994 | 47.1 | 38.5 | 55.7 | 161 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 1996 | 44.7 | 35.1 | 54.2 | 129 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 2012 | 35.6 | 31.0 | 40.3 | 696 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 2016 | 42.3 | 37.0 | 47.7 | 458 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 2020 | 45.0 | 40.2 | 49.9 | 755 |
| ANES: government plan | Independents | 2024 | 51.4 | 42.7 | 60.2 | 267 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 1970 | 30.1 | 25.7 | 34.5 | 415 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 1972 | 34.2 | 29.5 | 38.8 | 398 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 1976 | 29.3 | 25.7 | 33.0 | 625 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 1978 | 29.3 | 25.6 | 33.0 | 590 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 1984 | 28.2 | 23.4 | 32.9 | 341 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 1988 | 29.6 | 26.3 | 33.0 | 719 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 1992 | 34.1 | 30.8 | 37.3 | 805 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 1994 | 21.4 | 18.1 | 24.7 | 716 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 1996 | 21.0 | 17.3 | 24.6 | 596 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 2000 | 29.1 | 23.8 | 34.4 | 342 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 2004 | 28.9 | 24.4 | 33.4 | 455 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 2008 | 28.9 | 22.9 | 34.9 | 294 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 2012 | 13.4 | 11.4 | 15.4 | 1,911 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 2016 | 16.8 | 14.6 | 19.0 | 1,590 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 2020 | 16.9 | 15.2 | 18.6 | 3,105 |
| ANES: government plan | Republicans | 2024 | 25.1 | 22.4 | 27.7 | 2,129 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1975 | 49.9 | 47.1 | 52.8 | 1,453 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1983 | 48.4 | 45.2 | 51.6 | 1,540 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1984 | 45.1 | 41.9 | 48.3 | 1,409 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1986 | 49.4 | 46.5 | 52.3 | 1,427 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1987 | 47.9 | 45.1 | 50.8 | 1,774 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1988 | 48.4 | 44.9 | 51.9 | 972 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1989 | 55.6 | 52.2 | 59.1 | 1,010 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1990 | 58.7 | 55.0 | 62.4 | 871 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1991 | 56.8 | 53.3 | 60.2 | 993 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1993 | 52.6 | 49.2 | 56.1 | 1,026 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1994 | 47.3 | 44.8 | 49.8 | 1,945 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1996 | 48.8 | 46.3 | 51.3 | 1,867 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 1998 | 49.0 | 46.4 | 51.5 | 1,849 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2000 | 50.5 | 47.9 | 53.0 | 1,830 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2002 | 51.3 | 47.5 | 55.1 | 898 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2004 | 54.1 | 50.1 | 58.0 | 864 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2006 | 52.3 | 49.6 | 54.9 | 1,964 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2008 | 54.0 | 50.8 | 57.1 | 1,331 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2010 | 45.9 | 42.5 | 49.3 | 1,326 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2012 | 45.5 | 42.1 | 48.9 | 1,297 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2014 | 43.1 | 40.3 | 45.8 | 1,640 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2016 | 49.8 | 47.0 | 52.5 | 1,896 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2018 | 52.2 | 48.9 | 55.4 | 1,528 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2021 | 54.1 | 51.7 | 56.4 | 2,627 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2022 | 55.8 | 52.6 | 59.0 | 2,323 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All respondents | 2024 | 53.1 | 50.1 | 56.1 | 2,138 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1975 | 56.7 | 52.9 | 60.5 | 795 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1983 | 58.7 | 54.4 | 63.0 | 826 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1984 | 53.0 | 48.5 | 57.5 | 729 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1986 | 59.5 | 55.5 | 63.5 | 716 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1987 | 55.9 | 52.0 | 59.8 | 1,009 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1988 | 55.0 | 50.0 | 60.0 | 473 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1989 | 63.2 | 58.2 | 68.2 | 471 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1990 | 64.4 | 59.1 | 69.7 | 411 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1991 | 62.4 | 57.4 | 67.4 | 447 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1993 | 61.2 | 56.3 | 66.2 | 483 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1994 | 59.8 | 56.2 | 63.4 | 900 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1996 | 58.7 | 55.0 | 62.4 | 861 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 1998 | 58.9 | 55.1 | 62.7 | 847 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2000 | 63.0 | 59.2 | 66.8 | 804 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2002 | 63.5 | 58.0 | 69.0 | 405 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2004 | 65.0 | 59.3 | 70.7 | 397 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2006 | 64.5 | 60.6 | 68.4 | 839 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2008 | 67.0 | 62.7 | 71.3 | 653 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2010 | 60.6 | 55.7 | 65.6 | 643 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2012 | 58.2 | 53.4 | 63.0 | 627 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2014 | 58.0 | 53.9 | 62.1 | 746 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2016 | 69.2 | 65.5 | 72.9 | 914 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2018 | 70.2 | 65.9 | 74.5 | 676 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2021 | 74.8 | 71.7 | 78.0 | 1,187 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2022 | 74.4 | 70.0 | 78.7 | 939 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Democrats | 2024 | 73.0 | 68.7 | 77.3 | 826 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 1975 | 44.1 | 36.5 | 51.7 | 200 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 1984 | 43.4 | 34.2 | 52.7 | 147 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 1986 | 45.9 | 37.7 | 54.1 | 182 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 1987 | 45.7 | 37.3 | 54.2 | 188 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 1989 | 57.9 | 48.4 | 67.4 | 123 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 1993 | 56.5 | 46.8 | 66.2 | 128 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 1994 | 44.6 | 37.4 | 51.8 | 228 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 1996 | 53.9 | 47.3 | 60.4 | 293 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 1998 | 51.3 | 44.6 | 58.1 | 293 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2000 | 52.9 | 46.9 | 58.8 | 339 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2002 | 54.5 | 45.3 | 63.8 | 171 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2006 | 56.6 | 50.7 | 62.4 | 430 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2008 | 56.0 | 47.9 | 64.1 | 207 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2010 | 50.6 | 42.5 | 58.7 | 230 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2012 | 48.1 | 39.9 | 56.2 | 233 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2014 | 50.2 | 43.9 | 56.5 | 335 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2016 | 45.3 | 38.1 | 52.6 | 306 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2018 | 49.3 | 41.5 | 57.2 | 254 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2021 | 48.7 | 43.6 | 53.8 | 531 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2022 | 60.0 | 53.5 | 66.6 | 534 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Independents | 2024 | 55.7 | 49.7 | 61.6 | 537 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1975 | 39.6 | 34.6 | 44.6 | 441 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1983 | 31.7 | 26.8 | 36.6 | 522 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1984 | 35.8 | 30.4 | 41.1 | 506 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1986 | 38.1 | 33.5 | 42.7 | 517 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1987 | 39.1 | 34.3 | 43.8 | 556 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1988 | 43.2 | 37.7 | 48.7 | 384 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1989 | 46.8 | 41.4 | 52.2 | 401 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1990 | 51.5 | 45.7 | 57.3 | 360 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1991 | 48.3 | 43.0 | 53.6 | 419 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1993 | 41.3 | 35.9 | 46.6 | 399 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1994 | 32.8 | 29.1 | 36.5 | 754 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1996 | 34.9 | 31.0 | 38.9 | 678 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 1998 | 37.1 | 33.1 | 41.1 | 661 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2000 | 33.9 | 29.8 | 38.0 | 641 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2002 | 33.0 | 26.9 | 39.0 | 300 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2004 | 42.4 | 36.3 | 48.6 | 330 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2006 | 35.3 | 30.9 | 39.6 | 659 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2008 | 34.9 | 29.6 | 40.2 | 440 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2010 | 21.0 | 16.3 | 25.8 | 417 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2012 | 26.5 | 21.0 | 32.0 | 390 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2014 | 19.4 | 15.4 | 23.4 | 509 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2016 | 25.6 | 21.5 | 29.7 | 606 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2018 | 33.7 | 28.2 | 39.1 | 527 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2021 | 28.4 | 24.7 | 32.1 | 818 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2022 | 36.0 | 30.5 | 41.4 | 764 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Republicans | 2024 | 30.5 | 25.8 | 35.2 | 712 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1973 | 62.7 | 60.0 | 65.4 | 1,445 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1974 | 66.3 | 63.6 | 69.0 | 1,426 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1975 | 65.4 | 62.7 | 68.1 | 1,425 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1976 | 63.1 | 60.4 | 65.9 | 1,441 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1977 | 58.2 | 55.4 | 61.0 | 1,454 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1978 | 57.5 | 54.3 | 60.7 | 1,471 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1980 | 57.8 | 54.6 | 61.0 | 1,407 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1982 | 59.8 | 56.8 | 62.8 | 1,761 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1983 | 59.9 | 56.7 | 63.0 | 1,531 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1984 | 59.9 | 54.7 | 65.1 | 465 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1985 | 64.4 | 60.1 | 68.7 | 727 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1986 | 60.0 | 55.9 | 64.0 | 702 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1987 | 70.9 | 66.4 | 75.4 | 589 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1988 | 69.3 | 65.5 | 73.2 | 692 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1989 | 70.0 | 66.2 | 73.7 | 738 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1990 | 73.2 | 69.4 | 77.0 | 653 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1991 | 70.9 | 67.2 | 74.6 | 729 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1993 | 75.0 | 71.5 | 78.5 | 768 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1994 | 66.9 | 64.1 | 69.6 | 1,440 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1996 | 67.5 | 64.7 | 70.2 | 1,394 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 1998 | 67.8 | 64.9 | 70.6 | 1,345 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2000 | 71.8 | 69.1 | 74.5 | 1,379 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2002 | 72.8 | 70.1 | 75.6 | 1,336 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2004 | 77.9 | 75.3 | 80.5 | 1,382 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2006 | 73.5 | 70.7 | 76.2 | 1,451 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2008 | 76.5 | 73.4 | 79.7 | 973 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2010 | 58.7 | 54.9 | 62.4 | 988 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2012 | 59.7 | 55.8 | 63.6 | 969 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2014 | 57.5 | 54.3 | 60.7 | 1,240 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2016 | 63.0 | 59.9 | 66.1 | 1,405 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2018 | 70.7 | 67.3 | 74.1 | 1,156 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2021 | 66.0 | 63.4 | 68.6 | 1,966 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2022 | 68.3 | 64.8 | 71.8 | 1,747 |
| GSS: spending too little | All respondents | 2024 | 73.8 | 70.8 | 76.7 | 1,645 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1973 | 67.1 | 63.4 | 70.7 | 771 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1974 | 68.1 | 64.5 | 71.7 | 795 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1975 | 69.5 | 66.0 | 73.1 | 794 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1976 | 67.3 | 63.7 | 70.9 | 805 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1977 | 63.0 | 59.3 | 66.6 | 840 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1978 | 63.5 | 59.3 | 67.8 | 776 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1980 | 66.2 | 62.0 | 70.5 | 731 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1982 | 64.2 | 60.3 | 68.0 | 1,060 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1983 | 67.3 | 63.1 | 71.5 | 820 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1984 | 68.7 | 61.9 | 75.5 | 243 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1985 | 69.2 | 63.0 | 75.4 | 340 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1986 | 64.9 | 59.4 | 70.3 | 363 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1987 | 75.6 | 70.0 | 81.2 | 340 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1988 | 72.1 | 66.8 | 77.5 | 339 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1989 | 72.8 | 67.4 | 78.3 | 345 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1990 | 76.9 | 71.5 | 82.3 | 288 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1991 | 76.9 | 71.8 | 82.1 | 325 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1993 | 81.9 | 77.3 | 86.4 | 357 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1994 | 77.7 | 74.2 | 81.1 | 705 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1996 | 76.0 | 72.2 | 79.7 | 628 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 1998 | 74.7 | 70.8 | 78.6 | 607 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2000 | 77.4 | 73.6 | 81.1 | 612 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2002 | 80.1 | 76.2 | 84.1 | 570 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2004 | 84.3 | 80.8 | 87.7 | 613 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2006 | 81.4 | 77.7 | 85.1 | 654 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2008 | 83.4 | 79.5 | 87.3 | 479 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2010 | 69.9 | 64.7 | 75.0 | 458 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2012 | 68.9 | 63.7 | 74.1 | 476 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2014 | 67.8 | 63.4 | 72.2 | 581 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2016 | 70.2 | 65.9 | 74.4 | 663 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2018 | 83.6 | 79.5 | 87.6 | 498 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2021 | 84.2 | 81.1 | 87.2 | 868 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2022 | 80.4 | 75.8 | 85.0 | 719 |
| GSS: spending too little | Democrats | 2024 | 79.8 | 75.2 | 84.4 | 622 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1973 | 62.9 | 54.0 | 71.7 | 139 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1974 | 67.8 | 59.1 | 76.5 | 138 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1975 | 67.6 | 60.2 | 75.0 | 186 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1976 | 61.1 | 54.1 | 68.1 | 228 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1977 | 56.2 | 47.7 | 64.6 | 161 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1978 | 62.6 | 54.2 | 71.1 | 210 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1980 | 57.2 | 49.1 | 65.3 | 232 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1982 | 64.8 | 56.7 | 72.9 | 204 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1994 | 70.6 | 62.6 | 78.6 | 168 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1996 | 78.0 | 71.6 | 84.4 | 215 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 1998 | 67.0 | 60.0 | 73.9 | 236 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2000 | 74.7 | 68.9 | 80.6 | 283 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2002 | 75.3 | 69.1 | 81.6 | 255 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2004 | 80.7 | 74.6 | 86.9 | 211 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2006 | 73.7 | 67.3 | 80.1 | 289 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2008 | 75.1 | 67.3 | 83.0 | 162 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2010 | 65.7 | 56.7 | 74.6 | 168 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2012 | 60.1 | 51.1 | 69.1 | 187 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2014 | 59.5 | 52.1 | 67.0 | 230 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2016 | 60.3 | 51.9 | 68.7 | 230 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2018 | 67.6 | 59.5 | 75.6 | 213 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2021 | 62.6 | 56.9 | 68.4 | 411 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2022 | 72.5 | 65.8 | 79.2 | 421 |
| GSS: spending too little | Independents | 2024 | 78.6 | 73.2 | 84.0 | 429 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1973 | 53.6 | 48.8 | 58.5 | 471 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1974 | 61.2 | 56.2 | 66.3 | 417 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1975 | 57.1 | 52.0 | 62.2 | 431 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1976 | 55.7 | 50.3 | 61.0 | 400 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1977 | 48.9 | 43.8 | 54.1 | 437 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1978 | 45.0 | 39.3 | 50.8 | 471 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1980 | 44.3 | 38.8 | 49.8 | 433 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1982 | 50.1 | 44.5 | 55.6 | 478 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1983 | 48.6 | 43.4 | 53.8 | 525 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1984 | 45.7 | 36.8 | 54.7 | 161 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1985 | 58.3 | 51.4 | 65.2 | 299 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1986 | 50.2 | 43.4 | 57.1 | 251 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1987 | 60.4 | 52.1 | 68.6 | 177 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1988 | 65.4 | 58.9 | 71.9 | 259 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1989 | 62.2 | 56.0 | 68.3 | 294 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1990 | 69.9 | 63.9 | 75.9 | 284 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1991 | 65.0 | 59.0 | 70.9 | 306 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1993 | 64.6 | 58.5 | 70.7 | 305 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1994 | 52.9 | 48.1 | 57.8 | 529 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1996 | 54.8 | 50.1 | 59.4 | 525 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 1998 | 60.6 | 55.8 | 65.5 | 468 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2000 | 62.6 | 57.6 | 67.5 | 456 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2002 | 64.0 | 59.1 | 68.9 | 472 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2004 | 69.9 | 65.3 | 74.6 | 537 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2006 | 63.6 | 58.5 | 68.6 | 476 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2008 | 67.7 | 61.5 | 73.9 | 308 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2010 | 40.7 | 34.3 | 47.0 | 334 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2012 | 43.8 | 36.5 | 51.1 | 276 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2014 | 42.1 | 36.4 | 47.9 | 384 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2016 | 54.8 | 49.4 | 60.2 | 466 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2018 | 60.1 | 53.8 | 66.5 | 400 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2021 | 42.5 | 37.7 | 47.3 | 599 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2022 | 50.6 | 43.4 | 57.8 | 529 |
| GSS: spending too little | Republicans | 2024 | 64.4 | 58.9 | 70.0 | 533 |

Views: ANES: government plan (instrument = ANES: government plan); GSS: government should help pay (instrument = GSS: government should help pay); GSS: spending too little (instrument = GSS: spending too little).

Note: An independent cell is drawn only where it has at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100, so some independent points are missing, in the ANES view in 1984, 2000, 2004 and 2008.

Note: The ANES counts points 1 to 3 of the seven-point scale, the GSS help-pay view counts points 1 and 2 of the five-point scale, and the GSS spending view counts the answer too little. The ANES scale was asked of a subsample in 1972, 1984, 2000 and 2008, and the midpoint of the scale stays in the denominator.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1970-2024, and General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight, VCF0009z; weight_use)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/share_by_party.json

### Table 5. Democrats opposed repealing the ACA more often than Republicans in every CES year, counting 2014 after a recode, with independents between them

Share opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act, by party identification including leaners, 2012 to 2021; open points are the 2014 and 2016 questions, which are worded differently; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

| Group | Year | Question worded differently from its neighbours (2014, 2016) | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | ---: | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Democrats | 2012 | no | 80.3 | 79.5 | 81.1 | 24,358 |
| Democrats | 2013 | no | 73.4 | 72.0 | 74.9 | 7,267 |
| Democrats | 2014 | yes | 80.0 | 79.3 | 80.8 | 25,595 |
| Democrats | 2015 | no | 66.1 | 64.5 | 67.7 | 6,584 |
| Democrats | 2016 | yes | 70.9 | 70.2 | 71.6 | 31,104 |
| Democrats | 2017 | no | 83.9 | 82.7 | 85.0 | 8,518 |
| Democrats | 2018 | no | 85.0 | 84.4 | 85.6 | 27,585 |
| Democrats | 2019 | no | 81.8 | 80.7 | 83.0 | 8,228 |
| Democrats | 2020 | no | 83.1 | 82.5 | 83.7 | 29,302 |
| Democrats | 2021 | no | 79.6 | 78.7 | 80.6 | 12,445 |
| Independents | 2012 | no | 53.9 | 52.1 | 55.8 | 5,890 |
| Independents | 2013 | no | 37.6 | 35.0 | 40.2 | 2,825 |
| Independents | 2014 | yes | 34.3 | 32.7 | 35.9 | 8,616 |
| Independents | 2015 | no | 37.0 | 34.1 | 39.9 | 2,159 |
| Independents | 2016 | yes | 34.6 | 33.3 | 35.9 | 10,471 |
| Independents | 2017 | no | 47.2 | 44.5 | 49.8 | 3,161 |
| Independents | 2018 | no | 53.9 | 52.2 | 55.6 | 8,514 |
| Independents | 2019 | no | 46.3 | 43.5 | 49.1 | 2,631 |
| Independents | 2020 | no | 53.0 | 51.3 | 54.6 | 8,839 |
| Independents | 2021 | no | 49.8 | 47.8 | 51.8 | 4,352 |
| Republicans | 2012 | no | 23.9 | 23.0 | 24.8 | 19,613 |
| Republicans | 2013 | no | 12.3 | 11.1 | 13.6 | 5,153 |
| Republicans | 2014 | yes | 10.8 | 10.2 | 11.5 | 18,925 |
| Republicans | 2015 | no | 14.8 | 13.4 | 16.1 | 4,833 |
| Republicans | 2016 | yes | 11.7 | 11.1 | 12.2 | 20,818 |
| Republicans | 2017 | no | 15.2 | 13.9 | 16.5 | 5,733 |
| Republicans | 2018 | no | 23.5 | 22.7 | 24.2 | 21,693 |
| Republicans | 2019 | no | 18.6 | 17.4 | 19.8 | 6,435 |
| Republicans | 2020 | no | 21.3 | 20.5 | 22.0 | 20,358 |
| Republicans | 2021 | no | 26.6 | 25.4 | 27.8 | 8,139 |

Note: The cumulative file labels code 1 as support in every year, but in 2014 that code is the Democratic answer, the opposite of the party pattern in every other year. The loader reverses the 2014 answers, and the open 2014 point is the answer after the reversal; with the stored code the 2014 gap would have the opposite sign. The 2014 question also differs in wording from the neighbouring years, as the wording table shows.

Note: The wording is a bill considered in Congress in 2012, 2013, 2015 and 2017, a vote for or against in 2016 and a health care proposal to repeal the entire law from 2018. Each party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. The CES is an opt-in panel, so the intervals rest on a model.

Source: Cooperative Election Study cumulative policy preferences, 2012-2021; weighted (single-wave weight), opt-in panel

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/ces_aca.json

### Table 6. Democrats gave the Democratic-side answer more often than Republicans on every other CES health item, with independents between them

Share supporting each CES health proposal, by party identification including leaners, 2014 to 2021; 95% intervals from an opt-in panel

| Item | Group | Year | Share (%) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Medicare for All, 2018 wording | Democrats | 2018 | 91.8 | 91.3 | 92.3 | 27,585 |
| Medicare for All, 2018 wording | Independents | 2018 | 71.4 | 69.8 | 73.0 | 8,520 |
| Medicare for All, 2018 wording | Republicans | 2018 | 39.6 | 38.7 | 40.5 | 21,684 |
| Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 wording | Democrats | 2019 | 78.2 | 77.0 | 79.4 | 8,226 |
| Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 wording | Democrats | 2020 | 87.6 | 87.1 | 88.2 | 29,313 |
| Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 wording | Democrats | 2021 | 88.4 | 87.6 | 89.2 | 12,445 |
| Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 wording | Independents | 2019 | 57.9 | 55.1 | 60.7 | 2,633 |
| Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 wording | Independents | 2020 | 64.7 | 63.1 | 66.3 | 8,850 |
| Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 wording | Independents | 2021 | 64.3 | 62.4 | 66.3 | 4,352 |
| Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 wording | Republicans | 2019 | 25.0 | 23.7 | 26.3 | 6,425 |
| Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 wording | Republicans | 2020 | 29.8 | 29.0 | 30.6 | 20,379 |
| Medicare for All, 2019 to 2021 wording | Republicans | 2021 | 30.5 | 29.3 | 31.7 | 8,139 |
| Restore the ACA mandate | Democrats | 2019 | 58.6 | 57.1 | 60.0 | 8,220 |
| Restore the ACA mandate | Democrats | 2020 | 61.7 | 60.9 | 62.6 | 29,301 |
| Restore the ACA mandate | Democrats | 2021 | 59.1 | 58.0 | 60.3 | 12,445 |
| Restore the ACA mandate | Independents | 2019 | 29.3 | 26.7 | 31.9 | 2,636 |
| Restore the ACA mandate | Independents | 2020 | 32.2 | 30.6 | 33.7 | 8,848 |
| Restore the ACA mandate | Independents | 2021 | 28.5 | 26.7 | 30.3 | 4,352 |
| Restore the ACA mandate | Republicans | 2019 | 16.5 | 15.3 | 17.6 | 6,430 |
| Restore the ACA mandate | Republicans | 2020 | 18.1 | 17.4 | 18.8 | 20,381 |
| Restore the ACA mandate | Republicans | 2021 | 17.7 | 16.6 | 18.7 | 8,139 |
| Lower the Medicare age to 50 | Democrats | 2019 | 72.3 | 71.0 | 73.6 | 8,228 |
| Lower the Medicare age to 50 | Democrats | 2020 | 77.0 | 76.3 | 77.7 | 29,301 |
| Lower the Medicare age to 50 | Independents | 2019 | 59.8 | 57.0 | 62.5 | 2,640 |
| Lower the Medicare age to 50 | Independents | 2020 | 62.5 | 60.9 | 64.1 | 8,846 |
| Lower the Medicare age to 50 | Republicans | 2019 | 35.0 | 33.6 | 36.5 | 6,431 |
| Lower the Medicare age to 50 | Republicans | 2020 | 37.0 | 36.1 | 37.9 | 20,373 |
| Increase state health spending | Democrats | 2014 | 69.4 | 68.4 | 70.3 | 22,144 |
| Increase state health spending | Democrats | 2016 | 72.1 | 71.3 | 72.9 | 24,870 |
| Increase state health spending | Democrats | 2018 | 86.7 | 86.0 | 87.3 | 24,096 |
| Increase state health spending | Democrats | 2020 | 87.1 | 86.5 | 87.7 | 25,216 |
| Increase state health spending | Independents | 2014 | 41.1 | 39.3 | 42.9 | 7,468 |
| Increase state health spending | Independents | 2016 | 44.1 | 42.6 | 45.6 | 8,435 |
| Increase state health spending | Independents | 2018 | 61.5 | 59.7 | 63.3 | 7,010 |
| Increase state health spending | Independents | 2020 | 58.2 | 56.5 | 60.0 | 7,243 |
| Increase state health spending | Republicans | 2014 | 24.0 | 23.0 | 24.9 | 16,935 |
| Increase state health spending | Republicans | 2016 | 31.5 | 30.6 | 32.4 | 17,935 |
| Increase state health spending | Republicans | 2018 | 41.3 | 40.4 | 42.3 | 19,308 |
| Increase state health spending | Republicans | 2020 | 38.1 | 37.2 | 39.0 | 17,942 |

Note: The 2018 Medicare for All question reads provide Medicare for all Americans and the 2019 to 2021 questions read expand Medicare to a single comprehensive public health care coverage program, so the 2018 point is not joined to the later line. The spending item asks about state legislatures and was asked in even years only.

Note: Each party cell needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. The CES is an opt-in panel, so the intervals rest on a model. The ACA repeal item is in its own figure.

Source: Cooperative Election Study cumulative policy preferences, 2012-2021; weighted (single-wave weight), opt-in panel

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/ces_items.json

### Table 7. The ANES gap was higher in 2020 than among 2016 web respondents, and the in-person GSS gap in 2022 cannot be told from its 2018 level

Changes in the Democratic minus Republican gap within one interview mode, and web minus in-person differences in the same year; leaners included; 95% intervals

| Panel | Comparison | Estimate (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Change in the gap within or across modes | ANES in person, 2008 to 2012 | 8.2 | −1.5 | 17.8 | 2,570 |
| Change in the gap within or across modes | ANES web 2016 to all 2020 | 15.6 | 10.6 | 20.6 | 8,895 |
| Change in the gap within or across modes | ANES all 2020 to web 2024 | −4.9 | −11.1 | 1.2 | 8,244 |
| Change in the gap within or across modes | GSS in person, 2008 to 2010 | 10.5 | 0.2 | 20.9 | 1,909 |
| Change in the gap within or across modes | GSS all respondents, 2018 to 2022 | 1.9 | −8.0 | 11.7 | 2,906 |
| Change in the gap within or across modes | GSS in person, 2018 to 2022 | −6.0 | −18.9 | 6.8 | 1,848 |
| Change in the gap within or across modes | GSS web, 2021 to 2024 | 4.0 | −5.8 | 13.9 | 2,586 |
| Change in the gap within or across modes | GSS spending, web, 2021 to 2024 | −18.7 | −29.7 | −7.7 | 1,919 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | ANES 2012 | 2.5 | −4.4 | 9.4 | 4,760 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | ANES 2016 | −4.9 | −12.9 | 3.0 | 3,294 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | ANES 2024 | 1.7 | −8.0 | 11.4 | 2,588 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | GSS 2022 | 10.9 | −3.5 | 25.2 | 1,541 |
| Web minus in-person gap, same year | GSS 2024 | 16.8 | 2.8 | 30.7 | 1,373 |

Note: The 2024 ANES mode groups are the fresh in-person and fresh web samples; the panel respondents are in neither. The ANES 2008 study was in person only. GSS in-person rows leave out phone and other interviews, and the 2021 GSS has no in-person group, so the in-person comparison runs from 2018 to 2022.

Note: The GSS spending row is the only row about the spending question; every other GSS row is the help-pay question. Cells need at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100 in each party.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 2008 to 2024, and General Social Survey, 2008 to 2024; weighted (weight_ftf and weight_web, the ANES weights for each mode; weight_use)

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/mode_check.json

### Table 8. The party gap was larger from 2010 on than before 1993 in every age and education group

Democratic minus Republican share on the government side, before 1993 against 2010 and after, by group; party identifiers including leaners; 95% intervals

| Survey and answer | Group | Gap before 1993 (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents | Gap from 2010 (points) | Lower | Upper | Respondents |
| --- | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| ANES: government plan | All partisans | 24.3 | 22.3 | 26.3 | 9,234 | 46.8 | 45.1 | 48.4 | 19,120 |
| ANES: government plan | Under 45 | 24.5 | 21.8 | 27.3 | 4,848 | 44.7 | 41.8 | 47.6 | 6,728 |
| ANES: government plan | 45 to 64 | 23.9 | 20.3 | 27.5 | 2,769 | 46.2 | 43.5 | 48.9 | 6,749 |
| ANES: government plan | 65 or older | 25.0 | 20.2 | 29.8 | 1,584 | 48.5 | 45.5 | 51.6 | 5,091 |
| ANES: government plan | High school or less | 19.3 | 16.6 | 22.0 | 5,359 | 33.9 | 30.3 | 37.5 | 4,301 |
| ANES: government plan | Some college | 26.3 | 22.0 | 30.5 | 1,940 | 44.9 | 42.0 | 47.8 | 6,299 |
| ANES: government plan | College graduate | 34.7 | 30.4 | 38.9 | 1,837 | 59.5 | 57.3 | 61.7 | 8,315 |
| GSS: government should help pay | All partisans | 17.3 | 15.0 | 19.6 | 9,983 | 39.9 | 37.6 | 42.1 | 11,301 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Under 45 | 17.1 | 14.0 | 20.2 | 5,449 | 37.2 | 33.3 | 41.1 | 4,311 |
| GSS: government should help pay | 45 to 64 | 18.3 | 13.9 | 22.7 | 2,615 | 39.6 | 35.8 | 43.3 | 3,892 |
| GSS: government should help pay | 65 or older | 17.7 | 12.6 | 22.8 | 1,891 | 43.5 | 39.3 | 47.7 | 2,837 |
| GSS: government should help pay | No bachelor's degree | 14.2 | 11.6 | 16.8 | 8,138 | 33.8 | 30.9 | 36.7 | 7,109 |
| GSS: government should help pay | Bachelor's or higher | 31.4 | 26.4 | 36.3 | 1,834 | 53.4 | 50.0 | 56.8 | 4,181 |

Views: ANES: government plan (instrument = ANES: government plan); GSS: government should help pay (instrument = GSS: government should help pay).

Note: Before 1993 combines the ANES studies of 1970 to 1992 and the GSS surveys of 1975 to 1991; 2010 and after combines the ANES studies of 2012 to 2024 and the GSS surveys of 2010 to 2024. The GSS degree question has no category for some college without a degree, so the GSS view splits at a bachelor's degree.

Note: Education groups in the ANES are high school or less, some college and college graduate. Age is measured at the interview. Cells need at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100 in each party.

Source: ANES Cumulative Data File, 1970-2024, and General Social Survey, 1975-2024; weighted (weight, VCF0009z; weight_use); years combined after rescaling each year's weights to average one

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/gap_within_groups.json

## All estimates

Every fact in facts.json (224), sorted by id.

| Fact id | Value | Unit | Estimand | Population | Period | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Note |
| --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| a_between_n | 12 | studies | count of studies with all three party cells | ANES studies with Democratic, independent and Republican cells above their floors | 1970-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_cov_1972 | 41% | percent of ANES respondents | share of all respondents (2705) who answered the government health insurance scale (unweighted count) | ANES respondents in 1972 | 1972 |   | 1,112 | none (unweighted count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_cov_1984 | 35% | percent of ANES respondents | share of all respondents (2257) who answered the government health insurance scale (unweighted count) | ANES respondents in 1984 | 1984 |   | 792 | none (unweighted count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_cov_2000 | 52% | percent of ANES respondents | share of all respondents (1807) who answered the government health insurance scale (unweighted count) | ANES respondents in 2000 | 2000 |   | 935 | none (unweighted count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_cov_2008 | 45% | percent of ANES respondents | share of all respondents (2322) who answered the government health insurance scale (unweighted count) | ANES respondents in 2008 | 2008 |   | 1,044 | none (unweighted count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_mid_share | 18% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share choosing the midpoint (point 4) of the seven-point scale, years pooled | ANES respondents who answered the government health insurance question | ANES 1970-2024 | 95% CI 18% to 19% | 38,318 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_pre_n | 7 | studies | count of ANES studies from 1970 to 1992 with a party gap, all with an interval above zero | ANES studies before 1993 | 1970-1992 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_steps_excl | 4 | pairs | count of pairs in which the 95% interval of the change in the party gap excludes zero | adjacent ANES studies | 1970-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| a_steps_n | 15 | pairs | count of pairs of adjacent ANES studies with a party gap in both | adjacent ANES studies | 1970-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| anes2020_panel_n | 2,839 | interviews | count reported in the ANES 2020 user guide (2,839 re-interviews of the 2016 panel among 8,280 pre-election interviews) | 2020 ANES pre-election interviews that re-interviewed 2016 respondents | 2020 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| anes2020_total_n | 8,280 | interviews | count reported in the ANES 2020 user guide | 2020 ANES pre-election interviews | 2020 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| anes2024_dr_n | 4,489 | respondents | count of respondents who answered VCF0806 and are Democratic or Republican identifiers | 2024 ANES Democratic and Republican identifiers who answered the scale | 2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| anes2024_panel_n | 1,901 | respondents | count of respondents with a positive CDF weight and neither mode weight (the panel re-interviews) | 2024 ANES Democratic and Republican identifiers who answered the scale and are outside the fresh in-person and fresh web samples | 2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| ce_aca_d_2012 | 80.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2012 | 95% CI 79.5% to 81.1% | 24,358 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| ce_aca_d_2021 | 79.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 78.7% to 80.6% | 12,445 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| ce_aca_r_2012 | 23.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act (CES, opt-in panel) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2012 | 95% CI 23.0% to 24.8% | 19,613 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| ce_aca_r_2021 | 26.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act (CES, opt-in panel) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 25.4% to 27.8% | 8,139 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| ce_aca_stored_2014 | 69.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share of the stored answer 'support repeal' (code 1, labelled support in every year) if the stored 2014 code is taken at face value (no recode) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES ACA repeal item | 2014 | 95% CI 68.2 to 70.2 | 44,520 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_aca_2012 | 56.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2012 | 95% CI 55.2 to 57.6 | 43,971 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_aca_2014 | 69.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2014 | 95% CI 68.2 to 70.2 | 44,520 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_aca_2021 | 53.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 51.5 to 54.6 | 20,584 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_aca_hi_ex14 | 68.7 | percentage points | largest of the nine yearly party gaps on opposing ACA repeal, 2014 left out (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES ACA repeal item | 2017 | 95% CI 67.0 to 70.5 | 14,251 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_aca_lo_ex14 | 51.3 | percentage points | smallest of the nine yearly party gaps on opposing ACA repeal, 2014 left out (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES ACA repeal item | 2015 | 95% CI 49.3 to 53.4 | 11,417 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_age_2019 | 37.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting lowering the Medicare eligibility age from 65 to 50 (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2019 | 95% CI 35.4 to 39.3 | 14,659 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_age_2020 | 40.0 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting lowering the Medicare eligibility age from 65 to 50 (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2020 | 95% CI 38.9 to 41.2 | 49,674 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_mandate_2019 | 42.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting restoring the ACA mandate (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2019 | 95% CI 40.3 to 43.9 | 14,650 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_mandate_2020 | 43.7 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting restoring the ACA mandate (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2020 | 95% CI 42.6 to 44.8 | 49,682 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_mandate_2021 | 41.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting restoring the ACA mandate (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 39.9 to 43.0 | 20,584 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_max | 68.7 | percentage points | largest of the 22 item-year party gaps other than the 2014 ACA repeal item (aca_repeal, 2017); answer opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2017 | 95% CI 67.0 to 70.5 | 14,251 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_mfa_2018 | 52.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting Medicare for All (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2018 | 95% CI 51.2 to 53.3 | 49,269 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_mfa_2019 | 53.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting Medicare for All (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2019 | 95% CI 51.4 to 55.0 | 14,651 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_mfa_2020 | 57.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting Medicare for All (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2020 | 95% CI 56.8 to 58.8 | 49,692 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_mfa_2021 | 57.9 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting Medicare for All (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2021 | 95% CI 56.5 to 59.4 | 20,584 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_min | 37.3 | percentage points | smallest of the 22 item-year party gaps other than the 2014 ACA repeal item (mcare_age, 2019); answer supporting lowering the Medicare eligibility age from 65 to 50 (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2019 | 95% CI 35.4 to 39.3 | 14,659 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_spend_2014 | 45.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting an increase in state spending on health care (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2014 | 95% CI 44.1 to 46.7 | 39,079 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_spend_2016 | 40.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting an increase in state spending on health care (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2016 | 95% CI 39.3 to 41.7 | 42,805 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_spend_2018 | 45.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting an increase in state spending on health care (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2018 | 95% CI 44.2 to 46.4 | 43,404 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cg_spend_2020 | 49.0 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; answer supporting an increase in state spending on health care (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2020 | 95% CI 47.9 to 50.1 | 43,158 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cst_aca_2018_2021 | −8.5 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2021 minus 2018, answer opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2018 to 2021 | 95% CI −10.3 to −6.7 | 69,862 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cstp_aca_d_2018_2021 | −5.4 | percentage points | change in the weighted share opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act, 2021 minus 2018 (CES, opt-in panel) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2018 to 2021 | 95% CI −6.5 to −4.2 | 40,030 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cstp_aca_r_2018_2021 | +3.1 | percentage points | change in the weighted share opposing repeal of the Affordable Care Act, 2021 minus 2018 (CES, opt-in panel) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the CES item | 2018 to 2021 | 95% CI 1.7 to 4.6 | 29,832 | weight (single-wave weight) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| cut_a2_gap_1 | 22.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years, government side counted as points 1 and 2 only of the seven-point scale | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 | 95% CI 20.6 to 24.4 | 9,234 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| cut_a2_gap_2 | 23.9 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years, government side counted as points 1 and 2 only of the seven-point scale | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1994-2008 | 95% CI 21.4 to 26.4 | 5,599 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| cut_a2_gap_3 | 39.0 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years, government side counted as points 1 and 2 only of the seven-point scale | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 37.5 to 40.6 | 19,120 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| cutc_a2_gap_12 | +1.4 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted party gap between windows, government side counted as points 1 and 2 only of the seven-point scale | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 to 1994-2008 | 95% CI −1.8 to 4.5 | 14,833 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| cutc_a4_gap_12 | +10.9 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted party gap between windows, government side counted as points 1 to 4 (the midpoint included) of the seven-point scale | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 to 1994-2008 | 95% CI 7.5 to 14.3 | 14,833 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| g_between_n | 21 | surveys | count of surveys with all three party cells, help-pay question | GSS surveys with Democratic, independent and Republican cells above their floors | 1975-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_pre_n | 9 | surveys | count of GSS help-pay surveys from 1975 to 1991 with a party gap, all with an interval above zero | GSS surveys before 1993 with the help-pay question | 1975-1991 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_steps_excl | 3 | pairs | count of pairs in which the 95% interval of the change in the party gap excludes zero | adjacent GSS surveys with the help-pay question | 1975-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| g_steps_n | 25 | pairs | count of pairs of adjacent GSS surveys with a party gap in both | adjacent GSS surveys with the help-pay question | 1975-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_a_1970 | 24.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1970 | 95% CI 18.6 to 30.2 | 1,112 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gp_a_1984 | 16.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1984 | 95% CI 9.7 to 23.9 | 688 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gp_a_1992 | 30.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1992 | 95% CI 25.8 to 34.5 | 1,873 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gp_a_2012 | 41.9 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2012 | 95% CI 38.7 to 45.1 | 4,760 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gp_a_2020 | 54.0 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2020 | 95% CI 51.3 to 56.7 | 6,577 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gp_a_2024 | 46.6 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2024 | 95% CI 42.8 to 50.4 | 4,489 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gp_g_1975 | 17.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1975 | 95% CI 10.8 to 23.4 | 1,236 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_g_1991 | 14.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1991 | 95% CI 6.8 to 21.4 | 866 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_g_2016 | 43.6 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2016 | 95% CI 38.1 to 49.1 | 1,520 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_g_2018_ftf | 39.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2018, in-person interviews | 95% CI 32.1 to 46.1 | 1,089 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_g_2021_web | 45.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2021, web interviews | 95% CI 40.2 to 50.7 | 1,749 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_g_2022_ftf | 33.1 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2022, in-person interviews | 95% CI 22.3 to 43.8 | 759 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_g_2022_web | 43.9 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2022, web interviews | 95% CI 34.4 to 53.4 | 782 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_g_2024 | 42.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2024 | 95% CI 36.1 to 48.9 | 1,538 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_g_2024_web | 49.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2024, web interviews | 95% CI 41.2 to 57.9 | 837 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_s_1973 | 13.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 1973 | 95% CI 7.4 to 19.5 | 1,242 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_s_2010 | 29.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2010 | 95% CI 21.0 to 37.4 | 792 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_s_2016 | 15.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2016 | 95% CI 8.6 to 22.3 | 1,129 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_s_2021 | 41.7 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2021 | 95% CI 36.0 to 47.3 | 1,467 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gp_s_2024 | 15.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2024 | 95% CI 8.2 to 22.5 | 1,155 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gr_a_all_early | 24.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, all partisans | ANES 1970-1992 | 95% CI 22.3 to 26.3 | 9,234 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gr_a_all_late | 46.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, all partisans | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 45.1 to 48.4 | 19,120 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gr_a_col_early | 34.7 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, within the group college graduate | ANES 1970-1992 | 95% CI 30.4 to 38.9 | 1,837 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gr_a_col_late | 59.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, within the group college graduate | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 57.3 to 61.7 | 8,315 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gr_a_hs_early | 19.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, within the group high school or less | ANES 1970-1992 | 95% CI 16.6 to 22.0 | 5,359 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gr_a_hs_late | 33.9 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, within the group high school or less | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 30.3 to 37.5 | 4,301 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gr_a_m45_late | 46.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, within the group 45 to 64 | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 43.5 to 48.9 | 6,749 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gr_a_o65_late | 48.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, within the group 65 or older | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 45.5 to 51.6 | 5,091 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gr_a_u45_late | 44.7 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, within the group under 45 | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 41.8 to 47.6 | 6,728 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gr_g_all_early | 17.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question, all partisans | GSS 1975-1991 | 95% CI 15.0 to 19.6 | 9,983 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| gr_g_all_late | 39.9 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question, all partisans | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 37.6 to 42.1 | 11,301 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| gr_g_ba_late | 53.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question, within the group bachelor's degree or higher | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 50.0 to 56.8 | 4,181 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| gr_g_nb_late | 33.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; within the group, pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question, within the group no bachelor's degree | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 30.9 to 36.7 | 7,109 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| grl_a_col_d_late | 72.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) within the group college graduate who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 71.0% to 74.3% | 4,791 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| grl_a_col_r_late | 13.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) within the group college graduate who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 11.8% to 14.6% | 3,524 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| grl_a_hs_d_late | 57.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) within the group high school or less who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 54.2% to 59.7% | 2,280 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| grl_a_hs_r_late | 23.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) within the group high school or less who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 20.8% to 25.4% | 2,021 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| gss_2010_after | 94% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share interviewed after 23 March 2010, the day the Affordable Care Act was signed (interview date has month and day only) | GSS respondents who answered the help-pay question in 2010 | 2010 | 95% CI 92% to 95% | 1,326 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| gss_web_2021 | 87.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | share of respondents interviewed on the web (unweighted count) | GSS respondents who answered the help-pay question in 2021 | 2021 |   | 2,627 | none (unweighted count) | General Social Survey |   |
| lv_a_d_1970 | 54.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1970 | 95% CI 50.8% to 58.2% | 697 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_d_1988 | 52.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1988 | 95% CI 48.9% to 55.8% | 793 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_d_1992 | 64.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1992 | 95% CI 61.3% to 67.1% | 1,068 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_d_1994 | 52.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1994 | 95% CI 48.2% to 56.1% | 754 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_d_2012 | 55.3% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2012 | 95% CI 52.8% to 57.8% | 2,849 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_d_2024 | 71.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2024 | 95% CI 69.0% to 74.3% | 2,360 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_1970 | 30.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1970 | 95% CI 25.7% to 34.5% | 415 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_1988 | 29.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1988 | 95% CI 26.3% to 33.0% | 719 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_1992 | 34.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1992 | 95% CI 30.8% to 37.3% | 805 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_1994 | 21.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1994 | 95% CI 18.1% to 24.7% | 716 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_1996 | 21.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1996 | 95% CI 17.3% to 24.6% | 596 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_2000 | 29.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2000 | 95% CI 23.8% to 34.4% | 342 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_2004 | 28.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2004 | 95% CI 24.4% to 33.4% | 455 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_2008 | 28.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2008 | 95% CI 22.9% to 34.9% | 294 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_2012 | 13.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2012 | 95% CI 11.4% to 15.4% | 1,911 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_a_r_2024 | 25.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2024 | 95% CI 22.4% to 27.7% | 2,129 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| lv_g_d_1975 | 56.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1975 | 95% CI 52.9% to 60.5% | 795 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| lv_g_d_2024 | 73.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2024 | 95% CI 68.7% to 77.3% | 826 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| lv_g_r_1975 | 39.6% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1975 | 95% CI 34.6% to 44.6% | 441 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| lv_g_r_2024 | 30.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2024 | 95% CI 25.8% to 35.2% | 712 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| lv_s_d_2008 | 83.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2008 | 95% CI 79.5% to 87.3% | 479 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| lv_s_d_2024 | 79.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2024 | 95% CI 75.2% to 84.4% | 622 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| lv_s_r_2008 | 67.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2008 | 95% CI 61.5% to 73.9% | 308 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| lv_s_r_2024 | 64.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2024 | 95% CI 58.9% to 70.0% | 533 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_a_0812_ftf | +8.2 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap among in-person respondents, 2012 minus 2008 (two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, in-person interviews | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI −1.5 to 17.8 | 2,570 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_a_0812_ftf_r | −11.7 | percentage points | change in the weighted Republican share on the government side among in-person respondents, 2012 minus 2008 (two separate samples) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) interviewed in person who answered the ANES scale | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI −18.9 to −4.5 | 825 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_a_1620_web | +15.6 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2020 (all respondents, no mode weights) minus 2016 (web respondents only); the 2020 study re-interviewed 2016 respondents and the 2024 study re-interviewed panel respondents, so the interval treats overlapping samples as independent | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2016 (web respondents) to 2020 | 95% CI 10.6 to 20.6 | 8,895 | weight_web (2016 web respondents); weight (2020) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_a_2024_web | −4.9 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2024 (fresh web respondents only) minus 2020 (all respondents, no mode weights) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2020 to 2024 (web respondents) | 95% CI −11.1 to 1.2 | 8,244 | weight (2020); weight_web (2024 web respondents) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_a_ci_hi | +11.4 | percentage points | highest upper end of the three 95% intervals for web minus in-person party gaps | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2012, 2016 and 2024 |   |   | weight_web and weight_ftf | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_a_ci_lo | −12.9 | percentage points | lowest lower end of the three 95% intervals for web minus in-person party gaps | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2012, 2016 and 2024 |   |   | weight_web and weight_ftf | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_a_diff_2012 | +2.5 | percentage points | web respondents' weighted party gap minus in-person respondents' gap, 2012 (two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2012 | 95% CI −4.4 to 9.4 | 4,760 | weight_web and weight_ftf | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_a_diff_2016 | −4.9 | percentage points | web respondents' weighted party gap minus in-person respondents' gap, 2016 (two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2016 | 95% CI −12.9 to 3.0 | 3,294 | weight_web and weight_ftf | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_a_diff_2024 | +1.7 | percentage points | web respondents' weighted party gap minus in-person respondents' gap, 2024 (fresh samples; two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2024 | 95% CI −8.0 to 11.4 | 2,588 | weight_web and weight_ftf | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_a_fresh_2024 | 47.0 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; fresh samples only (panel re-interviews left out); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | 2024 ANES Democratic and Republican identifiers in the fresh in-person and fresh web samples who answered the scale | 2024 | 95% CI 42.2 to 51.9 | 2,588 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| mo_g_0810_ftf | +10.5 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap among in-person respondents, 2010 minus 2008 (two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question, in-person interviews | 2008 to 2010 | 95% CI 0.2 to 20.9 | 1,909 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_g_1822_ftf | −6.0 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap among in-person respondents, 2022 minus 2018 (two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question, in-person interviews | 2018 to 2022 | 95% CI −18.9 to 6.8 | 1,848 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_g_2124_web | +4.0 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap among web respondents, 2024 minus 2021 (two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question, web interviews | 2021 to 2024 | 95% CI −5.8 to 13.9 | 2,586 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_g_diff_2022 | +10.9 | percentage points | web respondents' weighted party gap minus in-person respondents' gap, 2022 (two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question | 2022 | 95% CI −3.5 to 25.2 | 1,541 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_g_diff_2024 | +16.8 | percentage points | web respondents' weighted party gap minus in-person respondents' gap, 2024 (two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question | 2024 | 95% CI 2.8 to 30.7 | 1,373 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| mo_s_2124_web | −18.7 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap among web respondents, 2024 minus 2021 (two separate samples) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS health spending question, web interviews | 2021 to 2024 | 95% CI −29.7 to −7.7 | 1,919 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_anes_item | 38,318 | respondents | count of respondents who answered VCF0806 | ANES respondents who answered the government health insurance question | 1970-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_anes_waves | 16 | studies | count of ANES study years with VCF0806 | ANES studies that asked the question | 1970-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| n_ces_itemyears_ex14 | 22 | item-years | count of item-years with a plotted party gap, the 2014 ACA repeal item left out | CES health item-years other than the 2014 ACA repeal item | 2012-2021 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| n_gss_help | 39,798 | respondents | count of respondents who answered helpsick | GSS respondents who answered the help-pay question | 1975-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_gss_help_waves | 26 | surveys | count of GSS survey years with helpsick | GSS survey years that asked the help-pay question | 1975-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_gss_spend | 41,240 | respondents | count of respondents who answered natheal | GSS respondents who answered the health spending question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_gss_spend_waves | 34 | surveys | count of GSS survey years with natheal | GSS survey years that asked the health spending question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| near_zero_cut | 2 | percentage points | distance from zero, in points, used to call an interval bound close to zero | adjacent ANES studies and adjacent GSS help-pay surveys | 1970-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| recode_2014_rows | 55,829 | respondents | count of 2014 answers reversed by the loader recode (1 minus the stored code) | CES 2014 respondents who answered the ACA repeal item | 2014 |   |   | none (count) | Cooperative Election Study |   |
| s_above_n | 32 | surveys | count of surveys in which the 95% interval of the party gap lies above zero | GSS surveys with the health spending question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| s_rep_above | 19 | surveys | count of surveys in which the 95% interval of the Republican share saying too little lies above 50 percent | GSS surveys with the health spending question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| s_rep_below | 4 | surveys | count of surveys in which the 95% interval of the Republican share saying too little lies below 50 percent | GSS surveys with the health spending question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| s_rep_n | 34 | surveys | count of GSS survey years with a Republican share | GSS surveys with the health spending question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| s_rep_point | 25 | surveys | count of surveys in which the weighted Republican share saying too little is above 50 percent | GSS surveys with the health spending question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| s_total_n | 34 | surveys | count of GSS survey years with a plotted spending gap | GSS surveys with the health spending question | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_a_1988_1992 | +7.5 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 1992 minus 1988 (two separate samples); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1988 to 1992 | 95% CI 1.0 to 14.0 | 3,385 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_1992_1994 | +0.5 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 1994 minus 1992 (two separate samples); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1992 to 1994 | 95% CI −6.2 to 7.3 | 3,343 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_2008_2012 | +9.8 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2012 minus 2008 (two separate samples); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI 1.4 to 18.2 | 5,674 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_2016_2020 | +14.3 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2020 minus 2016 (two overlapping samples); the 2020 study re-interviewed 2016 respondents and the 2024 study re-interviewed panel respondents, so the interval treats overlapping samples as independent; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2016 to 2020 | 95% CI 9.8 to 18.8 | 9,871 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_2020_2024 | −7.4 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2024 minus 2020 (two overlapping samples); the 2020 study re-interviewed 2016 respondents and the 2024 study re-interviewed panel respondents, so the interval treats overlapping samples as independent; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI −12.1 to −2.8 | 11,066 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_d_1992_1994 | −12.1 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 1994 minus 1992 (two separate samples); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1992 to 1994 | 95% CI −17.0 to −7.2 | 1,822 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_d_2008_2012 | −5.7 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 2012 minus 2008 (two separate samples); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI −11.2 to −0.1 | 3,469 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_d_2020_2024 | +0.8 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 2024 minus 2020 (two overlapping samples); the 2020 study re-interviewed 2016 respondents and the 2024 study re-interviewed panel respondents, so the interval treats overlapping samples as independent; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI −2.6 to 4.1 | 5,832 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_r_1992_1994 | −12.6 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 1994 minus 1992 (two separate samples); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 1992 to 1994 | 95% CI −17.3 to −8.0 | 1,521 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_r_2008_2012 | −15.5 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 2012 minus 2008 (two separate samples); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2008 to 2012 | 95% CI −21.8 to −9.2 | 2,205 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_a_r_2020_2024 | +8.2 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 2024 minus 2020 (two overlapping samples); the 2020 study re-interviewed 2016 respondents and the 2024 study re-interviewed panel respondents, so the interval treats overlapping samples as independent; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | 2020 to 2024 | 95% CI 5.0 to 11.4 | 5,234 | weight (VCF0009z) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| st_g_1975_1983 | +9.9 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 1983 minus 1975 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1975 to 1983 | 95% CI 0.8 to 18.9 | 2,584 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_1983_1984 | −9.7 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 1984 minus 1983 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1983 to 1984 | 95% CI −19.3 to −0.2 | 2,583 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_1993_1994 | +7.0 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 1994 minus 1993 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1993 to 1994 | 95% CI −1.9 to 16.0 | 2,536 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_2008_2010 | +7.5 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2010 minus 2008 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2008 to 2010 | 95% CI −2.2 to 17.1 | 2,153 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_2018_2021 | +9.9 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2021 minus 2018 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2018 to 2021 | 95% CI 1.4 to 18.4 | 3,208 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_2018_2022 | +1.9 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2022 minus 2018 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2018 to 2022 | 95% CI −8.0 to 11.7 | 2,906 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_d_1993_1994 | −1.4 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 1994 minus 1993 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1993 to 1994 | 95% CI −7.5 to 4.7 | 1,383 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_d_2008_2010 | −6.3 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 2010 minus 2008 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2008 to 2010 | 95% CI −12.9 to 0.2 | 1,296 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_r_1993_1994 | −8.5 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 1994 minus 1993 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 1993 to 1994 | 95% CI −15.0 to −1.9 | 1,153 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_g_r_2008_2010 | −13.8 | percentage points | change in the weighted share, 2010 minus 2008 (two separate samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | 2008 to 2010 | 95% CI −20.9 to −6.7 | 857 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_s_2010_2016 | −13.8 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2016 minus 2010 (two separate samples); the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2010 to 2016 | 95% CI −24.4 to −3.1 | 1,921 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| st_s_2021_2024 | −26.3 | percentage points | change in the weighted party gap, 2024 minus 2021 (two separate samples); the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | 2021 to 2024 | 95% CI −35.5 to −17.2 | 2,622 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004) | General Social Survey |   |
| steps_excl_n | 7 | pairs | count of adjacent-survey changes in the party gap whose 95% interval excludes zero (ANES and GSS together) | adjacent ANES studies and adjacent GSS help-pay surveys | 1970-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| steps_near_n | 5 | pairs | count of those changes whose interval has a bound within the stated number of points of zero | adjacent ANES studies and adjacent GSS help-pay surveys | 1970-2024 |   |   | none (count) | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_d_1 | 55.2% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 | 95% CI 53.8% to 56.5% | 5,341 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_d_2 | 55.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1994-2008 | 95% CI 53.5% to 57.4% | 3,196 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_d_3 | 64.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 63.5% to 66.0% | 10,385 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_gap_1 | 24.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 | 95% CI 22.3 to 26.3 | 9,234 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_gap_2 | 30.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1994-2008 | 95% CI 27.8 to 33.3 | 5,599 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_gap_3 | 46.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 45.1 to 48.4 | 19,120 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_gap_3_ftf | 43.0 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; in-person respondents only, pooled over the years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question, in-person interviews | ANES 2012, 2016 and 2024 | 95% CI 39.1 to 46.8 | 3,553 | weight_ftf (in-person mode weight), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_i_1 | 47.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 | 95% CI 45.2% to 50.5% | 1,378 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_i_3 | 42.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 39.4% to 44.9% | 2,176 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_r_1 | 30.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 | 95% CI 29.4% to 32.3% | 3,893 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_r_2 | 24.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1994-2008 | 95% CI 23.0% to 26.8% | 2,403 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_a_r_3 | 17.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 2012-2024 | 95% CI 16.9% to 19.0% | 8,735 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| w_g_d_1 | 58.1% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 | 95% CI 56.6% to 59.6% | 5,877 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_d_2 | 62.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1993-2008 | 95% CI 60.6% to 63.4% | 6,189 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_d_3 | 68.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 66.9% to 69.9% | 6,558 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_gap_1 | 17.3 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 | 95% CI 15.0 to 19.6 | 9,983 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_gap_2 | 26.4 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1993-2008 | 95% CI 24.3 to 28.4 | 11,051 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_gap_3 | 39.9 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 37.6 to 42.1 | 11,301 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_gap_3_ftf | 36.8 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; in-person respondents only, pooled over the years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question, in-person interviews | GSS 2010-2018, 2022 and 2024 | 95% CI 33.9 to 39.7 | 6,708 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_i_1 | 49.4% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 | 95% CI 46.3% to 52.5% | 1,335 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_i_3 | 51.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | independents who lean toward neither party who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 49.4% to 54.1% | 2,960 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_r_1 | 40.8% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 | 95% CI 39.1% to 42.6% | 4,106 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_r_2 | 35.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1993-2008 | 95% CI 34.1% to 37.2% | 4,862 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_g_r_3 | 28.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 26.8% to 30.2% | 4,743 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_s_a_1 | 63.0% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | all respondents who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 1973-1991 | 95% CI 62.1% to 63.8% | 18,656 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_s_a_2 | 71.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | all respondents who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 1993-2008 | 95% CI 70.9% to 72.8% | 11,468 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_s_a_3 | 65.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | all respondents who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 64.3% to 66.6% | 11,116 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_s_gap_1 | 13.2 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 1973-1991 | 95% CI 11.4 to 15.0 | 16,069 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_s_gap_2 | 17.6 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 1993-2008 | 95% CI 15.5 to 19.7 | 9,301 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_s_gap_3 | 25.5 | percentage points | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share; pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 22.8 to 28.2 | 8,406 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_s_r_1 | 54.5% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 1973-1991 | 95% CI 53.1% to 55.9% | 6,094 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_s_r_2 | 61.9% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 1993-2008 | 95% CI 60.2% to 63.5% | 4,076 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| w_s_r_3 | 50.7% | percent of respondents who answered the item | weighted share pooled over the window's years; the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 2010-2024 | 95% CI 48.5% to 52.9% | 3,521 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_a_d_12 | +0.3 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (Before 1993 to 1993 to 2009; two separate sets of surveys); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 to 1994-2008 | 95% CI −2.1 to 2.7 | 8,537 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_a_d_13 | +9.6 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (Before 1993 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 to 2012-2024 | 95% CI 7.7 to 11.4 | 15,726 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_a_d_23 | +9.3 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (1993 to 2009 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1994-2008 to 2012-2024 | 95% CI 6.9 to 11.6 | 13,581 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_a_fallrise_13 | +3.3 | percentage points | fall in the pooled Republican share minus rise in the pooled Democratic share, before 1993 to 2010 and after (independent party samples); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 to 2012-2024 | 95% CI 0.8 to 5.9 | 28,354 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_a_gap_12 | +6.2 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted party gap between windows (Before 1993 to 1993 to 2009; two separate sets of surveys); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 to 1994-2008 | 95% CI 2.8 to 9.6 | 14,833 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_a_gap_13_ftf | +18.6 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted party gap from before 1993 to the later period among in-person respondents; the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 to in-person 2012-2024 | 95% CI 14.3 to 23.0 | 12,787 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_a_gap_23 | +16.2 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted party gap between windows (1993 to 2009 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1994-2008 to 2012-2024 | 95% CI 13.0 to 19.4 | 24,719 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_a_r_12 | −5.9 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (Before 1993 to 1993 to 2009; two separate sets of surveys); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 to 1994-2008 | 95% CI −8.4 to −3.5 | 6,296 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_a_r_13 | −12.9 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (Before 1993 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1970-1992 to 2012-2024 | 95% CI −14.7 to −11.1 | 12,628 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_a_r_23 | −7.0 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (1993 to 2009 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the ANES seven-point government against private health insurance scale (VCF0806), answers 1 to 3 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the ANES government health insurance question | ANES 1994-2008 to 2012-2024 | 95% CI −9.2 to −4.8 | 11,138 | weight (VCF0009z), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | ANES Cumulative Data File |   |
| wc_g_d_12 | +3.9 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (Before 1993 to 1993 to 2009; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 to 1993-2008 | 95% CI 1.8 to 5.9 | 12,066 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_g_d_13 | +10.2 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (Before 1993 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 to 2010-2024 | 95% CI 8.1 to 12.3 | 12,435 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_g_d_23 | +6.4 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (1993 to 2009 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1993-2008 to 2010-2024 | 95% CI 4.3 to 8.4 | 12,747 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_g_fallrise_13 | +2.1 | percentage points | fall in the pooled Republican share minus rise in the pooled Democratic share, before 1993 to 2010 and after (independent party samples); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 to 2010-2024 | 95% CI −1.1 to 5.3 | 21,284 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_g_gap_12 | +9.1 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted party gap between windows (Before 1993 to 1993 to 2009; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 to 1993-2008 | 95% CI 6.0 to 12.1 | 21,034 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_g_gap_13_ftf | +19.5 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted party gap from before 1993 to the later period among in-person respondents; the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS help-pay question | GSS 1975-1991 to in-person 2010-2024 | 95% CI 15.8 to 23.2 | 16,691 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_g_gap_23 | +13.5 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted party gap between windows (1993 to 2009 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Democratic and Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1993-2008 to 2010-2024 | 95% CI 10.4 to 16.6 | 22,352 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_g_r_12 | −5.2 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (Before 1993 to 1993 to 2009; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 to 1993-2008 | 95% CI −7.5 to −2.9 | 8,968 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_g_r_13 | −12.3 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (Before 1993 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1975-1991 to 2010-2024 | 95% CI −14.7 to −9.9 | 8,849 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_g_r_23 | −7.2 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (1993 to 2009 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on whether government should help pay for medical care (helpsick), answers 1 and 2 (the government side) | Republican identifiers (leaners included) who answered the GSS question on government help paying for doctors and hospital bills | GSS 1993-2008 to 2010-2024 | 95% CI −9.4 to −4.9 | 9,605 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_s_a_12 | +8.9 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (Before 1993 to 1993 to 2009; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | all respondents who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 1973-1991 to 1993-2008 | 95% CI 7.7 to 10.2 | 30,124 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |
| wc_s_a_23 | −6.4 | percentage points | change in the pooled weighted share between windows (1993 to 2009 to 2010 and after; two separate sets of surveys); the GSS question on spending to improve and protect the nation's health (natheal), answer too little | all respondents who answered the GSS question on spending on the nation's health | GSS 1993-2008 to 2010-2024 | 95% CI −7.9 to −4.9 | 22,584 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004), rescaled to average one within each survey year before years are combined | General Social Survey |   |

## Definitions

- Percentage point: The unit for the difference between two percentages. A change from one share to another is stated in points, not in percent, so that absolute and relative change are not confused.
- Partisan leaner: A respondent who first says they are independent but, when asked, says they lean toward one party. Most figures group leaners with the party they lean toward, and each chapter says which grouping it uses.
- Confidence interval: A range around an estimate that would contain the true value in 95% of repeated samples if the sampling model held. The book reports 95% intervals unless it says otherwise.
- Effective sample size: The number of equally weighted respondents that would give the same precision as the weighted sample. It is smaller than the raw count when the weights vary a lot, and it sets how wide the confidence interval is.
- Survey weights: Numbers that scale each respondent so the sample matches the population on known traits such as age, race, education and region. A weighted average counts a respondent with a large weight for more than one with a small weight.

## Methods

Sample. ANES Cumulative Data File respondents who answered the government health insurance scale (VCF0806: 1 government insurance plan to 7 private insurance plan; haven't thought much about it is missing): 38,318 respondents in 16 studies from 1970 to 2024, of whom 38,125 name or lean toward a party or call themselves independent. The scale was asked of a subsample of respondents in 1972, 1984, 2000 and 2008 (41, 35, 52 and 45 percent of respondents answered it). GSS respondents who answered helpsick (should the government in Washington help pay for doctors and hospital bills, 1 government should help to 5 people should help themselves): 39,798 respondents in 26 surveys from 1975 to 2024. GSS respondents who answered natheal (spending too little, about right or too much on improving and protecting the nation's health): 41,240 respondents in 34 surveys from 1973 to 2024. CES respondents 2012 to 2021 who answered at least one of five health items: 385,461 respondents. The CES itself runs from 2006; its health items begin in 2012.

Party and estimand. Leaners count with their party (ANES pid_7pt 1 to 3 Democratic and 5 to 7 Republican, GSS partyid 0 to 2 and 4 to 6, CES pid7_num 1 to 3 and 5 to 7). Independents are the respondents who lean toward neither party (ANES and CES 4, GSS 3); members of other parties are left out. The outcome is the government-side answer: ANES points 1 to 3, GSS helpsick answers 1 and 2, GSS natheal answer 1 (too little), and for the CES the answer that Democrats give more often (opposing repeal of the ACA, supporting Medicare for All, restoring the ACA mandate, lowering the Medicare age, increasing state spending on health care), read from the question wording. The gap is the Democratic share minus the Republican share in percentage points. The ANES midpoint (point 4, 18 percent of answers) stays in the denominator.

Cut sensitivity. On the ANES scale the first change in the pooled gap depends on the cut: counting points 1 and 2 only gives pooled gaps of 22.5, 23.9 and 39.0 points and a first change of 1.4 [−1.8, 4.5] points; counting points 1 to 4 gives a first change of 10.9 [7.5, 14.3] points, against 6.2 [2.8, 9.6] with points 1 to 3. The second change, the change from the first period to the last, and the fall in the Republican share in both steps are above or below zero under all three cuts. On the GSS item, counting answer 1 only or answers 1 to 3 keeps both changes in the gap above zero.

Weights. ANES weight (VCF0009z); GSS weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before); CES single-wave weight for yearly estimates. Pooled periods rescale each year's weights to average one so that years count in proportion to their respondents.

Periods. The periods follow the two dates in the chapter question and are named by the survey year: before 1993 (ANES 1970 to 1992, GSS help-pay 1975 to 1991, GSS spending 1973 to 1991), 1993 to 2009 (ANES 1994 to 2008, GSS 1993 to 2008) and 2010 and after (ANES 2012 to 2024, GSS 2010 to 2024). The GSS 2010 survey was in the field from mid-March to mid-August 2010, and 94 percent of the respondents who answered the help-pay question were interviewed after the law was signed in late March. The dates are positions on an axis, not tests of a cause.

Mode. ANES mode-specific estimates use weight_ftf and weight_web, the weights for in-person and web respondents, which exist for 2008, 2012, 2016 and 2024 (2008 was a single-mode in-person study; 2020 has no mode weights). The 2024 mode groups are the newly recruited in-person and web samples; the 1,901 panel respondents among the 4,489 partisans who answered are in neither group. GSS interview mode (in person, phone, web or other) is joined from the raw file and exists from 2004; the in-person GSS rows leave out phone and other interviews, and the 2021 GSS has no in-person group. Mode comparisons compare separate samples.

Intervals. 95% intervals come from the Kish effective sample size with a normal approximation, which treats the weighted sample as a simple random sample and ignores strata and clusters. Differences between two estimates (gaps, changes between surveys or periods, mode differences) combine the two standard errors in quadrature, which assumes the estimates are independent. The GSS surveys are treated as independent cross-sections. The ANES pairs are independent except where respondents are re-interviewed: the 2020 ANES study includes 2,839 re-interviews of 2016 respondents among 8,280 pre-election interviews, and in 2024 1,901 of the 4,489 partisans who answered the scale are panel respondents. Changes that involve 2016, 2020 and 2024, and the mode comparisons that set 2016 web respondents or the 2024 fresh samples against all 2020 respondents, therefore overlap in people, and if answers are positively correlated across waves their intervals are wider than panel-aware intervals would be. The 2024 gap among the fresh in-person and web samples alone is 47.0 [42.2, 51.9] points. The CES is an opt-in panel, so its intervals rest on a model and say nothing about who chose to join.

Suppression. A Democratic or Republican cell in a yearly series needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. An independent cell, and every cell of a CES year, mode, period or group estimate, needs at least 100 respondents and an effective sample of at least 100. A gap needs both party cells to clear its floor.

CES checks. Every CES item-year is checked for the sign of the Democratic minus Republican gap in the Democratic-side answer: the 22 item-years other than the 2014 ACA repeal item have a gap with an interval above zero without any recode. The 2014 ACA item passes only after a recode. The cumulative file labels code 1 as support in every year, but in 2014 that code is the Democratic answer: at face value the 2014 gap in supporting repeal would be Democratic minus Republican 69.2 points, where in the other nine years Republicans are more likely than Democrats to support repeal. The guide to the cumulative policy file says that an earlier version of the file applied the same switch of support and oppose to the 2014 answers and that version 3 does not, because the 2014 question already asked about repeal; the stored counts equal version 3. The loader recodes the 55,829 2014 answers as one minus the stored code and the build asserts that no other year changes. The recode rests on the party pattern and on the earlier version's switch, not on a value label. The chapter draws 2014 apart from the lines because its wording also differs.

## What these data cannot show

- The intervals treat each study as an independent sample, and the ANES has exceptions.
- The 2020 study includes 2,839 re-interviews of 2016 respondents among 8,280 pre-election interviews, and 1,901 of the 4,489 partisans who answered the scale in 2024 come from the panel outside the fresh samples.
- The intervals for changes that involve 2016, 2020 and 2024, and for the mode comparisons that set one mode against all 2020 respondents, treat the samples as independent.
- If answers by the same person are positively correlated across waves, those intervals are wider than panel-aware intervals would be.
- A gap can also widen because people change their view, change their party or are replaced by new adults, and the surveys cannot say which.
- The comparisons around the Clinton plan and the ACA debate use two surveys each, one on either side, and give no read of the months between them; the ANES fields a study only in election years, and the GSS surveys that bracket each date are a year or more apart.
- They cannot separate the two events from anything else that happened between the surveys, and they say nothing about the cause of the Republican decline in either period.
- The three surveys measure three things.
- The ANES scale is about insurance, the GSS help-pay question is about the federal government's responsibility for medical bills, and the CES items name policies that were on the national agenda in the years they were asked.
- A reader should not take the ANES gap, the GSS gap and the CES gap as three estimates of one quantity.
- The CES health items begin in 2012 and end in 2021, so they have nothing before the ACA passed and nothing for 2022 to 2024.
- The wording changes for the ACA item in 2014, 2016 and 2018 and for Medicare for All in 2019, and the 2014 answers needed a reversal that rests on the party pattern and on an earlier version of the file, not on a value label.
- The CES intervals ignore how the panel was recruited.
- The government side of the ANES scale is also a choice, and the first change between periods depends on it.
- The 2020 ANES study has no mode weights, so the 2016 to 2020 step cannot be split by mode, and the web and in-person comparisons are wide.
- The ANES asked the scale of a subsample of respondents in 1972, 1984, 2000 and 2008, reaching 41%, 35%, 52% and 45% of respondents, so the intervals for those studies are wider and the 2008 to 2012 step carries a wide interval.
- The GSS asked the spending question of a subsample from 1984 to 1993.
- Neither survey measures how much respondents care about the issue, how they would trade coverage against cost, or what they know about the programs they were asked about, and neither the ANES scale nor the GSS items name Medicare or Medicaid.
- The group results combine years, so they describe the periods and not any single year, and the groups are cross-sections, not people followed over time.

## References

1. Kish, Leslie (1965). Survey Sampling. John Wiley and Sons.
2. Skocpol, Theda (1996). Boomerang: Clinton's Health Security Effort and the Turn Against Government in U.S. Politics. W. W. Norton.
3. United States Congress (2010). Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, Public Law 111-148. Approved 23 March 2010. https://www.govinfo.gov/app/details/PLAW-111publ148
4. Tesler, Michael (2012). The Spillover of Racialization into Health Care: How President Obama Polarized Public Opinion by Racial Attitudes and Race. American Journal of Political Science 56(3): 690-704. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00577.x
5. Dagonel, Angelo (2023). Guide to the Cumulative CES Policy Preferences. Harvard Dataverse, Cumulative CES Policy Preferences, version 3 (guide last updated 2023-01-18). https://doi.org/10.7910/DVN/OSXDQO
6. American National Election Studies (2021). ANES 2020 Time Series Study Full Release: User Guide and Codebook. Stanford University and the University of Michigan. https://electionstudies.org/data-center/2020-time-series-study/

## Provenance

- Pipeline version: 1.0.0
- Build script: book3/chapters/health-care/build.py (sha256 6eb9ef75f67c4a591bdb42da92c6644e46fa64f95091de9fe4b05319ee566217)
- Built on: 2026-10-03
- Site commit: 16414b2c7257546a7042d0b1734657f208999f60

Inputs:

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| figures/wording.json | fffcb2df4cae272911a5883ae9aef8ea52827b9f2db08d5b88bfef7a00dd55a2 |
| meta.json | b98a5dbc4445fd676216015edf44b9d467f77cd76858a0f07505a19814af53f2 |
| refs.json | d5c5d77981cad24d88eff4cca6ffeaaf1199e772a357a04950d171449d9b179e |

## Machine formats

- Report (HTML): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/health-care/report
- Report (Markdown): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/health-care/report.md
- Every estimate (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/facts.json
- Table 1, figure "wording" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/wording.json
- Table 2, figure "gap_by_year" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/gap_by_year.json
- Table 3, figure "dated_changes" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/dated_changes.json
- Table 4, figure "share_by_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/share_by_party.json
- Table 5, figure "ces_aca" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/ces_aca.json
- Table 6, figure "ces_items" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/ces_items.json
- Table 7, figure "mode_check" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/mode_check.json
- Table 8, figure "gap_within_groups" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/health-care/figures/gap_within_groups.json
- Index of every report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms.txt; all reports in one file: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms-full.txt