# Confidence in thirteen institutions: report

Chapter 5.1 of The Public Mind, by Vishal Singh (NYU Stern). Generated from the chapter's data files; the reading version is at https://vishalsingh.org/politics/confidence-in-institutions. Table n of this report is figure n of the chapter.

## Identification

- Title: Confidence in thirteen institutions
- Chapter: 5.1 (Part V, Institutions and democratic attitudes; Coalitions and political differences)
- Question: How do Democrats and Republicans differ in confidence across 13 institutions, and when did each gap open?
- Dek: Among respondents interviewed in person, the average size of the gap between Democrats and Republicans in confidence across thirteen institutions was 4.8 points in 1973-1980 and 9.4 points in 2022-2024.
- Grain: individuals
- Status: draft
- Published: 2026-09-30
- Updated: not revised
- Data sources:
  - General Social Survey. General Social Survey cumulative data, 1972-2024, confidence items fielded 1973-2024; interview mode and interview date from the raw file; years: 1972-2024 (35 study years); weights: weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before)
- Canonical URL: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/confidence-in-institutions
- Report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/confidence-in-institutions/report
- Markdown: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/confidence-in-institutions/report.md
- BibTeX key: singh2026confidenceininstitutions

```bibtex
@misc{singh2026confidenceininstitutions,
  author = {Singh, Vishal},
  title = {Confidence in thirteen institutions},
  year = {2026},
  url = {https://vishalsingh.org/politics/confidence-in-institutions},
  note = {In The Public Mind. Published 30 September 2026.}
}
```

## Principal estimates

The facts the dek and the opening prose cite, in order of appearance.

| Estimand | Population | Period | Value | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Fact id |
| --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap in the share with a great deal of confidence; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1973-1980 | 4.8 | 95% CI 4.3 to 5.5 | 10,281 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey | mag_1973_80 |
| mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 9.4 | 95% CI 8.0 to 11.8 | 1,980 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey | mag_ip_22_24 |
| suppression floor (constant) | minimum size of a party-by-year cell | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items | 150 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | floor_n |
| suppression floor (constant) | minimum effective size of a party-by-year cell | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items | 100 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | floor_neff |
| count of respondents | smallest party-by-year cell shown in the figures | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items | 198 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | min_cell_n |
| count of respondents | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6), with at least one confidence answer | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items | 41,797 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_resp |
| count of survey years | years in which the confidence items were fielded | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items | 33 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey | n_years |

## Findings

Among respondents interviewed in person, the average size of the gap between Democrats and Republicans in confidence across thirteen institutions was 4.8 (95% CI 4.3 to 5.5) points in 1973-1980 and 9.4 (95% CI 8.0 to 11.8) points in 2022-2024. The gaps run in both directions. In 2022-2024 Democrats are more confident than Republicans in science, medicine, education, the press, Congress and television, and Republicans are more confident in the military, the Supreme Court and organized religion, each with an interval that excludes zero. The executive branch gap takes the sign of the party that holds the White House, and the intervals for banks, major companies and organized labor include zero.

The General Social Survey (GSS) asks about "the people running" each institution and offers three answers: a great deal of confidence, only some, or hardly any [1]. The item measures confidence in the people running one institution, not trust in other people and not support for democracy as a form of government. This chapter tracks the share answering "a great deal" among respondents who identify with a party or lean toward one (leaners are counted with the party they lean toward). A gap is the Democratic share minus the Republican share, in points, so a positive gap means Democrats are more confident and a negative gap means Republicans are. Every number and figure uses this sign. Where an estimate has a confidence interval, the text prints it in parentheses after the estimate. The GSS asked about twelve institutions in 1973 and 1974 and about thirteen from 1975, when banks were added. (Note: Shares are weighted. Intervals use the Kish effective sample size [2] and treat the weighted sample as a simple random sample, and an interval for a share near zero is cut off at zero. Cells below the suppression floor (fewer than 150 respondents or an effective sample under 100) are not shown, and the smallest cell shown has 198 respondents. The estimates rest on 41,797 respondents in 33 survey years.)

The classic account of falling confidence in business, labor and government in the 1960s and 1970s [3] described the level of confidence. This chapter describes the difference between the parties. Planned, Trust in science (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/trust-in-science; planned) takes up the science gap in depth, and here science is one institution of thirteen.

The GSS interviewed in person, with some telephone interviews, through 2018, on the web only in 2021, and in both modes in 2022 and 2024. A change in a gap after 2020 can therefore come from a change in survey mode. The text compares 2022-2024 with earlier periods using in-person interviews, because every earlier survey was in person or mostly so. The 2022-2024 value pools two surveys. The rise after 2018 rests on the in-person interviews of 2022 and on the web interviews, and the in-person interviews of 2024 do not establish it.

### The average gap rose after the 1990s

The mean absolute gap averages the sizes of the thirteen gaps and ignores their direction. Among in-person respondents it was 4.8 points in 1973-1980 and 4.1 in 1991-2000, then 6.2 in 2001-2010, 6.7 in 2011-2018 and 9.4 (95% CI 8.0 to 11.8) in 2022-2024 (Table 1). The intervals for 2001-2010 and 2011-2018 lie above the interval for 1991-2000, and the interval for 2011-2018 lies above the interval for 1973-1980.

Table 1. The mean absolute party gap rose from 4.8 points in 1973-1980 to 6.7 in 2011-2018 and was 9.4 in person in 2022-2024

An average of absolute values is inflated by sampling error, because a true gap of zero still produces a small absolute gap in a sample. The dashed line in the figure is the average that noise alone would produce. It is between 0.8 and 1.2 points in the pooled periods before 2022 and 2.6 points for the smaller in-person sample of 2022-2024, and every period sits above its floor. Annual values before 2022 rest on one survey each, have a higher floor and run above the period estimates.

Across all modes in 2021-2024, when 63.9% of the respondents were interviewed on the web, the mean absolute gap was 10.6 (95% CI 9.8 to 11.5), and among web respondents in 2022-2024 it was 12.0 (95% CI 10.6 to 13.6).

The pooled in-person value for 2022-2024 averages the surveys of 2022 and 2024, which differ. In person the average was 11.3 (95% CI 9.7 to 14.2) in 2022, and its interval lies above the interval for 2011-2018. In 2024 it was 7.3 (95% CI 5.6 to 10.7), an interval that overlaps the one for 2011-2018 and contains the 8.1 of 2018, and among web respondents it was 12.0 in 2024. The 2024 in-person average covers twelve institutions because organized labor falls below the suppression floor. The rise after 2018 therefore rests on the in-person interviews of 2022 and on the web interviews, and the in-person interviews of 2024 do not establish it.

The pattern holds without leaners. Counting only strong and weak identifiers, the mean absolute gap was 5.4 (95% CI 4.8 to 6.1) points in 1973-1980 and 8.7 (95% CI 7.2 to 11.2) in 2022-2024 among in-person respondents.

The number of institutions with an estimated gap of 10 points or more went from 1 in 1973-1980 to 2 in 2011-2018 and 7 among in-person respondents in 2022-2024. (Note: Counting by interval, the gap excludes zero on the Democratic side for 5 of the thirteen institutions in 1973-1980 and 7 in 2022-2024 in person, and on the Republican side for 6 and 3.) Those counts use point estimates, and medicine, at +10.4, sits just above the cutoff.

### Parties differ most on science and the Supreme Court

Among respondents interviewed in person in 2022-2024, the science gap was +19.8 (95% CI 11.8 to 27.8) points and the Supreme Court gap −16.2 (95% CI −22.8 to −9.5) (Table 2). The estimated gap is 10 points or more for 7 institutions: science, the Supreme Court, the executive branch, education, the military, organized religion and medicine.

The intervals for major companies, banks and organized labor include zero, but each reaches past the Congress gap of +5.0 points, so a gap of that size is not ruled out for any of the three. Web respondents give different results for companies and labor, reported below.

Table 2. In person in 2022-2024 the estimated party gap is 10 points or more for 7 of thirteen institutions

Congress, television and the press have gaps of +5.0, +7.1 and +7.8 points at low levels of confidence for both parties. In Congress, 8.0% of Democrats and 3.0% of Republicans had a great deal of confidence, and the press shares are 10.4% and 2.6%, so a press gap of that size is large next to them. Gaps are compared in points, so a gap of a given size means more at a low level of confidence than at a high one, and the averages above do not adjust for the level.

The levels behind the gaps are lower than in the 1970s for most institutions (Table 3). From 1973-1980 to 2022-2024 among in-person respondents, the share with a great deal of confidence fell for both parties in 8 of the thirteen institutions, with intervals that do not overlap, and rose for both parties only in the military.

Table 3. Between 1973-1980 and 2022-2024 the share with a great deal of confidence fell for both parties in 8 of thirteen institutions

### The gaps have lasted since different periods

A gap has lasted since the earliest period from which its interval stays on the same side of zero in that period and in every later period through 2022-2024, counting in-person interviews only. Table 4 shows the gap for each institution in six periods, and Table 5 gives the 2022-2024 gap with its interval and the period from which each gap has lasted.

Television is the only gap that has lasted since the first period, from +4.0 (95% CI 2.1 to 5.9) in 1973-1980 to +7.1 (95% CI 2.5 to 11.6) in 2022-2024, and because the survey began in 1973 it may have started earlier. The Republican advantage on the military has lasted since 1981-1990 and was −22.3 (95% CI −25.6 to −18.9) points in 2001-2010, the largest Republican advantage in any period, and −13.7 in 2022-2024. Organized religion has favored Republicans since 1991-2000, the press has favored Democrats since 2001-2010, and the education and science gaps have lasted since 2011-2018. The press gap has favored Democrats in every period, although its interval includes zero in 1991-2000.

Table 4. From 2011-2018 to 2022-2024 the Supreme Court gap moved from +1.1 to −16.2 points and the medicine gap from −1.8 to +10.4

The science gap changed sign. Republicans were the more confident party in 1973-1980 (−5.5 (95% CI −8.1 to −2.9)), the interval for 2001-2010 includes zero (+2.4 (95% CI −1.1 to 5.9)), and Democrats led in 2011-2018 (+9.7 (95% CI 6.1 to 13.4)). In the annual data for all modes the point estimate has been positive in every survey year since 2008, when it was +7.5 (95% CI 0.4 to 14.6), and the interval excludes zero in 2008, in 2014 and in every survey year from 2016. An earlier study of the GSS found that self-identified conservatives went from the most to the least trusting of science between 1974 and 2010 [4], a reversal by ideology in the same direction as the reversal by party here.

The medicine and Supreme Court gaps have lasted only since 2022-2024, and both institutions had earlier gaps. Medicine favored Republicans, with an interval below zero, in 1973-1980 and in the next two periods, and the Court favored Republicans in 1981-1990 and 2001-2010. Neither interval excluded zero in 2011-2018 (−1.8 (95% CI −5.4 to 1.7) and +1.1 (95% CI −2.2 to 4.4)). Among in-person respondents in 2022-2024 they were +10.4 (95% CI 2.5 to 18.3) and −16.2 (95% CI −22.8 to −9.5), so the Court gap has the sign it had in earlier periods and the medicine gap has the opposite sign. The Congress gap has lasted since 2022-2024. It was also present in 1973-1980, and its intervals included zero from 1981-1990 to 2011-2018.

Table 5. The television gap has lasted since 1973-1980 and the medicine, Congress and Supreme Court gaps only since 2022-2024

Three gaps that existed in earlier periods no longer stand out among in-person respondents in 2022-2024. The major companies gap was −12.2 (95% CI −14.5 to −9.9) in 1973-1980 and −11.4 (95% CI −14.3 to −8.4) in 2011-2018, so Republicans were the more confident party about companies. The organized labor gap was +6.9 (95% CI 5.2 to 8.6) and +4.6 (95% CI 2.1 to 7.0) in the same periods, so Democrats were the more confident party about labor. Republicans also led on banks in 1973-1980. In 2022-2024 the in-person gaps for companies, labor and banks each have an interval that includes zero. Web respondents give −6.2 (95% CI −11.2 to −1.2) for major companies and +9.0 (95% CI 3.5 to 14.4) for labor, so whether these two gaps have closed depends on the mode.

### The executive branch gap changes sign with the president

The executive branch does not fit a pattern of a gap that opens and stays (Table 6). Its gap is positive under Democratic presidents and negative under Republican presidents in 33 of 33 survey years, and its interval excludes zero on the side of the president's party in 32 of them. The exception is 1980, when the gap was +4.7 (95% CI −0.1 to 9.6) points. The gap was −20.4 points in 2006 under George W. Bush, +16.1 in 2010 under Barack Obama, −13.1 in 2018 under Donald Trump and +16.3 in 2024 under Joe Biden, each with an interval that excludes zero.

The 2021 survey began interviewing in December 2020 [5], so 22.1% of its executive branch respondents were interviewed before the inauguration in January 2021. Their gap was −10.7 (95% CI −19.1 to −2.3) points, against +16.0 (95% CI 11.7 to 20.4) for the rest, so each part has the sign of the president in office when it was interviewed. An analysis of the GSS through 2006 described this party-in-power pattern for the executive branch [1], and the surveys since then continue it. Planned, Trust in government (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/trust-in-government; planned) asks whether trust in the federal government follows the same pattern in the American National Election Studies.

Table 6. The executive branch gap has the sign of the president's party in 33 of 33 survey years

### The web science gap is larger before correcting for comparisons

In 2021 the GSS invited an address-based sample to answer online [5], in 2022 it interviewed in person and on the web side by side [6], and 2024 has both modes again. The web accounted for 87.3% of 2021 respondents, 46.1% of 2022 respondents and 53.2% of 2024 respondents. Table 7 compares in-person and web respondents in 2022 and 2024 pooled. The point estimates have the same sign for 13 of the thirteen institutions, and the web gap is larger in absolute value for 8 of them. Only the science difference has an interval that excludes zero: the gap is +34.3 (95% CI 27.8 to 40.7) points on the web and +19.8 (95% CI 11.8 to 27.8) in person, a difference of +14.5 (95% CI 4.2 to 24.7) points.

Science is one of thirteen comparisons. Multiplying its p-value (the probability of a difference this large if the two modes gave the same gap) by thirteen gives about 0.07, so the difference is not established once the number of comparisons is counted. For the other institutions the interval of the difference includes zero, but the intervals are wide. The largest point difference among them is 8.6 points, for medicine, and its interval reaches 18.6 points. The data therefore cannot rule out mode differences for other institutions as large as the science difference. The interval of each difference is in the data table under the figure. The pooled science gap across both modes, +28.2 (95% CI 23.4 to 32.9) points, is a blend of the two.

Table 7. The web science gap differs from the in-person gap by +14.5 points, before correcting for thirteen comparisons

Table 8 follows four institutions year by year. In person, the science gap was +10.7 (95% CI 3.0 to 18.3) points in 2018, +24.1 (95% CI 13.7 to 34.6) in 2022 and +11.8 (95% CI 0.1 to 23.5) in 2024. On the web it was +38.0 in 2022 and +31.4 in 2024. The web estimate is higher in each year that has both modes, by +13.9 (95% CI −0.2 to 28.0) points in 2022 and +19.6 (95% CI 5.0 to 34.3) in 2024, so the difference is established for 2024 only.

In person the gap changed by +13.5 (95% CI 0.5 to 26.4) points from 2018 to 2022 and by −12.3 (95% CI −28.0 to 3.4) from 2022 to 2024. The second interval includes zero, so the in-person data do not show whether the 2024 gap is lower than the 2022 gap, and the pooled in-person figure averages the surveys of 2022 and 2024, whose point estimates differ. The 2024 interval is wide, with a lower end close to zero.

The medicine gap has the same shape in person, with a wide interval in 2024. It was −3.4 (95% CI −10.7 to 4.0) in 2018, +15.2 (95% CI 4.6 to 25.7) in 2022 and +1.8 (95% CI −9.1 to 12.8) in 2024, while the web gap in 2024 was +19.9 (95% CI 11.7 to 28.0).

### The military gap narrowed by 2024

In person the military gap went from −21.0 (95% CI −28.1 to −13.9) in 2018 to −17.5 in 2022 and −6.7 (95% CI −18.6 to 5.2) in 2024. The change from 2018 to 2024 is +14.3 (95% CI 0.4 to 28.1) points, and the change from 2022 to 2024 is +10.8 (95% CI −5.4 to 27.1), an interval that includes zero.

On the web the gap went from −18.7 in 2022 to +2.2 in 2024, a change of +20.9 (95% CI 7.1 to 34.6), and across all modes the 2024 gap was +0.3 (95% CI −6.7 to 7.3).

The in-person narrowing since 2018 comes mostly from Republicans. Their share with a great deal of confidence in the military went from 73.5% (95% CI 68.4% to 78.6%) in 2018 to 54.8% (95% CI 46.2% to 63.4%) in 2024, while the Democratic share went from 52.5% (95% CI 47.6% to 57.4%) to 48.1% (95% CI 39.9% to 56.3%).

### The Supreme Court gap opened by 2022

In person the Court gap was −3.9 (95% CI −11.2 to 3.3) in 2018 and −19.8 (95% CI −28.6 to −10.9) in 2022, and on the web it was −5.5 (95% CI −10.8 to −0.2) in 2021 and −19.7 (95% CI −27.6 to −11.9) in 2022. In person there is no survey between 2018 and 2022, so the timing rests on the web series. In 2024 the gap was −9.5 in person and −23.0 on the web (Table 8).

Table 8. The Supreme Court gap was on the Republican side by 2022 in both interview modes

Most of the change comes from Democrats. Among in-person respondents their share with a great deal of confidence in the Court fell from 32.7% in 2018 to 8.9% in 2022, and among web respondents it fell from 25.5% in 2021 to 7.1% in 2022.

The Court decided *Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization* in June 2022 [7], but the 2022 survey does not date the fall to that decision. Web interviewing in 2022 began in May, after a news report in early May 2022 published the Court's draft opinion [8], so an interview before the ruling was not an interview before the news. Web interviews of Democrats before the ruling already show a low share, and its interval is cut off at zero and overlaps the interval for interviews after the ruling. (Note: Among Democrats interviewed on the web in 2022, the share with a great deal of confidence in the Court was 4.6% (95% CI 0.0% to 9.2%) before the ruling and 7.8% (95% CI 3.3% to 12.4%) from the day after it.) Too few in-person interviews were completed before the ruling to run the same check.

### What these data cannot show

The GSS interviews a new sample each time and asks party identification and confidence in the same interview, so it cannot say whether individuals changed their confidence or whether the people who call themselves Democrats or Republicans changed. A gap between party identifiers can widen when the membership of the parties shifts along lines such as education or religion (party sorting, taken up in Chapter 2.1, Cohort change in partisan sorting (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/how-the-sort-happened)). The comparison of in-person and web respondents cannot separate an effect of the mode from a difference between the people who answered in each mode. In 2022 respondents were randomly assigned to a sequence of modes, face to face first or web first, and each sequence followed up nonrespondents in the other mode [6]. The two mode samples therefore reflect who answered which invitation. The 2021 survey was designed as a web survey, and its documentation cautions that changes in 2021 may reflect the change in method as well as changes in opinion [5].

The item asks about the people running an institution, with three answers, so a change in the share answering "a great deal" does not show where the other answers went. The executive branch item in particular follows the incumbent administration. The thirteen institutions are the ones the GSS asks about, and the survey has no items for others such as the police. Causes are outside the design. The rise after 2018 coincides with a change of president, a pandemic and a change of mode, and the data cannot say which of them, if any, moved the gaps. The same holds for the Court's ruling in 2022. The in-person cells of 2022 and 2024 are small, so the estimates for those years are less precise than those for earlier periods. The sample is national, and it supports no claims about states or counties.

The intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents, but the GSS samples clusters of households within strata of areas. The intervals for the mean absolute gap come from resampling respondents and ignore the sampling design in the same way, and no design-based version of them has been run. (Note: A design-based standard error uses the survey's strata and clusters. Across 585 gap estimates, the median ratio of the design-based standard error to the one that assumes a simple random sample is 1.01, with most between 0.87 and 1.17, and in 15 of them the interval excludes zero under one method and not the other.)

Planned, Institutional trust outside the United States (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/institutional-trust-outside-the-united-states; planned) asks whether comparable gaps appear in other democracies, Planned, Generalized and institutional trust (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/generalized-and-institutional-trust; planned) asks whether trust in other people moved with confidence in institutions, and Chapter 5.2, Tolerance of speech (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/tolerance-of-speech) turns to another GSS battery.

## Tables

### Table 1. The mean absolute party gap rose from 4.8 points in 1973-1980 to 6.7 in 2011-2018 and was 9.4 in person in 2022-2024

Mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap in the share with a great deal of confidence, percentage points, by survey year (line) and by pooled period (steps), with 95% intervals; in-person, all-mode and web views

| conf_high | conf_low | mode | n | series | value | year |
| ---: | ---: | --- | ---: | --- | ---: | ---: |
| 8.30 | 4.90 | all | 1,288 | Mean absolute gap | 6.10 | 1973 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1973 |
| 9.30 | 6.10 | all | 1,258 | Mean absolute gap | 7.30 | 1974 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1974 |
| 8.30 | 5.20 | all | 1,262 | Mean absolute gap | 6.50 | 1975 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1975 |
| 9.10 | 5.80 | all | 1,250 | Mean absolute gap | 7.30 | 1976 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1976 |
| 7.40 | 4.40 | all | 1,338 | Mean absolute gap | 5.50 | 1977 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1977 |
| 6.60 | 3.80 | all | 1,296 | Mean absolute gap | 4.60 | 1978 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.50 | 1978 |
| 7.40 | 3.30 | all | 1,210 | Mean absolute gap | 4.60 | 1980 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.50 | 1980 |
| 9.90 | 5.90 | all | 1,612 | Mean absolute gap | 7.30 | 1982 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.40 | 1982 |
| 6.90 | 4.30 | all | 1,388 | Mean absolute gap | 4.90 | 1983 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1983 |
| 9.70 | 4.40 | all | 1,280 | Mean absolute gap | 6 | 1984 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 3 | 1984 |
| 6.10 | 3.30 | all | 1,271 | Mean absolute gap | 3.80 | 1986 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.20 | 1986 |
| 7 | 4.50 | all | 1,595 | Mean absolute gap | 5.10 | 1987 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.20 | 1987 |
| 8.20 | 4.80 | all | 1,290 | Mean absolute gap | 6 | 1988 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.60 | 1988 |
| 8.60 | 5.10 | all | 1,327 | Mean absolute gap | 6.50 | 1989 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.60 | 1989 |
| 8.20 | 3.50 | all | 1,201 | Mean absolute gap | 5.20 | 1990 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.70 | 1990 |
| 10.80 | 5.80 | all | 1,309 | Mean absolute gap | 7.90 | 1991 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.60 | 1991 |
| 7.10 | 4.20 | all | 1,375 | Mean absolute gap | 5 | 1993 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1993 |
| 5.50 | 3.30 | all | 2,530 | Mean absolute gap | 3.90 | 1994 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 1.80 | 1994 |
| 6.10 | 3.90 | all | 2,398 | Mean absolute gap | 4.60 | 1996 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 1.80 | 1996 |
| 6.30 | 3.80 | all | 2,283 | Mean absolute gap | 4.50 | 1998 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 1.90 | 1998 |
| 6.40 | 4.10 | all | 2,191 | Mean absolute gap | 4.70 | 2000 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2 | 2000 |
| 9.30 | 5.90 | all | 2,153 | Mean absolute gap | 6.60 | 2002 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.90 | 2002 |
| 12.20 | 7.20 | all | 2,300 | Mean absolute gap | 9 | 2004 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.90 | 2004 |
| 11.30 | 7.30 | all | 3,422 | Mean absolute gap | 8.90 | 2006 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2 | 2006 |
| 7.40 | 4.70 | all | 1,650 | Mean absolute gap | 5.80 | 2008 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 2008 |
| 8.70 | 5.60 | all | 1,619 | Mean absolute gap | 6.40 | 2010 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.40 | 2010 |
| 9.90 | 6.90 | all | 1,533 | Mean absolute gap | 7.90 | 2012 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.40 | 2012 |
| 8.70 | 5.90 | all | 1,948 | Mean absolute gap | 7.10 | 2014 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2 | 2014 |
| 8.40 | 6 | all | 2,290 | Mean absolute gap | 7 | 2016 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 1.90 | 2016 |
| 10 | 6.90 | all | 1,824 | Mean absolute gap | 8.10 | 2018 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.40 | 2018 |
| 12.20 | 9.90 | all | 3,069 | Mean absolute gap | 11 | 2021 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 1.70 | 2021 |
| 13.20 | 9.80 | all | 2,568 | Mean absolute gap | 11.50 | 2022 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.20 | 2022 |
| 12.30 | 8.60 | all | 2,356 | Mean absolute gap | 10.10 | 2024 |
| n/a | n/a | all | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.20 | 2024 |
| 5.50 | 4.30 | all | 10,281 | Period estimate | 4.80 | 1973 |
| 5.50 | 4.30 | all | 10,281 | Period estimate | 4.80 | 1980 |
| 5.80 | 4.50 | all | 12,330 | Period estimate | 5.10 | 1981 |
| 5.80 | 4.50 | all | 12,330 | Period estimate | 5.10 | 1990 |
| 4.80 | 3.60 | all | 12,086 | Period estimate | 4.10 | 1991 |
| 4.80 | 3.60 | all | 12,086 | Period estimate | 4.10 | 2000 |
| 7.30 | 5.60 | all | 11,144 | Period estimate | 6.30 | 2001 |
| 7.30 | 5.60 | all | 11,144 | Period estimate | 6.30 | 2010 |
| 7.50 | 6 | all | 7,595 | Period estimate | 6.70 | 2011 |
| 7.50 | 6 | all | 7,595 | Period estimate | 6.70 | 2018 |
| 11.50 | 9.80 | all | 7,993 | Period estimate | 10.60 | 2021 |
| 11.50 | 9.80 | all | 7,993 | Period estimate | 10.60 | 2024 |
| 8.30 | 5 | inperson | 1,288 | Mean absolute gap | 6.10 | 1973 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1973 |
| 9.20 | 6.10 | inperson | 1,258 | Mean absolute gap | 7.30 | 1974 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1974 |
| 8.30 | 5.10 | inperson | 1,262 | Mean absolute gap | 6.50 | 1975 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1975 |
| 9.10 | 5.90 | inperson | 1,250 | Mean absolute gap | 7.30 | 1976 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1976 |
| 7.40 | 4.40 | inperson | 1,338 | Mean absolute gap | 5.50 | 1977 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1977 |
| 6.60 | 3.90 | inperson | 1,296 | Mean absolute gap | 4.60 | 1978 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.50 | 1978 |
| 7.40 | 3.30 | inperson | 1,210 | Mean absolute gap | 4.60 | 1980 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.50 | 1980 |
| 9.80 | 5.90 | inperson | 1,612 | Mean absolute gap | 7.30 | 1982 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.40 | 1982 |
| 7 | 4.30 | inperson | 1,388 | Mean absolute gap | 4.90 | 1983 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1983 |
| 9.70 | 4.50 | inperson | 1,280 | Mean absolute gap | 6 | 1984 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 3 | 1984 |
| 6.10 | 3.30 | inperson | 1,271 | Mean absolute gap | 3.80 | 1986 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.20 | 1986 |
| 7 | 4.50 | inperson | 1,595 | Mean absolute gap | 5.10 | 1987 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.20 | 1987 |
| 8.30 | 4.90 | inperson | 1,290 | Mean absolute gap | 6 | 1988 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.60 | 1988 |
| 8.70 | 5.20 | inperson | 1,327 | Mean absolute gap | 6.50 | 1989 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.60 | 1989 |
| 8.20 | 3.50 | inperson | 1,201 | Mean absolute gap | 5.20 | 1990 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.70 | 1990 |
| 10.70 | 6 | inperson | 1,309 | Mean absolute gap | 7.90 | 1991 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.60 | 1991 |
| 7.20 | 4.10 | inperson | 1,375 | Mean absolute gap | 5 | 1993 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.30 | 1993 |
| 5.50 | 3.30 | inperson | 2,530 | Mean absolute gap | 3.90 | 1994 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 1.80 | 1994 |
| 6.20 | 4 | inperson | 2,398 | Mean absolute gap | 4.60 | 1996 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 1.80 | 1996 |
| 6.20 | 3.80 | inperson | 2,283 | Mean absolute gap | 4.50 | 1998 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 1.90 | 1998 |
| 6.40 | 4.10 | inperson | 2,191 | Mean absolute gap | 4.70 | 2000 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2 | 2000 |
| 9.40 | 5.90 | inperson | 2,153 | Mean absolute gap | 6.60 | 2002 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.90 | 2002 |
| 12.60 | 7.20 | inperson | 1,796 | Mean absolute gap | 9.20 | 2004 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 3.10 | 2004 |
| 11.20 | 7.30 | inperson | 3,190 | Mean absolute gap | 8.70 | 2006 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.10 | 2006 |
| 7.40 | 4.40 | inperson | 1,456 | Mean absolute gap | 5.50 | 2008 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.40 | 2008 |
| 9 | 5.80 | inperson | 1,440 | Mean absolute gap | 6.90 | 2010 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.60 | 2010 |
| 10.40 | 6.90 | inperson | 1,326 | Mean absolute gap | 7.90 | 2012 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.70 | 2012 |
| 9 | 6 | inperson | 1,700 | Mean absolute gap | 7.30 | 2014 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.10 | 2014 |
| 8.60 | 6.10 | inperson | 2,125 | Mean absolute gap | 7.10 | 2016 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2 | 2016 |
| 10.10 | 6.70 | inperson | 1,640 | Mean absolute gap | 8.10 | 2018 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.50 | 2018 |
| 14.20 | 9.70 | inperson | 1,158 | Mean absolute gap | 11.30 | 2022 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 3.30 | 2022 |
| 10.70 | 5.60 | inperson | 822 | Mean absolute gap | 7.30 | 2024 |
| n/a | n/a | inperson | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 3.70 | 2024 |
| 5.50 | 4.30 | inperson | 10,281 | Period estimate | 4.80 | 1973 |
| 5.50 | 4.30 | inperson | 10,281 | Period estimate | 4.80 | 1980 |
| 5.80 | 4.50 | inperson | 12,330 | Period estimate | 5.10 | 1981 |
| 5.80 | 4.50 | inperson | 12,330 | Period estimate | 5.10 | 1990 |
| 4.80 | 3.60 | inperson | 12,086 | Period estimate | 4.10 | 1991 |
| 4.80 | 3.60 | inperson | 12,086 | Period estimate | 4.10 | 2000 |
| 7.20 | 5.50 | inperson | 10,035 | Period estimate | 6.20 | 2001 |
| 7.20 | 5.50 | inperson | 10,035 | Period estimate | 6.20 | 2010 |
| 7.50 | 6 | inperson | 6,791 | Period estimate | 6.70 | 2011 |
| 7.50 | 6 | inperson | 6,791 | Period estimate | 6.70 | 2018 |
| 11.80 | 8 | inperson | 1,980 | Period estimate | 9.40 | 2022 |
| 11.80 | 8 | inperson | 1,980 | Period estimate | 9.40 | 2024 |
| 12.40 | 10 | web | 2,677 | Mean absolute gap | 11.20 | 2021 |
| n/a | n/a | web | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 1.80 | 2021 |
| 15.80 | 10.80 | web | 1,156 | Mean absolute gap | 13.40 | 2022 |
| n/a | n/a | web | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.90 | 2022 |
| 14.80 | 10 | web | 1,256 | Mean absolute gap | 12 | 2024 |
| n/a | n/a | web | n/a | Sampling-noise floor | 2.70 | 2024 |
| 13.60 | 10.60 | web | 2,412 | Period estimate | 12 | 2022 |
| 13.60 | 10.60 | web | 2,412 | Period estimate | 12 | 2024 |

Views: In-person interviews only (mode = inperson); All interview modes (mode = all); Web interviews only (mode = web).

Note: Banks and financial institutions were first asked in 1975, so the averages for 1973 and 1974 cover twelve institutions. Organized labor is left out of the 2024 in-person average because its party cells fall below the suppression floor. Every other average covers thirteen institutions.

Note: The mean of absolute values is pushed up by sampling error when true gaps are small, which is why the noise floor is shown.

Note: The bootstrap resamples respondents and ignores the survey's sampling design, and a design-based version of these intervals has not been computed.

Note: Lines are broken between 2018 and the next survey year in each view, because there is no 2020 survey and the 2021 survey had no in-person interviews.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners; bootstrap intervals with 2,000 replicates and a fixed seed

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/mean_abs_gap.json

### Table 2. In person in 2022-2024 the estimated party gap is 10 points or more for 7 of thirteen institutions

Share with a great deal of confidence in the people running each institution, percent, Democrats and Republicans including leaners, in-person interviews, 2022 and 2024 pooled, 95% intervals

| Institution | Republican share (%) | Republican share, lower end | Republican share, upper end | Democratic share (%) | Democratic share, lower end | Democratic share, upper end | Gap (points) | Republican respondents | Democratic respondents |
| --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Scientific community | 26.4 | 20.8 | 32.0 | 46.2 | 40.5 | 51.9 | +19.8 | 581 | 678 |
| Executive branch | 5.1 | 2.3 | 7.8 | 19.7 | 15.2 | 24.2 | +14.6 | 604 | 691 |
| Education | 15.4 | 10.8 | 19.9 | 29.7 | 24.6 | 34.8 | +14.4 | 607 | 698 |
| Medicine | 28.5 | 22.9 | 34.2 | 39.0 | 33.5 | 44.4 | +10.4 | 607 | 702 |
| Press | 2.6 | 0.6 | 4.5 | 10.4 | 6.9 | 13.8 | +7.8 | 604 | 693 |
| Television | 4.9 | 2.2 | 7.6 | 12.0 | 8.3 | 15.6 | +7.1 | 603 | 688 |
| Congress | 3.0 | 0.9 | 5.2 | 8.0 | 5.0 | 11.1 | +5.0 | 602 | 694 |
| Organized labor | 17.9 | 12.1 | 23.7 | 18.7 | 13.5 | 23.9 | +0.8 | 444 | 520 |
| Banks and finance | 19.4 | 14.4 | 24.4 | 19.7 | 15.3 | 24.2 | +0.3 | 607 | 700 |
| Major companies | 16.6 | 11.8 | 21.3 | 15.7 | 11.6 | 19.9 | −0.8 | 587 | 678 |
| Organized religion | 25.7 | 20.1 | 31.2 | 14.0 | 10.1 | 18.0 | −11.6 | 585 | 679 |
| Military | 59.2 | 53.1 | 65.4 | 45.5 | 39.9 | 51.1 | −13.7 | 609 | 693 |
| Supreme Court | 26.9 | 21.3 | 32.6 | 10.8 | 7.3 | 14.3 | −16.2 | 596 | 693 |

Note: The dots pool the in-person interviews of 2022 and 2024, and there is no in-person survey in 2021. The number of respondents behind each dot is in the data table.

Note: Intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents (the Kish effective sample size); they do not use the survey's sampling design.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners (in-person interviews, 2022 and 2024 pooled); intervals on the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/party_shares_22_24.json

### Table 3. Between 1973-1980 and 2022-2024 the share with a great deal of confidence fell for both parties in 8 of thirteen institutions

Share with "a great deal" of confidence in the people running each institution, percent, by survey year, Democrats (solid line) and Republicans (dashed line) including leaners, 95% intervals; in-person and all-mode views

| conf_high | conf_low | institution | mode | n | party | share | web_pct | year |
| ---: | ---: | --- | --- | ---: | --- | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| 43.90 | 36.20 | Scientific community | all | 740 | Democrats | 40.10 | 0 | 1973 |
| 53.10 | 45.20 | Scientific community | all | 745 | Democrats | 49.20 | 0 | 1974 |
| 44.80 | 36.90 | Scientific community | all | 730 | Democrats | 40.90 | 0 | 1975 |
| 49.40 | 41.40 | Scientific community | all | 739 | Democrats | 45.40 | 0 | 1976 |
| 45.90 | 38.30 | Scientific community | all | 810 | Democrats | 42.10 | 0 | 1977 |
| 47.30 | 38.30 | Scientific community | all | 739 | Democrats | 42.80 | 0 | 1978 |
| 46.60 | 37.40 | Scientific community | all | 683 | Democrats | 42 | 0 | 1980 |
| 42.20 | 34.30 | Scientific community | all | 993 | Democrats | 38.30 | 0 | 1982 |
| 49.40 | 40.50 | Scientific community | all | 789 | Democrats | 44.90 | 0 | 1983 |
| 54 | 42.80 | Scientific community | all | 463 | Democrats | 48.40 | 0 | 1984 |
| 44.20 | 36.20 | Scientific community | all | 697 | Democrats | 40.20 | 0 | 1986 |
| 50.20 | 42.20 | Scientific community | all | 951 | Democrats | 46.20 | 0 | 1987 |
| 50.50 | 40.20 | Scientific community | all | 443 | Democrats | 45.40 | 0 | 1988 |
| 48.20 | 37.50 | Scientific community | all | 433 | Democrats | 42.90 | 0 | 1989 |
| 45.30 | 34 | Scientific community | all | 379 | Democrats | 39.60 | 0 | 1990 |
| 42.90 | 32.50 | Scientific community | all | 422 | Democrats | 37.70 | 0 | 1991 |
| 45.40 | 35.10 | Scientific community | all | 451 | Democrats | 40.30 | 0 | 1993 |
| 45.20 | 37.90 | Scientific community | all | 872 | Democrats | 41.50 | 0 | 1994 |
| 47.70 | 40 | Scientific community | all | 807 | Democrats | 43.90 | 0 | 1996 |
| 48 | 40.10 | Scientific community | all | 795 | Democrats | 44.10 | 0 | 1998 |
| 51.30 | 43.20 | Scientific community | all | 754 | Democrats | 47.20 | 0 | 2000 |
| 48.70 | 37 | Scientific community | all | 385 | Democrats | 42.90 | 0 | 2002 |
| 48.90 | 36.80 | Scientific community | all | 387 | Democrats | 42.90 | 0 | 2004 |
| 50.20 | 41.90 | Scientific community | all | 809 | Democrats | 46 | 0 | 2006 |
| 48 | 38.90 | Scientific community | all | 639 | Democrats | 43.40 | 0 | 2008 |
| 51.50 | 41.40 | Scientific community | all | 640 | Democrats | 46.50 | 0 | 2010 |
| 51.80 | 41.90 | Scientific community | all | 612 | Democrats | 46.90 | 0 | 2012 |
| 50.80 | 42.60 | Scientific community | all | 747 | Democrats | 46.70 | 0 | 2014 |
| 53.80 | 45.80 | Scientific community | all | 904 | Democrats | 49.80 | 0 | 2016 |
| 60.30 | 50.90 | Scientific community | all | 673 | Democrats | 55.60 | 0 | 2018 |
| 67.20 | 60.20 | Scientific community | all | 1,194 | Democrats | 63.70 | 88 | 2021 |
| 58 | 48.10 | Scientific community | all | 934 | Democrats | 53.10 | 47 | 2022 |
| 55.60 | 45.70 | Scientific community | all | 812 | Democrats | 50.60 | 54 | 2024 |
| 49.70 | 39.50 | Scientific community | all | 429 | Republicans | 44.60 | 0 | 1973 |
| 60.90 | 50.20 | Scientific community | all | 384 | Republicans | 55.60 | 0 | 1974 |
| 50.50 | 39.90 | Scientific community | all | 403 | Republicans | 45.20 | 0 | 1975 |
| 60.70 | 49.80 | Scientific community | all | 379 | Republicans | 55.30 | 0 | 1976 |
| 56.40 | 45.90 | Scientific community | all | 424 | Republicans | 51.20 | 0 | 1977 |
| 46.30 | 34.70 | Scientific community | all | 452 | Republicans | 40.50 | 0 | 1978 |
| 56.60 | 45.30 | Scientific community | all | 416 | Republicans | 50.90 | 0 | 1980 |
| 57.70 | 46.30 | Scientific community | all | 460 | Republicans | 52 | 0 | 1982 |
| 53.30 | 42.70 | Scientific community | all | 516 | Republicans | 48 | 0 | 1983 |
| 60.30 | 47.10 | Scientific community | all | 336 | Republicans | 53.70 | 0 | 1984 |
| 52 | 42.50 | Scientific community | all | 504 | Republicans | 47.20 | 0 | 1986 |
| 57 | 47.10 | Scientific community | all | 535 | Republicans | 52 | 0 | 1987 |
| 49.40 | 38.10 | Scientific community | all | 367 | Republicans | 43.70 | 0 | 1988 |
| 55.90 | 45 | Scientific community | all | 385 | Republicans | 50.50 | 0 | 1989 |
| 50.40 | 38.80 | Scientific community | all | 347 | Republicans | 44.60 | 0 | 1990 |
| 55.80 | 45 | Scientific community | all | 401 | Republicans | 50.40 | 0 | 1991 |
| 47.80 | 36.80 | Scientific community | all | 381 | Republicans | 42.30 | 0 | 1993 |
| 47.80 | 39.80 | Scientific community | all | 743 | Republicans | 43.80 | 0 | 1994 |
| 49.90 | 41.50 | Scientific community | all | 648 | Republicans | 45.70 | 0 | 1996 |
| 50.10 | 41.60 | Scientific community | all | 635 | Republicans | 45.90 | 0 | 1998 |
| 50.90 | 42.20 | Scientific community | all | 623 | Republicans | 46.50 | 0 | 2000 |
| 48.20 | 35.30 | Scientific community | all | 290 | Republicans | 41.70 | 0 | 2002 |
| 51.30 | 38.90 | Scientific community | all | 330 | Republicans | 45.10 | 0 | 2004 |
| 52 | 42.80 | Scientific community | all | 640 | Republicans | 47.40 | 0 | 2006 |
| 41.30 | 30.60 | Scientific community | all | 432 | Republicans | 36 | 0 | 2008 |
| 46.20 | 34.80 | Scientific community | all | 416 | Republicans | 40.50 | 0 | 2010 |
| 45.70 | 33.50 | Scientific community | all | 384 | Republicans | 39.60 | 0 | 2012 |
| 44.10 | 34.30 | Scientific community | all | 499 | Republicans | 39.20 | 0 | 2014 |
| 41.60 | 32.60 | Scientific community | all | 600 | Republicans | 37.10 | 0 | 2016 |
| 49.40 | 37.80 | Scientific community | all | 516 | Republicans | 43.60 | 0 | 2018 |
| 37.50 | 29.70 | Scientific community | all | 822 | Republicans | 33.60 | 85 | 2021 |
| 27.40 | 18 | Scientific community | all | 761 | Republicans | 22.70 | 46 | 2022 |
| 29.30 | 20.50 | Scientific community | all | 704 | Republicans | 24.90 | 57 | 2024 |
| 26.10 | 19.70 | Executive branch | all | 785 | Democrats | 22.90 | 0 | 1973 |
| 13.70 | 8.90 | Executive branch | all | 809 | Democrats | 11.30 | 0 | 1974 |
| 13.90 | 9 | Executive branch | all | 799 | Democrats | 11.40 | 0 | 1975 |
| 13.20 | 8.50 | Executive branch | all | 812 | Democrats | 10.80 | 0 | 1976 |
| 34.20 | 27.20 | Executive branch | all | 852 | Democrats | 30.70 | 0 | 1977 |
| 18.70 | 12.30 | Executive branch | all | 780 | Democrats | 15.50 | 0 | 1978 |
| 19.60 | 13 | Executive branch | all | 730 | Democrats | 16.30 | 0 | 1980 |
| 16.80 | 11.20 | Executive branch | all | 1,074 | Democrats | 14 | 0 | 1982 |
| 12 | 6.90 | Executive branch | all | 821 | Democrats | 9.40 | 0 | 1983 |
| 15.20 | 8 | Executive branch | all | 486 | Democrats | 11.60 | 0 | 1984 |
| 20.30 | 14.20 | Executive branch | all | 724 | Democrats | 17.30 | 0 | 1986 |
| 16.30 | 11 | Executive branch | all | 996 | Democrats | 13.70 | 0 | 1987 |
| 14.50 | 8.10 | Executive branch | all | 469 | Democrats | 11.30 | 0 | 1988 |
| 20.70 | 12.90 | Executive branch | all | 458 | Democrats | 16.80 | 0 | 1989 |
| 24.50 | 15.60 | Executive branch | all | 404 | Democrats | 20.10 | 0 | 1990 |
| 24.80 | 16.40 | Executive branch | all | 445 | Democrats | 20.60 | 0 | 1991 |
| 19.80 | 12.40 | Executive branch | all | 476 | Democrats | 16.10 | 0 | 1993 |
| 18.50 | 13.20 | Executive branch | all | 905 | Democrats | 15.90 | 0 | 1994 |
| 17.90 | 12.40 | Executive branch | all | 847 | Democrats | 15.20 | 0 | 1996 |
| 21.20 | 15.20 | Executive branch | all | 840 | Democrats | 18.20 | 0 | 1998 |
| 22.40 | 16.20 | Executive branch | all | 791 | Democrats | 19.30 | 0 | 2000 |
| 23.40 | 14.40 | Executive branch | all | 403 | Democrats | 18.90 | 0 | 2002 |
| 15.60 | 7.80 | Executive branch | all | 395 | Democrats | 11.70 | 0 | 2004 |
| 10.20 | 5.70 | Executive branch | all | 831 | Democrats | 8 | 0 | 2006 |
| 11.50 | 6.30 | Executive branch | all | 660 | Democrats | 8.90 | 0 | 2008 |
| 29.60 | 20.90 | Executive branch | all | 653 | Democrats | 25.30 | 0 | 2010 |
| 22.90 | 15.20 | Executive branch | all | 629 | Democrats | 19 | 0 | 2012 |
| 20.90 | 14.60 | Executive branch | all | 754 | Democrats | 17.70 | 0 | 2014 |
| 22 | 15.80 | Executive branch | all | 917 | Democrats | 18.90 | 0 | 2016 |
| 10.40 | 5.50 | Executive branch | all | 683 | Democrats | 7.90 | 0 | 2018 |
| 21.70 | 16 | Executive branch | all | 1,191 | Democrats | 18.90 | 88 | 2021 |
| 22.50 | 14.80 | Executive branch | all | 936 | Democrats | 18.60 | 47 | 2022 |
| 25.20 | 17.20 | Executive branch | all | 820 | Democrats | 21.20 | 54 | 2024 |
| 50.60 | 40.90 | Executive branch | all | 475 | Republicans | 45.80 | 0 | 1973 |
| 24.70 | 16.30 | Executive branch | all | 424 | Republicans | 20.50 | 0 | 1974 |
| 24.30 | 16.10 | Executive branch | all | 441 | Republicans | 20.20 | 0 | 1975 |
| 22.80 | 14.50 | Executive branch | all | 406 | Republicans | 18.70 | 0 | 1976 |
| 28.80 | 20 | Executive branch | all | 444 | Republicans | 24.40 | 0 | 1977 |
| 11.60 | 5.30 | Executive branch | all | 478 | Republicans | 8.50 | 0 | 1978 |
| 15.10 | 8.10 | Executive branch | all | 445 | Republicans | 11.60 | 0 | 1980 |
| 38.50 | 28.10 | Executive branch | all | 496 | Republicans | 33.30 | 0 | 1982 |
| 27 | 18.30 | Executive branch | all | 534 | Republicans | 22.70 | 0 | 1983 |
| 37.30 | 25.30 | Executive branch | all | 348 | Republicans | 31.30 | 0 | 1984 |
| 36.50 | 27.70 | Executive branch | all | 524 | Republicans | 32.10 | 0 | 1986 |
| 33.70 | 24.80 | Executive branch | all | 550 | Republicans | 29.20 | 0 | 1987 |
| 32.30 | 22.40 | Executive branch | all | 383 | Republicans | 27.30 | 0 | 1988 |
| 34.50 | 24.60 | Executive branch | all | 398 | Republicans | 29.50 | 0 | 1989 |
| 36.10 | 25.50 | Executive branch | all | 365 | Republicans | 30.80 | 0 | 1990 |
| 42.50 | 32.30 | Executive branch | all | 419 | Republicans | 37.40 | 0 | 1991 |
| 10 | 4.40 | Executive branch | all | 401 | Republicans | 7.20 | 0 | 1993 |
| 9.20 | 5.10 | Executive branch | all | 766 | Republicans | 7.20 | 0 | 1994 |
| 9.50 | 5.20 | Executive branch | all | 677 | Republicans | 7.30 | 0 | 1996 |
| 12 | 7.10 | Executive branch | all | 660 | Republicans | 9.50 | 0 | 1998 |
| 15.40 | 9.70 | Executive branch | all | 640 | Republicans | 12.50 | 0 | 2000 |
| 51.70 | 38.90 | Executive branch | all | 300 | Republicans | 45.30 | 0 | 2002 |
| 43.70 | 31.60 | Executive branch | all | 331 | Republicans | 37.70 | 0 | 2004 |
| 32.50 | 24.30 | Executive branch | all | 654 | Republicans | 28.40 | 0 | 2006 |
| 18.80 | 11 | Executive branch | all | 438 | Republicans | 14.90 | 0 | 2008 |
| 12.50 | 5.90 | Executive branch | all | 427 | Republicans | 9.20 | 0 | 2010 |
| 10.50 | 4.10 | Executive branch | all | 398 | Republicans | 7.30 | 0 | 2012 |
| 5 | 1.40 | Executive branch | all | 512 | Republicans | 3.20 | 0 | 2014 |
| 10 | 5.10 | Executive branch | all | 616 | Republicans | 7.60 | 0 | 2016 |
| 25.70 | 16.40 | Executive branch | all | 528 | Republicans | 21 | 0 | 2018 |
| 10.40 | 5.90 | Executive branch | all | 826 | Republicans | 8.10 | 85 | 2021 |
| 5.40 | 1.30 | Executive branch | all | 777 | Republicans | 3.30 | 45 | 2022 |
| 7.10 | 2.70 | Executive branch | all | 718 | Republicans | 4.90 | 56 | 2024 |
| 42.80 | 35.40 | Education | all | 790 | Democrats | 39.10 | 0 | 1973 |
| 58 | 50.50 | Education | all | 813 | Democrats | 54.20 | 0 | 1974 |
| 36.20 | 29 | Education | all | 804 | Democrats | 32.60 | 0 | 1975 |
| 44.40 | 36.90 | Education | all | 817 | Democrats | 40.60 | 0 | 1976 |
| 45.50 | 38.10 | Education | all | 866 | Democrats | 41.80 | 0 | 1977 |
| 36.10 | 27.90 | Education | all | 790 | Democrats | 32 | 0 | 1978 |
| 37 | 28.60 | Education | all | 741 | Democrats | 32.80 | 0 | 1980 |
| 37.50 | 30 | Education | all | 1,079 | Democrats | 33.70 | 0 | 1982 |
| 34.50 | 26.50 | Education | all | 829 | Democrats | 30.50 | 0 | 1983 |
| 34.60 | 24.50 | Education | all | 490 | Democrats | 29.60 | 0 | 1984 |
| 33.20 | 25.90 | Education | all | 731 | Democrats | 29.60 | 0 | 1986 |
| 41 | 33.50 | Education | all | 1,010 | Democrats | 37.20 | 0 | 1987 |
| 33.40 | 24.30 | Education | all | 473 | Democrats | 28.90 | 0 | 1988 |
| 37.30 | 27.50 | Education | all | 470 | Democrats | 32.40 | 0 | 1989 |
| 31.30 | 21.60 | Education | all | 413 | Democrats | 26.40 | 0 | 1990 |
| 39 | 29.10 | Education | all | 447 | Democrats | 34 | 0 | 1991 |
| 27.90 | 19.30 | Education | all | 480 | Democrats | 23.60 | 0 | 1993 |
| 30.30 | 23.80 | Education | all | 913 | Democrats | 27.10 | 0 | 1994 |
| 30 | 23.40 | Education | all | 872 | Democrats | 26.70 | 0 | 1996 |
| 32.80 | 25.80 | Education | all | 852 | Democrats | 29.30 | 0 | 1998 |
| 34.40 | 27.20 | Education | all | 820 | Democrats | 30.80 | 0 | 2000 |
| 33.80 | 23.40 | Education | all | 409 | Democrats | 28.60 | 0 | 2002 |
| 34.40 | 23.60 | Education | all | 401 | Democrats | 29 | 0 | 2004 |
| 31.40 | 24.10 | Education | all | 846 | Democrats | 27.70 | 0 | 2006 |
| 36.40 | 27.90 | Education | all | 666 | Democrats | 32.10 | 0 | 2008 |
| 32.70 | 23.70 | Education | all | 661 | Democrats | 28.20 | 0 | 2010 |
| 34.50 | 25.60 | Education | all | 640 | Democrats | 30.10 | 0 | 2012 |
| 33.20 | 25.70 | Education | all | 763 | Democrats | 29.50 | 0 | 2014 |
| 33.20 | 26 | Education | all | 931 | Democrats | 29.60 | 0 | 2016 |
| 32.60 | 24.20 | Education | all | 686 | Democrats | 28.40 | 0 | 2018 |
| 22.50 | 16.70 | Education | all | 1,196 | Democrats | 19.60 | 88 | 2021 |
| 27.80 | 19.40 | Education | all | 938 | Democrats | 23.60 | 47 | 2022 |
| 29.50 | 21.10 | Education | all | 828 | Democrats | 25.30 | 53 | 2024 |
| 42.20 | 32.80 | Education | all | 476 | Republicans | 37.50 | 0 | 1973 |
| 47.40 | 37.20 | Education | all | 427 | Republicans | 42.30 | 0 | 1974 |
| 34.90 | 25.50 | Education | all | 441 | Republicans | 30.20 | 0 | 1975 |
| 41.30 | 31.10 | Education | all | 408 | Republicans | 36.20 | 0 | 1976 |
| 43.70 | 33.90 | Education | all | 457 | Republicans | 38.80 | 0 | 1977 |
| 30.70 | 20.70 | Education | all | 485 | Republicans | 25.70 | 0 | 1978 |
| 33.40 | 23.50 | Education | all | 446 | Republicans | 28.50 | 0 | 1980 |
| 40.60 | 30.20 | Education | all | 500 | Republicans | 35.40 | 0 | 1982 |
| 36.30 | 26.60 | Education | all | 534 | Republicans | 31.50 | 0 | 1983 |
| 34.40 | 22.60 | Education | all | 344 | Republicans | 28.50 | 0 | 1984 |
| 31.90 | 23.50 | Education | all | 524 | Republicans | 27.70 | 0 | 1986 |
| 37.10 | 28.10 | Education | all | 561 | Republicans | 32.60 | 0 | 1987 |
| 37.70 | 27.30 | Education | all | 386 | Republicans | 32.50 | 0 | 1988 |
| 35.60 | 25.70 | Education | all | 407 | Republicans | 30.60 | 0 | 1989 |
| 33.90 | 23.60 | Education | all | 364 | Republicans | 28.70 | 0 | 1990 |
| 31.80 | 22.40 | Education | all | 422 | Republicans | 27.10 | 0 | 1991 |
| 25.90 | 17 | Education | all | 405 | Republicans | 21.50 | 0 | 1993 |
| 29.40 | 22.40 | Education | all | 765 | Republicans | 25.90 | 0 | 1994 |
| 25.40 | 18.60 | Education | all | 687 | Republicans | 22 | 0 | 1996 |
| 27.20 | 20.20 | Education | all | 669 | Republicans | 23.70 | 0 | 1998 |
| 27.40 | 20.10 | Education | all | 647 | Republicans | 23.80 | 0 | 2000 |
| 29 | 18.10 | Education | all | 300 | Republicans | 23.50 | 0 | 2002 |
| 34.20 | 23 | Education | all | 335 | Republicans | 28.60 | 0 | 2004 |
| 32.90 | 24.70 | Education | all | 661 | Republicans | 28.80 | 0 | 2006 |
| 34.90 | 24.80 | Education | all | 444 | Republicans | 29.80 | 0 | 2008 |
| 32.40 | 22.30 | Education | all | 430 | Republicans | 27.40 | 0 | 2010 |
| 22.50 | 13.10 | Education | all | 401 | Republicans | 17.80 | 0 | 2012 |
| 21.90 | 14.20 | Education | all | 516 | Republicans | 18 | 0 | 2014 |
| 25 | 17.40 | Education | all | 620 | Republicans | 21.20 | 0 | 2016 |
| 23.80 | 14.80 | Education | all | 530 | Republicans | 19.30 | 0 | 2018 |
| 17.90 | 12 | Education | all | 823 | Republicans | 14.90 | 85 | 2021 |
| 13.90 | 7 | Education | all | 777 | Republicans | 10.50 | 45 | 2022 |
| 16.80 | 9.80 | Education | all | 715 | Republicans | 13.30 | 55 | 2024 |
| 56.80 | 49.20 | Medicine | all | 798 | Democrats | 53 | 0 | 1973 |
| 64.50 | 57.20 | Medicine | all | 814 | Democrats | 60.80 | 0 | 1974 |
| 54.10 | 46.40 | Medicine | all | 803 | Democrats | 50.30 | 0 | 1975 |
| 58.30 | 50.70 | Medicine | all | 822 | Democrats | 54.50 | 0 | 1976 |
| 57.10 | 49.60 | Medicine | all | 867 | Democrats | 53.30 | 0 | 1977 |
| 50.70 | 42 | Medicine | all | 794 | Democrats | 46.40 | 0 | 1978 |
| 59.50 | 50.70 | Medicine | all | 746 | Democrats | 55.10 | 0 | 1980 |
| 49.70 | 41.90 | Medicine | all | 1,094 | Democrats | 45.80 | 0 | 1982 |
| 57.30 | 48.50 | Medicine | all | 837 | Democrats | 52.90 | 0 | 1983 |
| 55.40 | 44.40 | Medicine | all | 492 | Democrats | 49.90 | 0 | 1984 |
| 50.40 | 42.30 | Medicine | all | 730 | Democrats | 46.30 | 0 | 1986 |
| 56.30 | 48.50 | Medicine | all | 1,014 | Democrats | 52.40 | 0 | 1987 |
| 54.90 | 44.80 | Medicine | all | 477 | Democrats | 49.80 | 0 | 1988 |
| 51.70 | 41.30 | Medicine | all | 470 | Democrats | 46.50 | 0 | 1989 |
| 49.90 | 39 | Medicine | all | 416 | Democrats | 44.40 | 0 | 1990 |
| 47.90 | 37.70 | Medicine | all | 449 | Democrats | 42.80 | 0 | 1991 |
| 44.80 | 34.90 | Medicine | all | 488 | Democrats | 39.90 | 0 | 1993 |
| 45.60 | 38.40 | Medicine | all | 918 | Democrats | 42 | 0 | 1994 |
| 47.80 | 40.40 | Medicine | all | 869 | Democrats | 44.10 | 0 | 1996 |
| 48.60 | 40.90 | Medicine | all | 850 | Democrats | 44.70 | 0 | 1998 |
| 50.40 | 42.60 | Medicine | all | 815 | Democrats | 46.50 | 0 | 2000 |
| 45.30 | 34.10 | Medicine | all | 409 | Democrats | 39.70 | 0 | 2002 |
| 41.80 | 30.30 | Medicine | all | 400 | Democrats | 36.10 | 0 | 2004 |
| 44.20 | 36.20 | Medicine | all | 847 | Democrats | 40.20 | 0 | 2006 |
| 43.50 | 34.60 | Medicine | all | 668 | Democrats | 39.10 | 0 | 2008 |
| 47.80 | 37.90 | Medicine | all | 660 | Democrats | 42.90 | 0 | 2010 |
| 46.40 | 36.90 | Medicine | all | 640 | Democrats | 41.70 | 0 | 2012 |
| 44.30 | 36.30 | Medicine | all | 763 | Democrats | 40.30 | 0 | 2014 |
| 41.20 | 33.60 | Medicine | all | 928 | Democrats | 37.40 | 0 | 2016 |
| 42.80 | 33.70 | Medicine | all | 687 | Democrats | 38.20 | 0 | 2018 |
| 48.50 | 41.30 | Medicine | all | 1,195 | Democrats | 44.90 | 88 | 2021 |
| 46.40 | 36.70 | Medicine | all | 945 | Democrats | 41.50 | 46 | 2022 |
| 39.30 | 30 | Medicine | all | 826 | Democrats | 34.60 | 53 | 2024 |
| 62.20 | 52.60 | Medicine | all | 476 | Republicans | 57.40 | 0 | 1973 |
| 69.70 | 59.90 | Medicine | all | 426 | Republicans | 64.80 | 0 | 1974 |
| 63.40 | 53.40 | Medicine | all | 442 | Republicans | 58.40 | 0 | 1975 |
| 62.80 | 52.30 | Medicine | all | 410 | Republicans | 57.50 | 0 | 1976 |
| 62.10 | 52.10 | Medicine | all | 458 | Republicans | 57.10 | 0 | 1977 |
| 55.70 | 44.40 | Medicine | all | 488 | Republicans | 50.10 | 0 | 1978 |
| 60.50 | 49.60 | Medicine | all | 449 | Republicans | 55 | 0 | 1980 |
| 54 | 43.10 | Medicine | all | 502 | Republicans | 48.50 | 0 | 1982 |
| 58.60 | 48.30 | Medicine | all | 535 | Republicans | 53.50 | 0 | 1983 |
| 61.70 | 48.80 | Medicine | all | 351 | Republicans | 55.20 | 0 | 1984 |
| 56.30 | 46.90 | Medicine | all | 524 | Republicans | 51.60 | 0 | 1986 |
| 60.60 | 50.90 | Medicine | all | 558 | Republicans | 55.80 | 0 | 1987 |
| 65 | 54.20 | Medicine | all | 390 | Republicans | 59.60 | 0 | 1988 |
| 58.20 | 47.50 | Medicine | all | 407 | Republicans | 52.90 | 0 | 1989 |
| 54.30 | 42.90 | Medicine | all | 366 | Republicans | 48.60 | 0 | 1990 |
| 60.20 | 49.70 | Medicine | all | 423 | Republicans | 54.90 | 0 | 1991 |
| 48.40 | 37.70 | Medicine | all | 402 | Republicans | 43.10 | 0 | 1993 |
| 50.50 | 42.60 | Medicine | all | 769 | Republicans | 46.50 | 0 | 1994 |
| 51.90 | 43.70 | Medicine | all | 686 | Republicans | 47.80 | 0 | 1996 |
| 51.90 | 43.60 | Medicine | all | 669 | Republicans | 47.80 | 0 | 1998 |
| 51.10 | 42.70 | Medicine | all | 649 | Republicans | 46.90 | 0 | 2000 |
| 46.10 | 33.60 | Medicine | all | 302 | Republicans | 39.90 | 0 | 2002 |
| 47.20 | 35 | Medicine | all | 334 | Republicans | 41.10 | 0 | 2004 |
| 48.70 | 39.60 | Medicine | all | 658 | Republicans | 44.10 | 0 | 2006 |
| 47.90 | 37 | Medicine | all | 447 | Republicans | 42.40 | 0 | 2008 |
| 50.20 | 38.90 | Medicine | all | 430 | Republicans | 44.60 | 0 | 2010 |
| 48.90 | 36.70 | Medicine | all | 400 | Republicans | 42.80 | 0 | 2012 |
| 44.60 | 34.90 | Medicine | all | 517 | Republicans | 39.80 | 0 | 2014 |
| 42.10 | 33.20 | Medicine | all | 621 | Republicans | 37.70 | 0 | 2016 |
| 44.80 | 33.70 | Medicine | all | 532 | Republicans | 39.20 | 0 | 2018 |
| 38 | 30.20 | Medicine | all | 824 | Republicans | 34.10 | 85 | 2021 |
| 31.40 | 21.50 | Medicine | all | 778 | Republicans | 26.40 | 45 | 2022 |
| 24.60 | 16.40 | Medicine | all | 716 | Republicans | 20.50 | 56 | 2024 |
| 29.60 | 22.90 | Press | all | 795 | Democrats | 26.20 | 0 | 1973 |
| 33.60 | 26.60 | Press | all | 816 | Democrats | 30.10 | 0 | 1974 |
| 32.50 | 25.50 | Press | all | 794 | Democrats | 29 | 0 | 1975 |
| 36.90 | 29.70 | Press | all | 815 | Democrats | 33.30 | 0 | 1976 |
| 31.30 | 24.50 | Press | all | 861 | Democrats | 27.90 | 0 | 1977 |
| 25.60 | 18.40 | Press | all | 792 | Democrats | 22 | 0 | 1978 |
| 28.80 | 21 | Press | all | 736 | Democrats | 24.90 | 0 | 1980 |
| 25 | 18.40 | Press | all | 1,074 | Democrats | 21.70 | 0 | 1982 |
| 17.50 | 11.30 | Press | all | 830 | Democrats | 14.40 | 0 | 1983 |
| 22.10 | 13.60 | Press | all | 487 | Democrats | 17.90 | 0 | 1984 |
| 24.10 | 17.50 | Press | all | 727 | Democrats | 20.80 | 0 | 1986 |
| 25.90 | 19.30 | Press | all | 995 | Democrats | 22.60 | 0 | 1987 |
| 26.80 | 18.40 | Press | all | 471 | Democrats | 22.60 | 0 | 1988 |
| 27.50 | 18.70 | Press | all | 462 | Democrats | 23.10 | 0 | 1989 |
| 19.60 | 11.50 | Press | all | 403 | Democrats | 15.60 | 0 | 1990 |
| 18.20 | 10.90 | Press | all | 445 | Democrats | 14.60 | 0 | 1991 |
| 15.90 | 9.20 | Press | all | 484 | Democrats | 12.60 | 0 | 1993 |
| 14.90 | 10.10 | Press | all | 909 | Democrats | 12.50 | 0 | 1994 |
| 15.80 | 10.70 | Press | all | 856 | Democrats | 13.20 | 0 | 1996 |
| 11.30 | 6.90 | Press | all | 844 | Democrats | 9.10 | 0 | 1998 |
| 12.60 | 7.80 | Press | all | 803 | Democrats | 10.20 | 0 | 2000 |
| 18.10 | 10.10 | Press | all | 407 | Democrats | 14.10 | 0 | 2002 |
| 16.10 | 8.30 | Press | all | 401 | Democrats | 12.20 | 0 | 2004 |
| 14.90 | 9.50 | Press | all | 844 | Democrats | 12.20 | 0 | 2006 |
| 14.60 | 8.70 | Press | all | 664 | Democrats | 11.60 | 0 | 2008 |
| 17.50 | 10.50 | Press | all | 654 | Democrats | 14 | 0 | 2010 |
| 15.90 | 9.40 | Press | all | 632 | Democrats | 12.70 | 0 | 2012 |
| 13.50 | 8.30 | Press | all | 753 | Democrats | 10.90 | 0 | 2014 |
| 12.30 | 7.60 | Press | all | 929 | Democrats | 10 | 0 | 2016 |
| 24.10 | 16.60 | Press | all | 689 | Democrats | 20.30 | 0 | 2018 |
| 21.20 | 15.50 | Press | all | 1,189 | Democrats | 18.40 | 88 | 2021 |
| 14 | 7.90 | Press | all | 939 | Democrats | 11 | 47 | 2022 |
| 18.20 | 11.30 | Press | all | 822 | Democrats | 14.70 | 54 | 2024 |
| 24.80 | 16.90 | Press | all | 474 | Republicans | 20.80 | 0 | 1973 |
| 21 | 13.30 | Press | all | 426 | Republicans | 17.10 | 0 | 1974 |
| 23.20 | 15.10 | Press | all | 438 | Republicans | 19.10 | 0 | 1975 |
| 25.90 | 17.20 | Press | all | 412 | Republicans | 21.50 | 0 | 1976 |
| 26.90 | 18.40 | Press | all | 452 | Republicans | 22.70 | 0 | 1977 |
| 25.20 | 16 | Press | all | 484 | Republicans | 20.60 | 0 | 1978 |
| 27 | 17.80 | Press | all | 449 | Republicans | 22.40 | 0 | 1980 |
| 17.20 | 9.70 | Press | all | 496 | Republicans | 13.40 | 0 | 1982 |
| 14.40 | 7.90 | Press | all | 535 | Republicans | 11.20 | 0 | 1983 |
| 26 | 15.50 | Press | all | 351 | Republicans | 20.80 | 0 | 1984 |
| 20.40 | 13.40 | Press | all | 522 | Republicans | 16.90 | 0 | 1986 |
| 16.90 | 10.30 | Press | all | 560 | Republicans | 13.60 | 0 | 1987 |
| 20 | 11.80 | Press | all | 382 | Republicans | 15.90 | 0 | 1988 |
| 16.80 | 9.60 | Press | all | 404 | Republicans | 13.20 | 0 | 1989 |
| 18 | 10 | Press | all | 361 | Republicans | 14 | 0 | 1990 |
| 21.90 | 13.80 | Press | all | 419 | Republicans | 17.80 | 0 | 1991 |
| 12.10 | 5.80 | Press | all | 400 | Republicans | 8.90 | 0 | 1993 |
| 11 | 6.50 | Press | all | 765 | Republicans | 8.80 | 0 | 1994 |
| 12.30 | 7.40 | Press | all | 678 | Republicans | 9.90 | 0 | 1996 |
| 11.40 | 6.60 | Press | all | 662 | Republicans | 9 | 0 | 1998 |
| 12.70 | 7.50 | Press | all | 648 | Republicans | 10.10 | 0 | 2000 |
| 9.90 | 3.50 | Press | all | 301 | Republicans | 6.70 | 0 | 2002 |
| 8.40 | 2.70 | Press | all | 335 | Republicans | 5.60 | 0 | 2004 |
| 9.50 | 4.90 | Press | all | 659 | Republicans | 7.20 | 0 | 2006 |
| 7.10 | 2.40 | Press | all | 445 | Republicans | 4.80 | 0 | 2008 |
| 10.90 | 4.80 | Press | all | 430 | Republicans | 7.90 | 0 | 2010 |
| 7.30 | 2.10 | Press | all | 396 | Republicans | 4.70 | 0 | 2012 |
| 5.20 | 1.60 | Press | all | 517 | Republicans | 3.40 | 0 | 2014 |
| 6.30 | 2.50 | Press | all | 616 | Republicans | 4.40 | 0 | 2016 |
| 9 | 3.50 | Press | all | 531 | Republicans | 6.20 | 0 | 2018 |
| 4.20 | 1.50 | Press | all | 825 | Republicans | 2.80 | 85 | 2021 |
| 4.90 | 1.10 | Press | all | 776 | Republicans | 3 | 45 | 2022 |
| 4.60 | 1.20 | Press | all | 715 | Republicans | 2.90 | 56 | 2024 |
| 23.20 | 17.10 | Television | all | 798 | Democrats | 20.10 | 0 | 1973 |
| 30.60 | 23.90 | Television | all | 816 | Democrats | 27.30 | 0 | 1974 |
| 24 | 17.70 | Television | all | 794 | Democrats | 20.80 | 0 | 1975 |
| 23.70 | 17.60 | Television | all | 815 | Democrats | 20.70 | 0 | 1976 |
| 21.90 | 16 | Television | all | 865 | Democrats | 19 | 0 | 1977 |
| 18.70 | 12.40 | Television | all | 788 | Democrats | 15.50 | 0 | 1978 |
| 22.10 | 15.20 | Television | all | 744 | Democrats | 18.70 | 0 | 1980 |
| 20.50 | 14.40 | Television | all | 1,083 | Democrats | 17.40 | 0 | 1982 |
| 17.80 | 11.50 | Television | all | 835 | Democrats | 14.70 | 0 | 1983 |
| 16.30 | 8.90 | Television | all | 490 | Democrats | 12.60 | 0 | 1984 |
| 17.90 | 12.10 | Television | all | 726 | Democrats | 15 | 0 | 1986 |
| 14.60 | 9.50 | Television | all | 1,007 | Democrats | 12.10 | 0 | 1987 |
| 20.70 | 13.20 | Television | all | 475 | Democrats | 16.90 | 0 | 1988 |
| 20.30 | 12.60 | Television | all | 466 | Democrats | 16.50 | 0 | 1989 |
| 19.60 | 11.60 | Television | all | 415 | Democrats | 15.60 | 0 | 1990 |
| 19.60 | 12.10 | Television | all | 452 | Democrats | 15.90 | 0 | 1991 |
| 17.50 | 10.50 | Television | all | 488 | Democrats | 14 | 0 | 1993 |
| 14.90 | 10 | Television | all | 914 | Democrats | 12.40 | 0 | 1994 |
| 15.60 | 10.50 | Television | all | 866 | Democrats | 13.10 | 0 | 1996 |
| 12.60 | 7.90 | Television | all | 850 | Democrats | 10.20 | 0 | 1998 |
| 11.80 | 7.20 | Television | all | 808 | Democrats | 9.50 | 0 | 2000 |
| 15.20 | 7.90 | Television | all | 405 | Democrats | 11.50 | 0 | 2002 |
| 16.10 | 8.30 | Television | all | 401 | Democrats | 12.20 | 0 | 2004 |
| 12.80 | 7.80 | Television | all | 846 | Democrats | 10.30 | 0 | 2006 |
| 12.90 | 7.40 | Television | all | 660 | Democrats | 10.10 | 0 | 2008 |
| 15.90 | 9.30 | Television | all | 659 | Democrats | 12.60 | 0 | 2010 |
| 13.50 | 7.50 | Television | all | 631 | Democrats | 10.50 | 0 | 2012 |
| 15.30 | 9.90 | Television | all | 758 | Democrats | 12.60 | 0 | 2014 |
| 12.70 | 7.90 | Television | all | 924 | Democrats | 10.30 | 0 | 2016 |
| 13.10 | 7.40 | Television | all | 682 | Democrats | 10.20 | 0 | 2018 |
| 14.10 | 9.40 | Television | all | 1,197 | Democrats | 11.80 | 88 | 2021 |
| 13 | 7 | Television | all | 931 | Democrats | 10 | 47 | 2022 |
| 12 | 6.40 | Television | all | 823 | Democrats | 9.20 | 54 | 2024 |
| 21.10 | 13.70 | Television | all | 473 | Republicans | 17.40 | 0 | 1973 |
| 19.60 | 12.10 | Television | all | 427 | Republicans | 15.90 | 0 | 1974 |
| 20.70 | 13 | Television | all | 439 | Republicans | 16.80 | 0 | 1975 |
| 17.60 | 10.20 | Television | all | 409 | Republicans | 13.90 | 0 | 1976 |
| 21.70 | 13.90 | Television | all | 451 | Republicans | 17.80 | 0 | 1977 |
| 21.50 | 12.90 | Television | all | 483 | Republicans | 17.20 | 0 | 1978 |
| 18.90 | 11 | Television | all | 448 | Republicans | 15 | 0 | 1980 |
| 15.40 | 8.30 | Television | all | 498 | Republicans | 11.90 | 0 | 1982 |
| 13 | 6.80 | Television | all | 534 | Republicans | 9.90 | 0 | 1983 |
| 18.10 | 9.20 | Television | all | 351 | Republicans | 13.70 | 0 | 1984 |
| 18 | 11.30 | Television | all | 520 | Republicans | 14.60 | 0 | 1986 |
| 14.60 | 8.40 | Television | all | 560 | Republicans | 11.50 | 0 | 1987 |
| 16.70 | 9.30 | Television | all | 387 | Republicans | 13 | 0 | 1988 |
| 15.40 | 8.40 | Television | all | 403 | Republicans | 11.90 | 0 | 1989 |
| 17.40 | 9.60 | Television | all | 366 | Republicans | 13.50 | 0 | 1990 |
| 18.50 | 11.10 | Television | all | 423 | Republicans | 14.80 | 0 | 1991 |
| 11.70 | 5.60 | Television | all | 404 | Republicans | 8.60 | 0 | 1993 |
| 9.80 | 5.60 | Television | all | 765 | Republicans | 7.70 | 0 | 1994 |
| 12.20 | 7.30 | Television | all | 677 | Republicans | 9.70 | 0 | 1996 |
| 11.30 | 6.60 | Television | all | 669 | Republicans | 8.90 | 0 | 1998 |
| 12.50 | 7.40 | Television | all | 647 | Republicans | 9.90 | 0 | 2000 |
| 10.60 | 3.90 | Television | all | 302 | Republicans | 7.20 | 0 | 2002 |
| 11.10 | 4.40 | Television | all | 334 | Republicans | 7.80 | 0 | 2004 |
| 7.70 | 3.60 | Television | all | 654 | Republicans | 5.60 | 0 | 2006 |
| 10.80 | 4.90 | Television | all | 446 | Republicans | 7.90 | 0 | 2008 |
| 17.40 | 9.60 | Television | all | 430 | Republicans | 13.50 | 0 | 2010 |
| 12.20 | 5.20 | Television | all | 393 | Republicans | 8.70 | 0 | 2012 |
| 10 | 4.80 | Television | all | 513 | Republicans | 7.40 | 0 | 2014 |
| 10.90 | 5.80 | Television | all | 618 | Republicans | 8.30 | 0 | 2016 |
| 10.30 | 4.40 | Television | all | 532 | Republicans | 7.30 | 0 | 2018 |
| 8.20 | 4.20 | Television | all | 824 | Republicans | 6.20 | 85 | 2021 |
| 5.40 | 1.30 | Television | all | 775 | Republicans | 3.40 | 45 | 2022 |
| 6.90 | 2.60 | Television | all | 719 | Republicans | 4.70 | 56 | 2024 |
| 30.20 | 23.40 | Congress | all | 787 | Democrats | 26.80 | 0 | 1973 |
| 22.50 | 16.50 | Congress | all | 803 | Democrats | 19.50 | 0 | 1974 |
| 18.60 | 13 | Congress | all | 794 | Democrats | 15.80 | 0 | 1975 |
| 18 | 12.50 | Congress | all | 813 | Democrats | 15.30 | 0 | 1976 |
| 24.40 | 18.30 | Congress | all | 859 | Democrats | 21.40 | 0 | 1977 |
| 18.30 | 12 | Congress | all | 783 | Democrats | 15.10 | 0 | 1978 |
| 13.50 | 7.90 | Congress | all | 727 | Democrats | 10.70 | 0 | 1980 |
| 17.70 | 12 | Congress | all | 1,082 | Democrats | 14.90 | 0 | 1982 |
| 17.30 | 11.10 | Congress | all | 822 | Democrats | 14.20 | 0 | 1983 |
| 19.40 | 11.40 | Congress | all | 488 | Democrats | 15.40 | 0 | 1984 |
| 20.70 | 14.50 | Congress | all | 723 | Democrats | 17.60 | 0 | 1986 |
| 22.30 | 16.10 | Congress | all | 992 | Democrats | 19.20 | 0 | 1987 |
| 23.10 | 15.10 | Congress | all | 468 | Democrats | 19.10 | 0 | 1988 |
| 23.30 | 15.10 | Congress | all | 464 | Democrats | 19.20 | 0 | 1989 |
| 18.10 | 10.30 | Congress | all | 402 | Democrats | 14.20 | 0 | 1990 |
| 20.40 | 12.60 | Congress | all | 437 | Democrats | 16.50 | 0 | 1991 |
| 11 | 5.50 | Congress | all | 484 | Democrats | 8.30 | 0 | 1993 |
| 12.20 | 7.80 | Congress | all | 899 | Democrats | 10 | 0 | 1994 |
| 9.50 | 5.50 | Congress | all | 854 | Democrats | 7.50 | 0 | 1996 |
| 14.80 | 9.70 | Congress | all | 832 | Democrats | 12.20 | 0 | 1998 |
| 16.50 | 11 | Congress | all | 791 | Democrats | 13.70 | 0 | 2000 |
| 20.10 | 11.70 | Congress | all | 404 | Democrats | 15.90 | 0 | 2002 |
| 20.40 | 11.70 | Congress | all | 399 | Democrats | 16.10 | 0 | 2004 |
| 12.50 | 7.50 | Congress | all | 833 | Democrats | 10 | 0 | 2006 |
| 14.60 | 8.80 | Congress | all | 661 | Democrats | 11.70 | 0 | 2008 |
| 17.50 | 10.60 | Congress | all | 653 | Democrats | 14 | 0 | 2010 |
| 10.20 | 5 | Congress | all | 628 | Democrats | 7.60 | 0 | 2012 |
| 9.90 | 5.50 | Congress | all | 753 | Democrats | 7.70 | 0 | 2014 |
| 7.20 | 3.60 | Congress | all | 923 | Democrats | 5.40 | 0 | 2016 |
| 7.80 | 3.40 | Congress | all | 677 | Democrats | 5.60 | 0 | 2018 |
| 11.40 | 7.20 | Congress | all | 1,193 | Democrats | 9.30 | 89 | 2021 |
| 8.60 | 3.80 | Congress | all | 938 | Democrats | 6.20 | 47 | 2022 |
| 9.70 | 4.70 | Congress | all | 825 | Democrats | 7.20 | 53 | 2024 |
| 29.50 | 21 | Congress | all | 469 | Republicans | 25.30 | 0 | 1973 |
| 18.90 | 11.50 | Congress | all | 420 | Republicans | 15.20 | 0 | 1974 |
| 16.20 | 9.30 | Congress | all | 437 | Republicans | 12.70 | 0 | 1975 |
| 16.30 | 9.20 | Congress | all | 410 | Republicans | 12.80 | 0 | 1976 |
| 20.20 | 12.60 | Congress | all | 445 | Republicans | 16.40 | 0 | 1977 |
| 12.90 | 6.20 | Congress | all | 478 | Republicans | 9.60 | 0 | 1978 |
| 9.70 | 4.10 | Congress | all | 446 | Republicans | 6.90 | 0 | 1980 |
| 19.50 | 11.60 | Congress | all | 494 | Republicans | 15.60 | 0 | 1982 |
| 10.90 | 5.20 | Congress | all | 532 | Republicans | 8.10 | 0 | 1983 |
| 19.90 | 10.60 | Congress | all | 349 | Republicans | 15.20 | 0 | 1984 |
| 20.40 | 13.40 | Congress | all | 524 | Republicans | 16.90 | 0 | 1986 |
| 17.70 | 10.90 | Congress | all | 555 | Republicans | 14.30 | 0 | 1987 |
| 18.50 | 10.70 | Congress | all | 386 | Republicans | 14.60 | 0 | 1988 |
| 22 | 13.80 | Congress | all | 402 | Republicans | 17.90 | 0 | 1989 |
| 23.60 | 14.60 | Congress | all | 367 | Republicans | 19.10 | 0 | 1990 |
| 25.50 | 16.90 | Congress | all | 417 | Republicans | 21.20 | 0 | 1991 |
| 8.70 | 3.50 | Congress | all | 403 | Republicans | 6.10 | 0 | 1993 |
| 9 | 5 | Congress | all | 762 | Republicans | 7 | 0 | 1994 |
| 11.70 | 6.90 | Congress | all | 682 | Republicans | 9.30 | 0 | 1996 |
| 13 | 7.90 | Congress | all | 663 | Republicans | 10.40 | 0 | 1998 |
| 18.40 | 12.20 | Congress | all | 642 | Republicans | 15.30 | 0 | 2000 |
| 19.10 | 10.10 | Congress | all | 301 | Republicans | 14.60 | 0 | 2002 |
| 23.50 | 13.80 | Congress | all | 331 | Republicans | 18.60 | 0 | 2004 |
| 18.40 | 11.90 | Congress | all | 655 | Republicans | 15.10 | 0 | 2006 |
| 12.60 | 6.20 | Congress | all | 441 | Republicans | 9.40 | 0 | 2008 |
| 10.10 | 4.20 | Congress | all | 429 | Republicans | 7.20 | 0 | 2010 |
| 10.70 | 4.20 | Congress | all | 397 | Republicans | 7.40 | 0 | 2012 |
| 4.80 | 1.30 | Congress | all | 509 | Republicans | 3.10 | 0 | 2014 |
| 7.90 | 3.60 | Congress | all | 618 | Republicans | 5.80 | 0 | 2016 |
| 9.70 | 3.90 | Congress | all | 529 | Republicans | 6.80 | 0 | 2018 |
| 6.20 | 2.80 | Congress | all | 827 | Republicans | 4.50 | 85 | 2021 |
| 4.50 | 0.900 | Congress | all | 775 | Republicans | 2.70 | 45 | 2022 |
| 4.90 | 1.40 | Congress | all | 716 | Republicans | 3.10 | 56 | 2024 |
| 22.10 | 16.10 | Organized labor | all | 770 | Democrats | 19.10 | 0 | 1973 |
| 26.40 | 20 | Organized labor | all | 803 | Democrats | 23.20 | 0 | 1974 |
| 15.50 | 10.30 | Organized labor | all | 765 | Democrats | 12.90 | 0 | 1975 |
| 18.50 | 12.80 | Organized labor | all | 770 | Democrats | 15.70 | 0 | 1976 |
| 21.10 | 15.30 | Organized labor | all | 847 | Democrats | 18.20 | 0 | 1977 |
| 17.60 | 11.30 | Organized labor | all | 770 | Democrats | 14.50 | 0 | 1978 |
| 21.80 | 14.70 | Organized labor | all | 714 | Democrats | 18.20 | 0 | 1980 |
| 20.40 | 14.30 | Organized labor | all | 1,056 | Democrats | 17.30 | 0 | 1982 |
| 13.90 | 8.30 | Organized labor | all | 817 | Democrats | 11.10 | 0 | 1983 |
| 13 | 6.50 | Organized labor | all | 488 | Democrats | 9.70 | 0 | 1984 |
| 14 | 8.80 | Organized labor | all | 704 | Democrats | 11.40 | 0 | 1986 |
| 15.60 | 10.20 | Organized labor | all | 967 | Democrats | 12.90 | 0 | 1987 |
| 15.70 | 9 | Organized labor | all | 461 | Democrats | 12.30 | 0 | 1988 |
| 18.50 | 11.10 | Organized labor | all | 448 | Democrats | 14.80 | 0 | 1989 |
| 17.30 | 9.60 | Organized labor | all | 400 | Democrats | 13.40 | 0 | 1990 |
| 16.50 | 9.40 | Organized labor | all | 428 | Democrats | 12.90 | 0 | 1991 |
| 13.10 | 6.90 | Organized labor | all | 463 | Democrats | 10 | 0 | 1993 |
| 17.60 | 12.30 | Organized labor | all | 870 | Democrats | 14.90 | 0 | 1994 |
| 19.70 | 13.90 | Organized labor | all | 799 | Democrats | 16.80 | 0 | 1996 |
| 17.60 | 11.90 | Organized labor | all | 791 | Democrats | 14.70 | 0 | 1998 |
| 19.40 | 13.40 | Organized labor | all | 746 | Democrats | 16.40 | 0 | 2000 |
| 17.20 | 9.30 | Organized labor | all | 396 | Democrats | 13.20 | 0 | 2002 |
| 19.90 | 11.10 | Organized labor | all | 384 | Democrats | 15.50 | 0 | 2004 |
| 16.30 | 10.60 | Organized labor | all | 816 | Democrats | 13.40 | 0 | 2006 |
| 19.50 | 12.80 | Organized labor | all | 643 | Democrats | 16.10 | 0 | 2008 |
| 18.30 | 11 | Organized labor | all | 634 | Democrats | 14.70 | 0 | 2010 |
| 20.10 | 12.80 | Organized labor | all | 619 | Democrats | 16.50 | 0 | 2012 |
| 18 | 12 | Organized labor | all | 734 | Democrats | 15 | 0 | 2014 |
| 19.50 | 13.60 | Organized labor | all | 908 | Democrats | 16.60 | 0 | 2016 |
| 16.60 | 10.20 | Organized labor | all | 667 | Democrats | 13.40 | 0 | 2018 |
| 17.70 | 12.50 | Organized labor | all | 1,187 | Democrats | 15.10 | 89 | 2021 |
| 20.50 | 12.90 | Organized labor | all | 911 | Democrats | 16.70 | 48 | 2022 |
| 25.50 | 14.10 | Organized labor | all | 409 | Democrats | 19.80 | 58 | 2024 |
| 16.80 | 10.10 | Organized labor | all | 463 | Republicans | 13.40 | 0 | 1973 |
| 18.60 | 11.20 | Organized labor | all | 419 | Republicans | 14.90 | 0 | 1974 |
| 10 | 4.60 | Organized labor | all | 425 | Republicans | 7.30 | 0 | 1975 |
| 9.90 | 4.30 | Organized labor | all | 390 | Republicans | 7.10 | 0 | 1976 |
| 13.60 | 7.30 | Organized labor | all | 446 | Republicans | 10.40 | 0 | 1977 |

The first 500 of 1680 rows; every row is in https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/confidence_by_party.json.

Views: In-person interviews only (mode = inperson); All interview modes (mode = all).

Note: Web interviews were 87.3% of all 2021 respondents, 46.1% of 2022 respondents and 53.2% of 2024 respondents. Before 2021 the survey was in person, with some telephone interviews from 2004. The data table gives the web share of each cell.

Note: Banks and financial institutions were first asked in 1975. The confidence items were not fielded in 1972 or 1985. Organized labor has no in-person 2024 cell because both party cells fall below the suppression floor.

Note: Lines are broken between 2018 and the next survey year in each view, because there is no 2020 survey and the 2021 survey had no in-person interviews.

Note: Intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents (the Kish effective sample size); they do not use the survey's sampling design.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners; intervals on the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/confidence_by_party.json

### Table 4. From 2011-2018 to 2022-2024 the Supreme Court gap moved from +1.1 to −16.2 points and the medicine gap from −1.8 to +10.4

Democratic share minus Republican share with a great deal of confidence, percentage points, by institution and period; positive means Democrats are more confident; in-person and all-mode views

| conf_high | conf_low | era | gap | institution | mode | n |
| ---: | ---: | --- | ---: | --- | --- | ---: |
| −2.90 | −8.10 | 1973-1980 | −5.50 | Scientific community | all | 8,073 |
| −3.60 | −8.80 | 1981-1990 | −6.20 | Scientific community | all | 8,598 |
| −0.100 | −5.20 | 1991-2000 | −2.70 | Scientific community | all | 7,532 |
| 5.40 | −1.30 | 2001-2010 | 2.10 | Scientific community | all | 4,968 |
| 13.40 | 6.50 | 2011-2018 | 9.90 | Scientific community | all | 4,935 |
| 33.30 | 26.20 | 2021-2024 | 29.70 | Scientific community | all | 5,227 |
| −2.50 | −6.50 | 1973-1980 | −4.50 | Executive branch | all | 8,680 |
| −13.60 | −17.70 | 1981-1990 | −15.60 | Executive branch | all | 9,030 |
| 6.90 | 3.40 | 1991-2000 | 5.10 | Executive branch | all | 7,867 |
| −9 | −14.30 | 2001-2010 | −11.60 | Executive branch | all | 5,092 |
| 8.50 | 3.90 | 2011-2018 | 6.20 | Executive branch | all | 5,037 |
| 16.40 | 11.60 | 2021-2024 | 14 | Executive branch | all | 5,268 |
| 7.60 | 2.80 | 1973-1980 | 5.20 | Education | all | 8,761 |
| 2.80 | −1.80 | 1981-1990 | 0.500 | Education | all | 9,115 |
| 6.60 | 2.30 | 1991-2000 | 4.40 | Education | all | 7,979 |
| 4.10 | −1.80 | 2001-2010 | 1.20 | Education | all | 5,153 |
| 13 | 7.30 | 2011-2018 | 10.10 | Education | all | 5,087 |
| 12.40 | 6.70 | 2021-2024 | 9.50 | Education | all | 5,277 |
| −1.20 | −6.10 | 1973-1980 | −3.60 | Medicine | all | 8,793 |
| −1.80 | −6.80 | 1981-1990 | −4.30 | Medicine | all | 9,163 |
| −1.60 | −6.50 | 1991-2000 | −4.10 | Medicine | all | 7,987 |
| 0.300 | −6.20 | 2001-2010 | −2.90 | Medicine | all | 5,155 |
| 2.90 | −3.80 | 2011-2018 | −0.400 | Medicine | all | 5,088 |
| 17.40 | 10.30 | 2021-2024 | 13.80 | Medicine | all | 5,284 |
| 9.20 | 5 | 1973-1980 | 7.10 | Press | all | 8,744 |
| 7.20 | 3.40 | 1981-1990 | 5.30 | Press | all | 9,060 |
| 3 | −0.100 | 1991-2000 | 1.40 | Press | all | 7,913 |
| 8.10 | 4.30 | 2001-2010 | 6.20 | Press | all | 5,140 |
| 10.30 | 6.60 | 2011-2018 | 8.50 | Press | all | 5,063 |
| 14.30 | 10.10 | 2021-2024 | 12.20 | Press | all | 5,266 |
| 5.90 | 2.10 | 1973-1980 | 4 | Television | all | 8,750 |
| 4.40 | 1 | 1981-1990 | 2.70 | Television | all | 9,116 |
| 4 | 0.900 | 1991-2000 | 2.40 | Television | all | 7,963 |
| 5 | 1.10 | 2001-2010 | 3.10 | Television | all | 5,137 |
| 5 | 1 | 2011-2018 | 3 | Television | all | 5,051 |
| 7.70 | 3.80 | 2021-2024 | 5.80 | Television | all | 5,269 |
| 5.50 | 1.90 | 1973-1980 | 3.70 | Congress | all | 8,671 |
| 3.50 | −0.200 | 1981-1990 | 1.60 | Congress | all | 9,050 |
| 1.50 | −1.70 | 1991-2000 | −0.100 | Congress | all | 7,866 |
| 2.30 | −2.20 | 2001-2010 | 0.100 | Congress | all | 5,107 |
| 2.40 | −0.900 | 2011-2018 | 0.800 | Congress | all | 5,034 |
| 6 | 2.60 | 2021-2024 | 4.30 | Congress | all | 5,274 |
| 8.60 | 5.20 | 1973-1980 | 6.90 | Organized labor | all | 8,486 |
| 6.70 | 3.70 | 1981-1990 | 5.20 | Organized labor | all | 8,865 |
| 6.70 | 3.40 | 1991-2000 | 5.10 | Organized labor | all | 7,513 |
| 5.40 | 0.900 | 2001-2010 | 3.20 | Organized labor | all | 4,957 |
| 7.10 | 2.50 | 2011-2018 | 4.80 | Organized labor | all | 4,920 |
| 7.70 | 1.90 | 2021-2024 | 4.80 | Organized labor | all | 4,418 |
| −3.10 | −8.90 | 1973-1980 | −6 | Banks and finance | all | 6,227 |
| 0 | −4.40 | 1981-1990 | −2.20 | Banks and finance | all | 9,081 |
| 0.100 | −4.10 | 1991-2000 | −2 | Banks and finance | all | 7,925 |
| −3 | −8.70 | 2001-2010 | −5.90 | Banks and finance | all | 5,131 |
| −3.10 | −8.20 | 2011-2018 | −5.70 | Banks and finance | all | 5,087 |
| 1.70 | −4.30 | 2021-2024 | −1.30 | Banks and finance | all | 5,291 |
| −9.90 | −14.50 | 1973-1980 | −12.20 | Major companies | all | 8,493 |
| −9.90 | −14.50 | 1981-1990 | −12.20 | Major companies | all | 8,892 |
| −10 | −14.40 | 1991-2000 | −12.20 | Major companies | all | 7,783 |
| −5.10 | −10.30 | 2001-2010 | −7.70 | Major companies | all | 5,081 |
| −8.10 | −13.80 | 2011-2018 | −10.90 | Major companies | all | 5,026 |
| −2.50 | −8.20 | 2021-2024 | −5.30 | Major companies | all | 5,240 |
| −0.800 | −5.70 | 1973-1980 | −3.20 | Organized religion | all | 8,534 |
| 1.30 | −3.30 | 1981-1990 | −1 | Organized religion | all | 8,988 |
| −1.90 | −6.40 | 1991-2000 | −4.10 | Organized religion | all | 7,850 |
| −6.30 | −12 | 2001-2010 | −9.20 | Organized religion | all | 5,069 |
| −6 | −11.70 | 2011-2018 | −8.80 | Organized religion | all | 5,012 |
| −7.20 | −13 | 2021-2024 | −10.10 | Organized religion | all | 5,225 |
| 2 | −2.80 | 1973-1980 | −0.400 | Military | all | 8,599 |
| −1.80 | −6.60 | 1981-1990 | −4.20 | Military | all | 9,036 |
| −6.50 | −11.40 | 1991-2000 | −8.90 | Military | all | 7,894 |
| −18.60 | −25.10 | 2001-2010 | −21.90 | Military | all | 5,132 |
| −12.10 | −18.70 | 2011-2018 | −15.40 | Military | all | 5,069 |
| −10.20 | −17.80 | 2021-2024 | −14 | Military | all | 5,278 |
| 2.40 | −2.40 | 1973-1980 | 0 | Supreme Court | all | 8,541 |
| −2.80 | −7.70 | 1981-1990 | −5.30 | Supreme Court | all | 8,942 |
| 1.80 | −2.90 | 1991-2000 | −0.600 | Supreme Court | all | 7,737 |
| −3.80 | −10.20 | 2001-2010 | −7 | Supreme Court | all | 5,063 |
| 5.10 | −1.20 | 2011-2018 | 2 | Supreme Court | all | 5,022 |
| −9.70 | −16.10 | 2021-2024 | −12.90 | Supreme Court | all | 5,270 |
| −2.90 | −8.10 | 1973-1980 | −5.50 | Scientific community | inperson | 8,073 |
| −3.60 | −8.80 | 1981-1990 | −6.20 | Scientific community | inperson | 8,598 |
| −0.100 | −5.20 | 1991-2000 | −2.70 | Scientific community | inperson | 7,532 |
| 5.90 | −1.10 | 2001-2010 | 2.40 | Scientific community | inperson | 4,481 |
| 13.40 | 6.10 | 2011-2018 | 9.70 | Scientific community | inperson | 4,412 |
| 27.80 | 11.80 | 2022-2024 | 19.80 | Scientific community | inperson | 1,259 |
| −2.50 | −6.50 | 1973-1980 | −4.50 | Executive branch | inperson | 8,680 |
| −13.60 | −17.70 | 1981-1990 | −15.60 | Executive branch | inperson | 9,030 |
| 6.90 | 3.40 | 1991-2000 | 5.10 | Executive branch | inperson | 7,867 |
| −9.50 | −15.10 | 2001-2010 | −12.30 | Executive branch | inperson | 4,600 |
| 8.30 | 3.50 | 2011-2018 | 5.90 | Executive branch | inperson | 4,508 |
| 19.90 | 9.40 | 2022-2024 | 14.60 | Executive branch | inperson | 1,295 |
| 7.60 | 2.80 | 1973-1980 | 5.20 | Education | inperson | 8,761 |
| 2.80 | −1.80 | 1981-1990 | 0.500 | Education | inperson | 9,115 |
| 6.60 | 2.30 | 1991-2000 | 4.40 | Education | inperson | 7,979 |
| 4.40 | −1.90 | 2001-2010 | 1.30 | Education | inperson | 4,653 |
| 12.70 | 6.60 | 2011-2018 | 9.70 | Education | inperson | 4,550 |
| 21.20 | 7.60 | 2022-2024 | 14.40 | Education | inperson | 1,305 |
| −1.20 | −6.10 | 1973-1980 | −3.60 | Medicine | inperson | 8,793 |
| −1.80 | −6.80 | 1981-1990 | −4.30 | Medicine | inperson | 9,163 |
| −1.60 | −6.50 | 1991-2000 | −4.10 | Medicine | inperson | 7,987 |
| 0.800 | −6 | 2001-2010 | −2.60 | Medicine | inperson | 4,653 |
| 1.70 | −5.40 | 2011-2018 | −1.80 | Medicine | inperson | 4,554 |
| 18.30 | 2.50 | 2022-2024 | 10.40 | Medicine | inperson | 1,309 |
| 9.20 | 5 | 1973-1980 | 7.10 | Press | inperson | 8,744 |
| 7.20 | 3.40 | 1981-1990 | 5.30 | Press | inperson | 9,060 |
| 3 | −0.100 | 1991-2000 | 1.40 | Press | inperson | 7,913 |
| 7.60 | 3.60 | 2001-2010 | 5.60 | Press | inperson | 4,642 |
| 10.20 | 6.30 | 2011-2018 | 8.30 | Press | inperson | 4,533 |
| 11.80 | 3.80 | 2022-2024 | 7.80 | Press | inperson | 1,297 |
| 5.90 | 2.10 | 1973-1980 | 4 | Television | inperson | 8,750 |
| 4.40 | 1 | 1981-1990 | 2.70 | Television | inperson | 9,116 |
| 4 | 0.900 | 1991-2000 | 2.40 | Television | inperson | 7,963 |
| 4.70 | 0.800 | 2001-2010 | 2.70 | Television | inperson | 4,639 |
| 5.40 | 1.20 | 2011-2018 | 3.30 | Television | inperson | 4,519 |
| 11.60 | 2.50 | 2022-2024 | 7.10 | Television | inperson | 1,291 |
| 5.50 | 1.90 | 1973-1980 | 3.70 | Congress | inperson | 8,671 |
| 3.50 | −0.200 | 1981-1990 | 1.60 | Congress | inperson | 9,050 |
| 1.50 | −1.70 | 1991-2000 | −0.100 | Congress | inperson | 7,866 |
| 2.40 | −2.30 | 2001-2010 | 0.100 | Congress | inperson | 4,611 |
| 2.50 | −1 | 2011-2018 | 0.800 | Congress | inperson | 4,511 |
| 8.80 | 1.30 | 2022-2024 | 5 | Congress | inperson | 1,296 |
| 8.60 | 5.20 | 1973-1980 | 6.90 | Organized labor | inperson | 8,486 |
| 6.70 | 3.70 | 1981-1990 | 5.20 | Organized labor | inperson | 8,865 |
| 6.70 | 3.40 | 1991-2000 | 5.10 | Organized labor | inperson | 7,513 |
| 4.90 | 0.100 | 2001-2010 | 2.50 | Organized labor | inperson | 4,481 |
| 7 | 2.10 | 2011-2018 | 4.60 | Organized labor | inperson | 4,405 |
| 8.60 | −7 | 2022-2024 | 0.800 | Organized labor | inperson | 964 |
| −3.10 | −8.90 | 1973-1980 | −6 | Banks and finance | inperson | 6,227 |
| 0 | −4.40 | 1981-1990 | −2.20 | Banks and finance | inperson | 9,081 |
| 0.100 | −4.10 | 1991-2000 | −2 | Banks and finance | inperson | 7,925 |
| −3.10 | −9.10 | 2001-2010 | −6.10 | Banks and finance | inperson | 4,629 |
| −2.60 | −7.90 | 2011-2018 | −5.20 | Banks and finance | inperson | 4,551 |
| 7 | −6.30 | 2022-2024 | 0.300 | Banks and finance | inperson | 1,307 |
| −9.90 | −14.50 | 1973-1980 | −12.20 | Major companies | inperson | 8,493 |
| −9.90 | −14.50 | 1981-1990 | −12.20 | Major companies | inperson | 8,892 |
| −10 | −14.40 | 1991-2000 | −12.20 | Major companies | inperson | 7,783 |
| −5 | −10.40 | 2001-2010 | −7.70 | Major companies | inperson | 4,591 |
| −8.40 | −14.30 | 2011-2018 | −11.40 | Major companies | inperson | 4,494 |
| 5.50 | −7.10 | 2022-2024 | −0.800 | Major companies | inperson | 1,265 |
| −0.800 | −5.70 | 1973-1980 | −3.20 | Organized religion | inperson | 8,534 |
| 1.30 | −3.30 | 1981-1990 | −1 | Organized religion | inperson | 8,988 |
| −1.90 | −6.40 | 1991-2000 | −4.10 | Organized religion | inperson | 7,850 |
| −6.10 | −12.10 | 2001-2010 | −9.10 | Organized religion | inperson | 4,575 |
| −6.50 | −12.60 | 2011-2018 | −9.50 | Organized religion | inperson | 4,490 |
| −4.80 | −18.40 | 2022-2024 | −11.60 | Organized religion | inperson | 1,264 |
| 2 | −2.80 | 1973-1980 | −0.400 | Military | inperson | 8,599 |
| −1.80 | −6.60 | 1981-1990 | −4.20 | Military | inperson | 9,036 |
| −6.50 | −11.40 | 1991-2000 | −8.90 | Military | inperson | 7,894 |
| −18.90 | −25.60 | 2001-2010 | −22.30 | Military | inperson | 4,635 |
| −11.70 | −18.70 | 2011-2018 | −15.20 | Military | inperson | 4,539 |
| −5.40 | −22.10 | 2022-2024 | −13.70 | Military | inperson | 1,302 |
| 2.40 | −2.40 | 1973-1980 | 0 | Supreme Court | inperson | 8,541 |
| −2.80 | −7.70 | 1981-1990 | −5.30 | Supreme Court | inperson | 8,942 |
| 1.80 | −2.90 | 1991-2000 | −0.600 | Supreme Court | inperson | 7,737 |
| −3.10 | −9.80 | 2001-2010 | −6.50 | Supreme Court | inperson | 4,571 |
| 4.40 | −2.20 | 2011-2018 | 1.10 | Supreme Court | inperson | 4,497 |
| −9.50 | −22.80 | 2022-2024 | −16.20 | Supreme Court | inperson | 1,289 |

Views: In-person interviews only (mode = inperson); All interview modes (mode = all).

Note: Cells combine the surveys of a period; the 1973-1980 period has twelve institutions in 1973 and 1974 and thirteen after, because banks were first asked in 1975.

Note: Intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents (the Kish effective sample size); they do not use the survey's sampling design.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners; intervals on the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/gap_by_era.json

### Table 5. The television gap has lasted since 1973-1980 and the medicine, Congress and Supreme Court gaps only since 2022-2024

Democratic share minus Republican share with a great deal of confidence, percentage points with 95% interval, in 2022-2024 among in-person respondents, and the period from which the gap has lasted

| Institution | Gap, 2022-2024, in person, points [95% interval] | Lasting gap |
| --- | --- | --- |
| Scientific community | +19.8 [+11.8, +27.8] | Democrats more confident since 2011-2018 |
| Executive branch | +14.6 [+9.4, +19.9] | Reverses with the party in the White House |
| Education | +14.4 [+7.6, +21.2] | Democrats more confident since 2011-2018 |
| Medicine | +10.4 [+2.5, +18.3] | Democrats more confident since 2022-2024 |
| Press | +7.8 [+3.8, +11.8] | Democrats more confident since 2001-2010 |
| Television | +7.1 [+2.5, +11.6] | Democrats more confident since 1973-1980 |
| Congress | +5.0 [+1.3, +8.8] | Democrats more confident since 2022-2024 |
| Organized labor | +0.8 [−7.0, +8.6] | None in 2022-2024 (interval includes zero) |
| Banks and finance | +0.3 [−6.3, +7.0] | None in 2022-2024 (interval includes zero) |
| Major companies | −0.8 [−7.1, +5.5] | None in 2022-2024 (interval includes zero) |
| Organized religion | −11.6 [−18.4, −4.8] | Republicans more confident since 1991-2000 |
| Military | −13.7 [−22.1, −5.4] | Republicans more confident since 1981-1990 |
| Supreme Court | −16.2 [−22.8, −9.5] | Republicans more confident since 2022-2024 |

Note: The rule counts an institution as having no lasting gap when the 2022-2024 in-person interval includes zero, whatever the earlier periods show. The survey began in 1973, so a gap that has lasted since 1973-1980 may have started earlier.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners; intervals on the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/gap_onset.json

### Table 6. The executive branch gap has the sign of the president's party in 33 of 33 survey years

Democratic minus Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the executive branch of the federal government, percentage points, by survey year, 1973-2024, 95% intervals

| conf_high | conf_low | gap | mode | n | president_party | year |
| ---: | ---: | ---: | --- | ---: | --- | ---: |
| −17.10 | −28.70 | −22.90 | all | 1,260 | Republican | 1973 |
| −4.40 | −14 | −9.20 | all | 1,233 | Republican | 1974 |
| −3.90 | −13.50 | −8.70 | all | 1,240 | Republican | 1975 |
| −3 | −12.60 | −7.80 | all | 1,218 | Republican | 1976 |
| 11.90 | 0.700 | 6.30 | all | 1,296 | Democratic | 1977 |
| 11.50 | 2.50 | 7 | all | 1,258 | Democratic | 1978 |
| 9.60 | −0.100 | 4.70 | all | 1,175 | Democratic | 1980 |
| −13.40 | −25.20 | −19.30 | all | 1,570 | Republican | 1982 |
| −8.20 | −18.30 | −13.30 | all | 1,355 | Republican | 1983 |
| −12.70 | −26.70 | −19.70 | all | 834 | Republican | 1984 |
| −9.50 | −20.20 | −14.80 | all | 1,248 | Republican | 1986 |
| −10.40 | −20.80 | −15.60 | all | 1,546 | Republican | 1987 |
| −10.10 | −21.90 | −16 | all | 852 | Republican | 1988 |
| −6.40 | −19 | −12.70 | all | 856 | Republican | 1989 |
| −3.80 | −17.70 | −10.70 | all | 769 | Republican | 1990 |
| −10.20 | −23.50 | −16.90 | all | 864 | Republican | 1991 |
| 13.60 | 4.20 | 8.90 | all | 877 | Democratic | 1993 |
| 12 | 5.30 | 8.70 | all | 1,671 | Democratic | 1994 |
| 11.30 | 4.30 | 7.80 | all | 1,524 | Democratic | 1996 |
| 12.50 | 4.80 | 8.60 | all | 1,500 | Democratic | 1998 |
| 11 | 2.50 | 6.70 | all | 1,431 | Democratic | 2000 |
| −18.60 | −34.30 | −26.50 | all | 703 | Republican | 2002 |
| −18.80 | −33.20 | −26 | all | 726 | Republican | 2004 |
| −15.70 | −25.10 | −20.40 | all | 1,485 | Republican | 2006 |
| −1.40 | −10.70 | −6 | all | 1,098 | Republican | 2008 |
| 21.60 | 10.60 | 16.10 | all | 1,080 | Democratic | 2010 |
| 16.80 | 6.80 | 11.80 | all | 1,027 | Democratic | 2012 |
| 18.20 | 10.90 | 14.50 | all | 1,266 | Democratic | 2014 |
| 15.30 | 7.40 | 11.40 | all | 1,533 | Democratic | 2016 |
| −7.80 | −18.40 | −13.10 | all | 1,211 | Republican | 2018 |
| 14.40 | 7.10 | 10.70 | all | 2,017 | Democratic | 2021 |
| 19.70 | 10.90 | 15.30 | all | 1,713 | Democratic | 2022 |
| 20.90 | 11.70 | 16.30 | all | 1,538 | Democratic | 2024 |
| −17.10 | −28.70 | −22.90 | inperson | 1,260 | Republican | 1973 |
| −4.40 | −14 | −9.20 | inperson | 1,233 | Republican | 1974 |
| −3.90 | −13.50 | −8.70 | inperson | 1,240 | Republican | 1975 |
| −3 | −12.60 | −7.80 | inperson | 1,218 | Republican | 1976 |
| 11.90 | 0.700 | 6.30 | inperson | 1,296 | Democratic | 1977 |
| 11.50 | 2.50 | 7 | inperson | 1,258 | Democratic | 1978 |
| 9.60 | −0.100 | 4.70 | inperson | 1,175 | Democratic | 1980 |
| −13.40 | −25.20 | −19.30 | inperson | 1,570 | Republican | 1982 |
| −8.20 | −18.30 | −13.30 | inperson | 1,355 | Republican | 1983 |
| −12.70 | −26.70 | −19.70 | inperson | 834 | Republican | 1984 |
| −9.50 | −20.20 | −14.80 | inperson | 1,248 | Republican | 1986 |
| −10.40 | −20.80 | −15.60 | inperson | 1,546 | Republican | 1987 |
| −10.10 | −21.90 | −16 | inperson | 852 | Republican | 1988 |
| −6.40 | −19 | −12.70 | inperson | 856 | Republican | 1989 |
| −3.80 | −17.70 | −10.70 | inperson | 769 | Republican | 1990 |
| −10.20 | −23.50 | −16.90 | inperson | 864 | Republican | 1991 |
| 13.60 | 4.20 | 8.90 | inperson | 877 | Democratic | 1993 |
| 12 | 5.30 | 8.70 | inperson | 1,671 | Democratic | 1994 |
| 11.30 | 4.30 | 7.80 | inperson | 1,524 | Democratic | 1996 |
| 12.50 | 4.80 | 8.60 | inperson | 1,500 | Democratic | 1998 |
| 11 | 2.50 | 6.70 | inperson | 1,431 | Democratic | 2000 |
| −18.60 | −34.30 | −26.50 | inperson | 703 | Republican | 2002 |
| −18.20 | −33.60 | −25.90 | inperson | 579 | Republican | 2004 |
| −16.40 | −26.10 | −21.20 | inperson | 1,387 | Republican | 2006 |
| −0.700 | −10.60 | −5.70 | inperson | 974 | Republican | 2008 |
| 20.50 | 8.70 | 14.60 | inperson | 957 | Democratic | 2010 |
| 17.90 | 7.20 | 12.50 | inperson | 892 | Democratic | 2012 |
| 18 | 10.40 | 14.20 | inperson | 1,098 | Democratic | 2014 |
| 15 | 6.90 | 10.90 | inperson | 1,424 | Democratic | 2016 |
| −8 | −19 | −13.50 | inperson | 1,094 | Republican | 2018 |
| 23.20 | 9.70 | 16.40 | inperson | 762 | Democratic | 2022 |
| 19.30 | 3.20 | 11.20 | inperson | 533 | Democratic | 2024 |
| 14.20 | 6.60 | 10.40 | web | 1,756 | Democratic | 2021 |
| 20.80 | 9 | 14.90 | web | 789 | Democratic | 2022 |
| 25 | 13 | 19 | web | 839 | Democratic | 2024 |

Views: All interview modes (mode = all); In-person interviews only (mode = inperson); Web interviews only (mode = web).

Note: Presidential terms are assigned by the year of the inauguration; surveys fielded in an inauguration year are assigned to the new president. The shaded terms, from the left, are Nixon and Ford, Carter, Reagan and Bush, Clinton, Bush, Obama, Trump and Biden.

Note: The interval excludes zero on the side of the president's party in 32 of the 33 years. In 1980 the gap was +4.7 points, an interval that includes zero.

Note: The 2021 survey began interviewing in December 2020, and its point blends interviews before and after the inauguration of 20 January 2021 and is assigned to President Biden.

Note: Intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents (the Kish effective sample size); they do not use the survey's sampling design.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners; intervals on the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/executive_gap.json

### Table 7. The web science gap differs from the in-person gap by +14.5 points, before correcting for thirteen comparisons

Democratic minus Republican share with a great deal of confidence, percentage points with 95% intervals, respondents interviewed in person and on the web, 2022 and 2024 pooled

| Institution | In-person gap (points) | In-person gap, lower end | In-person gap, upper end | Web gap (points) | Web gap, lower end | Web gap, upper end | Web minus in person (points) | Difference, lower end | Difference, upper end | In-person respondents | Web respondents |
| --- | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: | ---: |
| Scientific community | +19.8 | +11.8 | +27.8 | +34.3 | +27.8 | +40.7 | +14.5 | +4.2 | +24.7 | 1259 | 1630 |
| Executive branch | +14.6 | +9.4 | +19.9 | +17.2 | +13.0 | +21.5 | +2.6 | −4.2 | +9.4 | 1295 | 1628 |
| Education | +14.4 | +7.6 | +21.2 | +12.6 | +8.0 | +17.2 | −1.8 | −10.1 | +6.4 | 1305 | 1622 |
| Medicine | +10.4 | +2.5 | +18.3 | +19.0 | +12.8 | +25.2 | +8.6 | −1.4 | +18.6 | 1309 | 1626 |
| Press | +7.8 | +3.8 | +11.8 | +11.8 | +8.0 | +15.6 | +4.0 | −1.5 | +9.5 | 1297 | 1628 |
| Television | +7.1 | +2.5 | +11.6 | +4.1 | +1.0 | +7.2 | −3.0 | −8.5 | +2.5 | 1291 | 1628 |
| Congress | +5.0 | +1.3 | +8.8 | +2.0 | −0.4 | +4.5 | −3.0 | −7.5 | +1.5 | 1296 | 1629 |
| Organized labor | +0.8 | −7.0 | +8.6 | +9.0 | +3.5 | +14.4 | +8.2 | −1.3 | +17.6 | 964 | 1223 |
| Banks and finance | +0.3 | −6.3 | +7.0 | +1.0 | −4.0 | +6.0 | +0.6 | −7.7 | +9.0 | 1307 | 1632 |
| Major companies | −0.8 | −7.1 | +5.5 | −6.2 | −11.2 | −1.2 | −5.4 | −13.5 | +2.7 | 1265 | 1629 |
| Organized religion | −11.6 | −18.4 | −4.8 | −11.1 | −15.8 | −6.3 | +0.6 | −7.7 | +8.8 | 1264 | 1622 |
| Military | −13.7 | −22.1 | −5.4 | −6.5 | −13.4 | +0.4 | +7.2 | −3.6 | +18.0 | 1302 | 1630 |
| Supreme Court | −16.2 | −22.8 | −9.5 | −21.7 | −27.0 | −16.4 | −5.5 | −14.0 | +3.0 | 1289 | 1632 |

Note: Telephone and other-mode interviews of 2022 and 2024 are left out of this figure; they are included in the all-modes estimates elsewhere in the chapter. The interval of each web-minus-in-person difference is in the data table.

Note: Intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents (the Kish effective sample size); they do not use the survey's sampling design.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners (2022 and 2024 pooled); intervals on the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/gap_by_mode.json

### Table 8. The Supreme Court gap was on the Republican side by 2022 in both interview modes

Democratic minus Republican share with a great deal of confidence, percentage points, four institutions, in-person interviews (solid line) and web interviews (dashed line), 2014-2024, 95% intervals

| conf_high | conf_low | gap | institution | interview | n | year |
| ---: | ---: | ---: | --- | --- | ---: | ---: |
| 14 | 0.300 | 7.10 | Scientific community | In person | 1,076 | 2014 |
| 19.70 | 7.10 | 13.40 | Scientific community | In person | 1,397 | 2016 |
| 18.30 | 3 | 10.70 | Scientific community | In person | 1,073 | 2018 |
| 34.60 | 13.70 | 24.10 | Scientific community | In person | 747 | 2022 |
| 23.50 | 0.100 | 11.80 | Scientific community | In person | 512 | 2024 |
| 5.50 | −8 | −1.30 | Medicine | In person | 1,109 | 2014 |
| 3.90 | −8.30 | −2.20 | Medicine | In person | 1,441 | 2016 |
| 4 | −10.70 | −3.40 | Medicine | In person | 1,100 | 2018 |
| 25.70 | 4.60 | 15.20 | Medicine | In person | 772 | 2022 |
| 12.80 | −9.10 | 1.80 | Medicine | In person | 537 | 2024 |
| −0.200 | −13.90 | −7.10 | Military | In person | 1,103 | 2014 |
| −7.30 | −19.70 | −13.50 | Military | In person | 1,439 | 2016 |
| −13.90 | −28.10 | −21 | Military | In person | 1,100 | 2018 |
| −6.40 | −28.60 | −17.50 | Military | In person | 766 | 2022 |
| 5.20 | −18.60 | −6.70 | Military | In person | 536 | 2024 |
| 11.50 | −0.400 | 5.50 | Supreme Court | In person | 1,094 | 2014 |
| 9.80 | −1.50 | 4.10 | Supreme Court | In person | 1,428 | 2016 |
| 3.30 | −11.20 | −3.90 | Supreme Court | In person | 1,086 | 2018 |
| −10.90 | −28.60 | −19.80 | Supreme Court | In person | 756 | 2022 |
| −0.200 | −18.90 | −9.50 | Supreme Court | In person | 533 | 2024 |
| 36.60 | 25.40 | 31 | Scientific community | Web | 1,755 | 2021 |
| 47.40 | 28.60 | 38 | Scientific community | Web | 789 | 2022 |
| 40.20 | 22.70 | 31.40 | Scientific community | Web | 841 | 2024 |
| 15.80 | 4.40 | 10.10 | Medicine | Web | 1,759 | 2021 |
| 27.10 | 8.20 | 17.70 | Medicine | Web | 788 | 2022 |
| 28 | 11.70 | 19.90 | Medicine | Web | 838 | 2024 |
| −21.60 | −32.90 | −27.30 | Military | Web | 1,757 | 2021 |
| −8.50 | −28.80 | −18.70 | Military | Web | 791 | 2022 |
| 11.50 | −7.10 | 2.20 | Military | Web | 839 | 2024 |
| −0.200 | −10.80 | −5.50 | Supreme Court | Web | 1,762 | 2021 |
| −11.90 | −27.60 | −19.70 | Supreme Court | Web | 790 | 2022 |
| −15.80 | −30.20 | −23 | Supreme Court | Web | 842 | 2024 |

Note: There are no web interviews before 2021.

Note: Lines are broken between 2018 and the next survey year in each view, because there is no 2020 survey and the 2021 survey had no in-person interviews.

Note: Intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents (the Kish effective sample size); they do not use the survey's sampling design.

Source: General Social Survey, 1973-2024; weighted (weight_use); Democrats and Republicans include leaners; intervals on the Kish effective sample size

Data: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/gap_by_mode_year.json

## All estimates

Every fact in facts.json (121), sorted by id.

| Fact id | Value | Unit | Estimand | Population | Period | Interval | n | Weights | Source | Note |
| --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- | --- | --- | ---: | --- | --- | --- |
| big_cut | 10 | percentage points | cutoff on the absolute gap (constant) | threshold for a large gap | all periods |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| chg_military_ip_18_24 | +14.3 | percentage points (later gap minus earlier gap, or web gap minus in-person gap) | change in the in-person Democratic-minus-Republican gap in confidence in the military, 2018 to 2024; standard errors of the two gaps combined in quadrature | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2018 to 2024 | 95% CI 0.4 to 28.1 | 1,636 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| chg_military_ip_22_24 | +10.8 | percentage points (later gap minus earlier gap, or web gap minus in-person gap) | change in the in-person Democratic-minus-Republican gap in confidence in the military, 2022 to 2024; standard errors of the two gaps combined in quadrature | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 to 2024 | 95% CI −5.4 to 27.1 | 1,302 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| chg_military_web_22_24 | +20.9 | percentage points (later gap minus earlier gap, or web gap minus in-person gap) | change in the web Democratic-minus-Republican gap in confidence in the military, 2022 to 2024; standard errors of the two gaps combined in quadrature | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 to 2024 | 95% CI 7.1 to 34.6 | 1,630 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| chg_science_ip_18_22 | +13.5 | percentage points (later gap minus earlier gap, or web gap minus in-person gap) | change in the in-person Democratic-minus-Republican gap in confidence in the scientific community, 2018 to 2022; standard errors of the two gaps combined in quadrature | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2018 to 2022 | 95% CI 0.5 to 26.4 | 1,820 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| chg_science_ip_22_24 | −12.3 | percentage points (later gap minus earlier gap, or web gap minus in-person gap) | change in the in-person Democratic-minus-Republican gap in confidence in the scientific community, 2022 to 2024; standard errors of the two gaps combined in quadrature | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 to 2024 | 95% CI −28.0 to 3.4 | 1,259 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| court_dem_post_ruling_web | 7.8% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share of Democrats saying a great deal of confidence in the Supreme Court; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | Democrats (including leaners), interviewed on the web from 25 June 2022 | 2022 | 95% CI 3.3% to 12.4% | 304 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| court_dem_pre_ruling_web | 4.6% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share of Democrats saying a great deal of confidence in the Supreme Court; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | Democrats (including leaners), interviewed on the web before 25 June 2022, the day after the ruling of 24 June 2022 | 2022 | 95% CI 0.0% to 9.2% | 137 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| dem_congress_ip | 8.0% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in congress; in-person interviews only | Democrats who identify with or lean toward the party | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 5.0% to 11.1% | 694 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| dem_court_2018_ip | 32.7% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in supreme court; in-person interviews only | Democrats who identify with or lean toward the party | 2018 | 95% CI 28.1% to 37.4% | 605 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| dem_court_2021_web | 25.5% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in supreme court; web interviews only | Democrats who identify with or lean toward the party | 2021 | 95% CI 22.1% to 28.9% | 1,058 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| dem_court_2022_ip | 8.9% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in supreme court; in-person interviews only | Democrats who identify with or lean toward the party | 2022 | 95% CI 4.6% to 13.2% | 405 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| dem_court_2022_web | 7.1% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in supreme court; web interviews only | Democrats who identify with or lean toward the party | 2022 | 95% CI 3.5% to 10.6% | 441 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| dem_military_2018_ip | 52.5% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only | Democrats who identify with or lean toward the party | 2018 | 95% CI 47.6% to 57.4% | 614 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| dem_military_2024_ip | 48.1% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only | Democrats who identify with or lean toward the party | 2024 | 95% CI 39.9% to 56.3% | 284 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| dem_press_ip | 10.4% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in press; in-person interviews only | Democrats who identify with or lean toward the party | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 6.9% to 13.8% | 693 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| design_n_cells | 585 | gap estimates | count of gap estimates compared | gap estimates: annual, period and pooled 2022-2024 by mode, from 1975 on | 1975-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| design_n_differs | 15 | gap estimates | count of gap estimates whose 95% interval excludes zero under one standard error and not the other | gap estimates: annual, period and pooled 2022-2024 by mode, from 1975 on | 1975-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| design_ratio_median | 1.01 | ratio of standard errors (using the survey design over assuming a simple random sample) | median across gap estimates of the ratio of the Taylor-linearized standard error (GSS strata and PSUs) to the standard error that assumes a simple random sample of the weighted respondents | gap estimates: annual, period and pooled 2022-2024 by mode, from 1975 on | 1975-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| design_ratio_p05 | 0.87 | ratio of standard errors (using the survey design over assuming a simple random sample) | 5th percentile across gap estimates of the ratio of the Taylor-linearized standard error (GSS strata and PSUs) to the standard error that assumes a simple random sample of the weighted respondents | gap estimates: annual, period and pooled 2022-2024 by mode, from 1975 on | 1975-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| design_ratio_p95 | 1.17 | ratio of standard errors (using the survey design over assuming a simple random sample) | 95th percentile across gap estimates of the ratio of the Taylor-linearized standard error (GSS strata and PSUs) to the standard error that assumes a simple random sample of the weighted respondents | gap estimates: annual, period and pooled 2022-2024 by mode, from 1975 on | 1975-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| diff_max_other | 8.6 | percentage points (absolute web-minus-in-person difference in the gap) | largest absolute difference between the web and in-person gaps among the twelve institutions other than science | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| diff_science | +14.5 | percentage points (web gap minus in-person gap) | difference between the web and in-person Democratic-minus-Republican gaps in confidence in the scientific community; standard errors of the two gaps combined in quadrature | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 4.2 to 24.7 | 2,889 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| diff_science_mode_2022 | +13.9 | percentage points (later gap minus earlier gap, or web gap minus in-person gap) | web gap minus in-person gap in confidence in the scientific community, 2022; standard errors of the two gaps combined in quadrature | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 | 95% CI −0.2 to 28.0 | 1,536 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| diff_science_mode_2024 | +19.6 | percentage points (later gap minus earlier gap, or web gap minus in-person gap) | web gap minus in-person gap in confidence in the scientific community, 2024; standard errors of the two gaps combined in quadrature | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI 5.0 to 34.3 | 1,353 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| diff_science_p_adj | 0.07 | p-value (the science difference in the gap, multiplied by thirteen for the thirteen comparisons) | two-sided normal p-value of the web-minus-in-person difference in the science gap, multiplied by the thirteen institutions compared (Bonferroni adjustment) and capped at 1 | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| diff_widest_end | 18.6 | percentage points (end of a 95% interval for a web-minus-in-person difference) | largest absolute end of the 95% interval of the web-minus-in-person difference in the gap among the twelve institutions other than science | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| exec_2021_pre_share | 22.1% | percent of respondents interviewed before the inauguration | share interviewed from December 2020 to 19 January 2021, before the inauguration of 20 January 2021 (unweighted count) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party and answered the executive branch item in 2021 | 2021 |   | 1,793 | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| floor_ip_22_24 | 2.6 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean absolute gap expected from sampling noise alone if every true gap were zero; in-person interviews only | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| floor_max | 1.2 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | largest across the periods before 2022 of the mean absolute gap expected from sampling noise alone if every true gap were zero; in-person interviews only | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1973-2018, by period |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| floor_min | 0.8 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | smallest across the periods before 2022 of the mean absolute gap expected from sampling noise alone if every true gap were zero (sqrt(2/pi) times the mean standard error of the gaps); in-person interviews only | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1973-2018, by period |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| floor_n | 150 | respondents | suppression floor (constant) | minimum size of a party-by-year cell | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| floor_neff | 100 | respondents (Kish effective sample size) | suppression floor (constant) | minimum effective size of a party-by-year cell | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_companies_1973_80 | −12.2 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in major companies; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1973-1980 | 95% CI −14.5 to −9.9 | 8,493 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_companies_2011_18 | −11.4 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in major companies; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2011-2018 | 95% CI −14.3 to −8.4 | 4,494 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_companies_web_22_24 | −6.2 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in major companies; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI −11.2 to −1.2 | 1,629 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_congress_ip | +5.0 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in congress; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 1.3 to 8.8 | 1,296 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_court_2011_18 | +1.1 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in supreme court; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2011-2018 | 95% CI −2.2 to 4.4 | 4,497 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_court_2018_ip | −3.9 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in supreme court; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2018 | 95% CI −11.2 to 3.3 | 1,086 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_court_2021_web | −5.5 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in supreme court; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2021 | 95% CI −10.8 to −0.2 | 1,762 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_court_2022_ip | −19.8 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in supreme court; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 | 95% CI −28.6 to −10.9 | 756 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_court_2022_web | −19.7 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in supreme court; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 | 95% CI −27.6 to −11.9 | 790 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_court_2024_ip | −9.5 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in supreme court; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI −18.9 to −0.2 | 533 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_court_2024_web | −23.0 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in supreme court; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI −30.2 to −15.8 | 842 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_court_ip | −16.2 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in supreme court; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI −22.8 to −9.5 | 1,289 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_exec_2021_post | +16.0 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the executive branch; all interview modes; 2021 interviews interviewed from 20 January 2021 | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6), interviewed from 20 January 2021 | 2021 | 95% CI 11.7 to 20.4 | 1,397 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_exec_2021_pre | −10.7 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the executive branch; all interview modes; 2021 interviews interviewed before the inauguration on 20 January 2021 | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6), interviewed before the inauguration on 20 January 2021 | 2021 | 95% CI −19.1 to −2.3 | 396 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_executive_1980_all | +4.7 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in executive branch; all interview modes; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1980 | 95% CI −0.1 to 9.6 | 1,175 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_executive_2006_all | −20.4 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in executive branch; all interview modes; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2006 | 95% CI −25.1 to −15.7 | 1,485 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_executive_2010_all | +16.1 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in executive branch; all interview modes; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2010 | 95% CI 10.6 to 21.6 | 1,080 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_executive_2018_all | −13.1 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in executive branch; all interview modes; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2018 | 95% CI −18.4 to −7.8 | 1,211 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_executive_2024_all | +16.3 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in executive branch; all interview modes; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI 11.7 to 20.9 | 1,538 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_labor_1973_80 | +6.9 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in organized labor; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1973-1980 | 95% CI 5.2 to 8.6 | 8,486 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_labor_2011_18 | +4.6 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in organized labor; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2011-2018 | 95% CI 2.1 to 7.0 | 4,405 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_labor_web_22_24 | +9.0 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in organized labor; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 3.5 to 14.4 | 1,223 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_medicine_2011_18 | −1.8 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in medicine; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2011-2018 | 95% CI −5.4 to 1.7 | 4,554 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_medicine_2018_ip | −3.4 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in medicine; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2018 | 95% CI −10.7 to 4.0 | 1,100 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_medicine_2022_ip | +15.2 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in medicine; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 | 95% CI 4.6 to 25.7 | 772 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_medicine_2024_ip | +1.8 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in medicine; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI −9.1 to 12.8 | 537 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_medicine_2024_web | +19.9 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in medicine; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI 11.7 to 28.0 | 838 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_medicine_ip | +10.4 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in medicine; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 2.5 to 18.3 | 1,309 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_military_2001_10 | −22.3 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2001-2010 | 95% CI −25.6 to −18.9 | 4,635 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_military_2018_ip | −21.0 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2018 | 95% CI −28.1 to −13.9 | 1,100 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_military_2022_ip | −17.5 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 | 95% CI −28.6 to −6.4 | 766 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_military_2022_web | −18.7 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in military; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 | 95% CI −28.8 to −8.5 | 791 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_military_2024_all | +0.3 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in military; all interview modes; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI −6.7 to 7.3 | 1,542 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_military_2024_ip | −6.7 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI −18.6 to 5.2 | 536 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_military_2024_web | +2.2 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in military; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI −7.1 to 11.5 | 839 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_military_ip | −13.7 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI −22.1 to −5.4 | 1,302 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_press_ip | +7.8 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in press; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 3.8 to 11.8 | 1,297 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_1973_80 | −5.5 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1973-1980 | 95% CI −8.1 to −2.9 | 8,073 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_2001_10 | +2.4 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2001-2010 | 95% CI −1.1 to 5.9 | 4,481 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_2008_all | +7.5 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in scientific community; all interview modes; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2008 | 95% CI 0.4 to 14.6 | 1,071 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_2011_18 | +9.7 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2011-2018 | 95% CI 6.1 to 13.4 | 4,412 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_2018_ip | +10.7 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2018 | 95% CI 3.0 to 18.3 | 1,073 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_2022_ip | +24.1 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 | 95% CI 13.7 to 34.6 | 747 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_2022_web | +38.0 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in scientific community; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 | 95% CI 28.6 to 47.4 | 789 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_2024_ip | +11.8 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI 0.1 to 23.5 | 512 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_2024_web | +31.4 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in scientific community; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI 22.7 to 40.2 | 841 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_all_22_24 | +28.2 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the scientific community; all interview modes; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 23.4 to 32.9 | 3,211 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_ip | +19.8 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the scientific community; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 11.8 to 27.8 | 1,259 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_science_web_22_24 | +34.3 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in the scientific community; web interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 27.8 to 40.7 | 1,630 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_television_1973_80 | +4.0 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in television; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1973-1980 | 95% CI 2.1 to 5.9 | 8,750 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| gap_television_ip | +7.1 | percentage points (Democratic share minus Republican share; positive means Democrats are more confident) | weighted Democratic share minus weighted Republican share with a great deal of confidence in television; in-person interviews only; normal interval on the Kish effective n | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 2.5 to 11.6 | 1,291 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_1973_80 | 4.8 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap in the share with a great deal of confidence; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1973-1980 | 95% CI 4.3 to 5.5 | 10,281 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_1991_00 | 4.1 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap in the share with a great deal of confidence; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 1991-2000 | 95% CI 3.6 to 4.8 | 12,086 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_2001_10 | 6.2 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap in the share with a great deal of confidence; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2001-2010 | 95% CI 5.5 to 7.2 | 10,035 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_2011_18 | 6.7 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap in the share with a great deal of confidence; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2011-2018 | 95% CI 6.0 to 7.5 | 6,791 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_2021_24 | 10.6 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; all interview modes (the pooled 2021, 2022 and 2024 surveys, mostly web); seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2021-2024 | 95% CI 9.8 to 11.5 | 7,993 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_ip_2018 | 8.1 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over the institutions that pass the suppression floor of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2018 | 95% CI 6.7 to 10.1 | 1,640 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_ip_2022 | 11.3 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over the institutions that pass the suppression floor of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022 | 95% CI 9.7 to 14.2 | 1,158 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_ip_2024 | 7.3 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over the institutions that pass the suppression floor of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; in-person interviews only; organized labor is left out because its party cells fall below the suppression floor, so twelve institutions; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI 5.6 to 10.7 | 822 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_ip_22_24 | 9.4 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 8.0 to 11.8 | 1,980 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_strict_1973_80 | 5.4 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute gap between strong and weak Democrats and strong and weak Republicans; in-person interviews (all surveys before 2004 were in person); seeded respondent bootstrap | strong and weak party identifiers only (Democrats: partyid 0-1, Republicans: partyid 5-6) | 1973-1980 | 95% CI 4.8 to 6.1 | 7,750 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_strict_ip_22_24 | 8.7 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute gap between strong and weak Democrats and strong and weak Republicans; in-person interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap | strong and weak party identifiers only (Democrats: partyid 0-1, Republicans: partyid 5-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 7.2 to 11.2 | 1,434 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_web_2024 | 12.0 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over the institutions that pass the suppression floor of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; web interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2024 | 95% CI 10.0 to 14.8 | 1,256 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| mag_web_22_24 | 12.0 | percentage points (mean over institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap) | mean over thirteen institutions of the absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap; web interviews only; seeded respondent bootstrap interval (2,000 replicates) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6) | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 10.6 to 13.6 | 2,412 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| min_cell_n | 198 | respondents | count of respondents | smallest party-by-year cell shown in the figures | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_big_1973_80 | 1 | institutions | count of institutions whose estimated absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap (the point estimate, not its interval) is 10 points or more; in-person interviews | the thirteen institutions | 1973-1980 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_big_2011_18 | 2 | institutions | count of institutions whose estimated absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap (the point estimate, not its interval) is 10 points or more; in-person interviews | the thirteen institutions | 2011-2018 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_big_ip_22_24 | 7 | institutions | count of institutions whose estimated absolute Democratic-minus-Republican gap (the point estimate, not its interval) is 10 points or more; in-person interviews | the thirteen institutions | 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_both_fell | 8 | institutions | count of institutions where the 95% interval of the share with a great deal of confidence in 2022-2024 lies below the interval for 1973-1980 for both Democrats and Republicans; in-person interviews | the thirteen institutions | 1973-1980 to 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_dem_sig_1973_80 | 5 | institutions | count of institutions whose 95% interval for the Democratic-minus-Republican gap excludes zero on the Democratic side; in-person interviews | the thirteen institutions | 1973-1980 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_dem_sig_ip_22_24 | 7 | institutions | count of institutions whose 95% interval for the Democratic-minus-Republican gap excludes zero on the Democratic side; in-person interviews | the thirteen institutions | 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_exec_match | 33 | survey years | count of years in which the sign of the Democratic-minus-Republican gap matches the party of the president (positive under a Democrat, negative under a Republican); all interview modes | survey years with the executive branch item | 1973-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_exec_sig | 32 | survey years | count of years in which the 95% interval of the Democratic-minus-Republican gap excludes zero on the side of the president's party; all interview modes | survey years with the executive branch item | 1973-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_exec_years | 33 | survey years | count of survey years | survey years with the executive branch item | 1973-2024 |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_rep_sig_1973_80 | 6 | institutions | count of institutions whose 95% interval for the Democratic-minus-Republican gap excludes zero on the Republican side; in-person interviews | the thirteen institutions | 1973-1980 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_rep_sig_ip_22_24 | 3 | institutions | count of institutions whose 95% interval for the Democratic-minus-Republican gap excludes zero on the Republican side; in-person interviews | the thirteen institutions | 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_resp | 41,797 | respondents | count of respondents | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6), with at least one confidence answer | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_same_sign | 13 | institutions | count of institutions where the in-person and web gaps have the same sign (point estimates) | the thirteen institutions | 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_web_larger | 8 | institutions | count of institutions where the absolute web gap exceeds the absolute in-person gap | the thirteen institutions | 2022-2024 |   |   | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| n_years | 33 | survey years | count of survey years | years in which the confidence items were fielded | 1973-2024, survey years with the confidence items |   |   | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| rep_congress_ip | 3.0% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in congress; in-person interviews only | Republicans who identify with or lean toward the party | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 0.9% to 5.2% | 602 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| rep_military_2018_ip | 73.5% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only | Republicans who identify with or lean toward the party | 2018 | 95% CI 68.4% to 78.6% | 486 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| rep_military_2024_ip | 54.8% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in military; in-person interviews only | Republicans who identify with or lean toward the party | 2024 | 95% CI 46.2% to 63.4% | 252 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| rep_press_ip | 2.6% | percent of respondents answering a great deal of confidence | weighted share saying a great deal of confidence in press; in-person interviews only | Republicans who identify with or lean toward the party | 2022-2024 | 95% CI 0.6% to 4.5% | 604 | weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before) | General Social Survey |   |
| web_share_2021 | 87.3% | percent of respondents interviewed on the web | share of respondents whose interview mode is web (unweighted count) | all GSS respondents in the year, not only party identifiers | 2021 |   | 4,032 | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| web_share_2021_24 | 63.9% | percent of respondents interviewed on the web | share of the respondents behind the 2021-2024 estimates whose interview mode is web (unweighted count) | respondents who identify with or lean toward a party (Democrats: partyid 0-2, Republicans: partyid 4-6), with at least one confidence answer | 2021, 2022 and 2024 pooled |   | 5,321 | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| web_share_2022 | 46.1% | percent of respondents interviewed on the web | share of respondents whose interview mode is web (unweighted count) | all GSS respondents in the year, not only party identifiers | 2022 |   | 3,544 | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |
| web_share_2024 | 53.2% | percent of respondents interviewed on the web | share of respondents whose interview mode is web (unweighted count) | all GSS respondents in the year, not only party identifiers | 2024 |   | 3,309 | none (count) | General Social Survey |   |

## Definitions

- Partisan leaner: A respondent who first says they are independent but, when asked, says they lean toward one party. Most figures group leaners with the party they lean toward, and each chapter says which grouping it uses.
- Percentage point: The unit for the difference between two percentages. A change from one share to another is stated in points, not in percent, so that absolute and relative change are not confused.
- Confidence interval: A range around an estimate that would contain the true value in 95% of repeated samples if the sampling model held. The book reports 95% intervals unless it says otherwise.
- Survey weights: Numbers that scale each respondent so the sample matches the population on known traits such as age, race, education and region. A weighted average counts a respondent with a large weight for more than one with a small weight.
- Effective sample size: The number of equally weighted respondents that would give the same precision as the weighted sample. It is smaller than the raw count when the weights vary a lot, and it sets how wide the confidence interval is.
- Survey mode: How respondents were interviewed: in person, by phone, on paper or online. Mode can change answers, so a change in mode can look like a change in opinion.
- Party sorting: The alignment of party with other traits, such as ideology, religion, race and place, so that people who share a party also tend to share those traits.

## Methods

Sample: General Social Survey (GSS) respondents from the analysis subset (gss_sub2024) in the 33 survey years from 1973 to 2024 in which the confidence items were fielded (they were not asked in 1972 or 1985), who identify with or lean toward a party: 41,797 respondents with at least one confidence answer. Each confidence item was asked of a random part of the sample, so cell sizes vary by year. Items: confidence in the people running thirteen institutions (the scientific community, medicine, the military, the Supreme Court, education, the executive branch of the federal government, Congress, the press, television, major companies, banks and financial institutions, organized labor and organized religion), answered a great deal, only some or hardly any. Banks and financial institutions were added in 1975. Measure: a 0/1 indicator for a great deal. Party: Democrats are partyid 0 to 2 and Republicans are partyid 4 to 6, so leaners are counted with the party they lean toward; independents (3) and other-party identifiers (7) are dropped. The robustness cut uses strong and weak identifiers only (0 to 1 against 5 to 6). Gap: Democratic share minus Republican share, in percentage points, throughout. Weights: weight_use (wtssnrps from 2004, wtssps before). Mode: interview mode is joined from the raw GSS file by verified row position; in person means mode coded face to face from 2004 and every interview before 2004, which was in person by design; web means mode coded web (2021, 2022, 2024). There were no in-person interviews in 2021. Periods: 1973-1980, 1981-1990, 1991-2000, 2001-2010, 2011-2018 and 2022-2024, all among in-person interviews, which the text uses for every period estimate, and, in the all-modes views, 2021-2024 (2021, 2022 and 2024 pooled; 64 percent of these respondents were interviewed on the web). Intervals: 95% normal intervals on the Kish effective sample size for shares and, with standard errors combined in quadrature, for gaps, for changes in a gap between surveys and for the web-minus-in-person difference; these assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents and ignore the survey's strata and clusters. A normal interval for a share near zero is cut off at zero, and a Wilson interval on the same effective sample size would be wider and asymmetric for shares under 10 percent. The mean absolute gap has a percentile bootstrap interval from resampling respondents (2,000 replicates, seed 12345), which also ignores strata and clusters; its noise floor is sqrt(2/pi) times the mean standard error of the gaps, the mean absolute gap expected if every true gap were zero, and an institution enters the average only when both of its party cells pass the suppression floor. The science web-minus-in-person difference is one of thirteen comparisons; its p-value is multiplied by thirteen (Bonferroni) in the text. Suppression: a party-by-year cell needs at least 150 respondents and an effective sample of 100; 2 party-by-year cells are suppressed (organized labor, democrats, 2024, in person; organized labor, republicans, 2024, in person); the smallest cell shown has 198 respondents, and the backstop of 30 respondents applies to every row. Design check: for every gap from 1975 on (annual, period and pooled 2022-2024 by mode; 585 estimates) a Taylor-linearized standard error using the GSS strata and PSUs (vstrat, vpsu; a PSU without domain respondents counts as zero) has a median ratio to the standard error that assumes a simple random sample of 1.01 (5th to 95th percentile 0.87 to 1.17); the 95% interval excludes zero under one method and not the other for 15 of them, and the lasting-gap classification of all 13 institutions is unchanged when the period intervals use the design-based standard errors. Because 1973 and 1974 carry no design variables, the 1973-1980 cells compare the design-based standard error with the standard error of the same 1975-1980 respondents. Lasting gap: the earliest period from which the 95% interval of the gap excludes zero on the same side in that period and every later period through 2022-2024 in person; an institution whose interval includes zero in 2022-2024 in person has none, and one whose significant gaps change sign at least twice is reported as reversing with the party in the White House. Presidential terms are assigned by inauguration year; the 2021 executive branch answers are also split at the inauguration of 20 January 2021 by interview date. Interview dates for the 2022 comparison are the raw dateintv values; interviews on or after 25 June 2022 are counted as after the ruling of 24 June 2022, and web interviewing in 2022 began in May, after the draft opinion was reported on 2 May 2022.

## What these data cannot show

- The GSS interviews a new sample each time and asks party identification and confidence in the same interview, so it cannot say whether individuals changed their confidence or whether the people who call themselves Democrats or Republicans changed.
- A gap between party identifiers can widen when the membership of the parties shifts along lines such as education or religion (party sorting, taken up in Chapter 2.1, Cohort change in partisan sorting (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/how-the-sort-happened)).
- The comparison of in-person and web respondents cannot separate an effect of the mode from a difference between the people who answered in each mode.
- In 2022 respondents were randomly assigned to a sequence of modes, face to face first or web first, and each sequence followed up nonrespondents in the other mode [6].
- The two mode samples therefore reflect who answered which invitation.
- The 2021 survey was designed as a web survey, and its documentation cautions that changes in 2021 may reflect the change in method as well as changes in opinion [5].
- The item asks about the people running an institution, with three answers, so a change in the share answering "a great deal" does not show where the other answers went.
- The executive branch item in particular follows the incumbent administration.
- The thirteen institutions are the ones the GSS asks about, and the survey has no items for others such as the police.
- Causes are outside the design.
- The rise after 2018 coincides with a change of president, a pandemic and a change of mode, and the data cannot say which of them, if any, moved the gaps.
- The same holds for the Court's ruling in 2022.
- The in-person cells of 2022 and 2024 are small, so the estimates for those years are less precise than those for earlier periods.
- The sample is national, and it supports no claims about states or counties.
- The intervals assume a simple random sample of the weighted respondents, but the GSS samples clusters of households within strata of areas.
- The intervals for the mean absolute gap come from resampling respondents and ignore the sampling design in the same way, and no design-based version of them has been run.
- (Note: A design-based standard error uses the survey's strata and clusters.
- Across 585 gap estimates, the median ratio of the design-based standard error to the one that assumes a simple random sample is 1.01, with most between 0.87 and 1.17, and in 15 of them the interval excludes zero under one method and not the other.)
- Planned, Institutional trust outside the United States (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/institutional-trust-outside-the-united-states; planned) asks whether comparable gaps appear in other democracies, Planned, Generalized and institutional trust (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/generalized-and-institutional-trust; planned) asks whether trust in other people moved with confidence in institutions, and Chapter 5.2, Tolerance of speech (https://vishalsingh.org/politics/tolerance-of-speech) turns to another GSS battery.

## References

1. Smith, Tom W. (2008). Trends in Confidence in Institutions, 1973-2006. GSS Social Change Report No. 54, NORC at the University of Chicago. https://gss.norc.org/content/dam/gss/get-documentation/pdf/reports/social-change-reports/SC54%20Trends%20in%20Confidence%20in%20Institutions.pdf
2. Kish, Leslie (1965). Survey Sampling. John Wiley and Sons.
3. Lipset, Seymour Martin; Schneider, William (1983). The Confidence Gap: Business, Labor, and Government in the Public Mind. Free Press, New York.
4. Gauchat, Gordon (2012). Politicization of Science in the Public Sphere: A Study of Public Trust in the United States, 1974 to 2010. American Sociological Review 77(2): 167-187. https://doi.org/10.1177/0003122412438225
5. NORC at the University of Chicago (2021). 2021 GSS (Cross-section Study) Methodological Primer. General Social Survey documentation, NORC at the University of Chicago (November 2021). https://gss.norc.org/content/dam/gss/get-documentation/pdf/other/2021%20XSEC%20Methodological%20Primer.pdf
6. Wells, Brian M.; Christian, Leah; Bautista, René; Lafia, Sara; Davern, Michael (2024). Mode-Sequencing Insights from the General Social Survey. NORC at the University of Chicago (September 2024). https://www.norc.org/research/library/mode-sequencing-insights-from-the-general-social-survey.html
7. Supreme Court of the United States (2022). Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization. 597 U.S. 215, decided 24 June 2022. https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/19-1392_6j37.pdf
8. Gerstein, Josh; Ward, Alexander (2022). Supreme Court has voted to overturn abortion rights, draft opinion shows. Politico, 2 May 2022. https://www.politico.com/news/2022/05/02/supreme-court-abortion-draft-opinion-00029473

## Provenance

- Pipeline version: 1.0.0
- Build script: book3/chapters/confidence-in-institutions/build.py (sha256 d10df81d9bfd964990e8f89dd2244e66d922500b0ea2f5decf899188e1996a1c)
- Built on: 2026-09-30
- Site commit: 16414b2c7257546a7042d0b1734657f208999f60

Inputs:

| File | Size (bytes) | SHA-256, first 1 MB | SHA-256, last 1 MB |
| --- | ---: | --- | --- |
| data/gss/gss_all_raw2024.parquet | 35,044,704 | 6f6560d1929e8a100f576317a296ee88f777ca061ab7dbc1471cbdc7b3563538 | 5c3294f206beb53d9a8387fccb1983bf3088818df090bd8ed3f378adadafcf9b |
| data/gss/gss_sub2024.parquet | 4,925,270 | 09c4894730735ec7ae5a057c99d97705866b0b4d485a8b14030435944f909fba | fbbacc5d2586b9f6a774f02031f3686c14fa23a0effee92366bb90a6de8e0ad3 |

Outputs:

| File | SHA-256 |
| --- | --- |
| facts.json | cf1d1aff0533c798c03a89c4bd4243c9c11faf89428d135422733f89d36c455a |
| figures/confidence_by_party.json | ce719ede9da4711a9e3908a8408548d3942dd8b9397efcb99c92b94433a202ac |
| figures/executive_gap.json | e25b0ef7c2c71e16705d0b588eb12dd315af27e9a1add06f6dacecaf8b1cbae1 |
| figures/gap_by_era.json | 013a8c52aa5423a6851e46e85dc050d8b0680a713735dc2b2a154a5554dcb294 |
| figures/gap_by_mode.json | ad27e155a50be4e5e1cc02ca08a76c325bf7b139fe8d68ef5a00b6cab121b7c0 |
| figures/gap_by_mode_year.json | c6485d47769f2c95113e5c2577b7d91c97b6758cc72a52f475eeeadb2cbb2ed9 |
| figures/gap_onset.json | 2f16d5d1987837a8dd489133145e6ee9849a2b15d0137f0aa1aad413b6a2cb3f |
| figures/mean_abs_gap.json | 2a329a9fdb108b48de23ec5649b70e49d0c1b0bc21a081fddb8b2d3f1e09cf9d |
| figures/party_shares_22_24.json | 30f2137238ea76037c6e02ca5e63dbb85ead2e05523fec69df7d809df7578be0 |
| meta.json | 2c10f9c5980050ed8d7f8913fca0042b68e84b792d046dc2989b527e102c26a2 |
| refs.json | c6c7726faccb0e676f69334d0348310cb72d8492fb2a0127e5518bfe7742c59a |

## Machine formats

- Report (HTML): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/confidence-in-institutions/report
- Report (Markdown): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/confidence-in-institutions/report.md
- Every estimate (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/facts.json
- Table 1, figure "mean_abs_gap" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/mean_abs_gap.json
- Table 2, figure "party_shares_22_24" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/party_shares_22_24.json
- Table 3, figure "confidence_by_party" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/confidence_by_party.json
- Table 4, figure "gap_by_era" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/gap_by_era.json
- Table 5, figure "gap_onset" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/gap_onset.json
- Table 6, figure "executive_gap" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/executive_gap.json
- Table 7, figure "gap_by_mode" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/gap_by_mode.json
- Table 8, figure "gap_by_mode_year" (JSON): https://vishalsingh.org/politics/report/confidence-in-institutions/figures/gap_by_mode_year.json
- Index of every report: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms.txt; all reports in one file: https://vishalsingh.org/politics/llms-full.txt